The effects of state pharmacy drug product selection laws on statin patient generic-to-branded drug switch-backs.
Chressanthis, George A. ; Dahan, Nayla G. ; Fandl, Kevin J. 等
I. Introduction
Debate exists among medical and health policy researchers on the
clinical equivalence of generic therapeutic interchange and substitution
(Holmes et al. 2011). Generic therapeutic interchange and substitution
are defined as follows, based on a report by the Clinical Quality
Committee (CQC) of the American College of Cardiology Foundation (ACCF)
(Holmes et al. 2011, 1289):
Generic therapeutic interchange--The act of
dispensing, with the authorization of the initial
prescriber, an alternative drug that is believed
to be therapeutically similar but may be chemically
different, in a different category, with
different pharmacokinetic properties. This
interchange is based on the premise that the
substituted drug will provide a similar clinical
efficacy, desired outcome, and safety profile.
Generic therapeutic substitution--The act of
dispensing therapeutic interchange without
the prior authorization of the initial prescriber.
Health policy recommendations by the CQC of the ACCF caution about
the consequences to patients from generic therapeutic interchange and
substitution (Holmes et al. 2011). The fundamental reason for this
caution is that generic therapeutic substitution/interchange involves
the switching between two different drugs. Therapeutically switched
drugs could have differences in the indication profiles (FDA-approved
uses to treat disease conditions supported by clinical evidence),
effectiveness of drug therapy (how strong the drugs are to achieve
clinical endpoints), and number of side-effects on patients (part of
this is dependent on the individual response to specific drug
therapies). An example using statin drugs analyzed in this study would
be switching a patient from atorvastatin (brand name Lipitor[R]) to
simvastatin (brand name Zocor[R]). While both are statin drugs, they
have differences in the FDA-approved indication label, are different in
their ability to reduce cholesterol, and have differences in their
side-effect profile by dosing level (Medical Economics Company 2009;
Ohsfeldt 2008). Thus, because generic therapeutic interchange involves
the dispensing of a different drug than what a physician intended in
consultation with their patient, this type of substitution carries with
it greater risks to the patient that is best left to the attending
physician and patient to decide. Pharmacists are outside this clinical
discussion between the physician and patient. While pharmacists have
specific knowledge and expertise about how drugs operate, proper dosing
and administration, and potential for drug side effects and interactions
with other drugs taken by patients, they do not have the deep clinical
knowledge and information of patient history needed to make the best
clinical decision for patients. This is why specific recommendations
were delivered by the CQC of the ACCF on the effects of pharmacist
actions through state drug product selection (DPS) laws that could
interfere with clinical intentions decided by physicians that are in the
best interests of the patients that are beyond pharmacist knowledge and
training (Holmes et al. 2011). While the preceding discussion notes
important legal and health policy implications surrounding DPS laws, the
published research of an empirical nature is rather sparse on this
subject and on average fairly dated. Thus a revisiting of this issue
with better data and analysis is critical to see how DPS laws work in
practice.
All 50 states and Washington, D.C. have DPS laws. DPS laws aim to
control and reduce drug costs by allowing pharmacists to switch from
prescribed branded drugs to generic bioequivalent cheaper generics,
presumably without adversely affecting healthcare quality (Shrank et al.
2010; Carroll et al. 1987). Pharmacists cannot engage in generic
substitution if a physician specifically notes otherwise, or if DPS laws
exist that allow the patient to prevent the substitution through what is
called "patient consent" actions as to the brand vs. generic
drug choice.
Research has revealed that pharmacies accrue greater profit margins
dispensing generic drugs (Danzon and Furukawa 2011). This current study
does not explore the motivations of pharmacists and their lobbying
groups to pass state DPS laws designed to make it easier for pharmacists
to engage in generic switching. However, and what is critical to this
current study, is whether those economic motivations for pharmacists to
dispense generics is interfering with the intention of clinical
decisions made by physicians in consultation with their patients as to
what is in their best health interest. This issue can be viewed as a
principal-agent problem where the patient (principal) and pharmacist
(agent) are operating under different objective functions (Ross 1973).
Previous health economic analyses have focused on the physician
operating as an agent in healthcare and more recently insurance
companies (Eggleston 2005; Fuchs 2000; Blomqvist 1991). However, the
role of pharmacists as agents in healthcare decisions has largely been
ignored. The analysis of generic-to-branded drug switch-backs may be a
way to determine the intended and unintended effects of pharmacist agent
actions in the area of brand-to-generic drug switching.
Not yet settled are the causes of drug switchbacks. Switch-backs
are situations in which patients are prescribed a branded drug after
being on a generic drug. Switch-backs can be seen as a potential
indicator of clinical failure to achieve desired health outcomes from
the original brand-to-generic drug substitution. Like generic
substitution, switchbacks are broken down as either bioequivalent
(within the same drug molecule, i.e., simvastatin to Zocor[R]) or
therapeutic (across different drug molecules, i.e., simvastatin to
atorvastatin). Using statin drugs as an example, changes to prescribing
policies encouraging utilization of older generic statins such as
simvastatin as opposed to patented atorvastatin predictively lowered
lower statin drug costs but increased longer-term clinical and economic
effects due to increased burden of the onset cardiovascular disease and
death using a Markov model (Liew et al. 2012). The reason for this
predictive effect is that older statins, like simvastatin, are not as
effective in reducing cholesterol newer statins like atorvastatin (Liew
et al. 2012). So while drug costs can be saved by moving patients to
generic statin drugs, the question remains whether patients are getting
the same clinical benefits through this switch (Liew et al. 2012). Less
effective statin drugs means the greater likelihood of cardiovascular
disease caused by a process called atherosclerosis, or plaque build-up
in the walls of arteries, that can increase the risk of heart attack,
heart failure, stroke, and other cardiovascular diseases (Liew et al.
2012). Thus, the legal design of DPS laws to encourage switching of more
expensive patented branded drugs to cheaper off-patent generic drugs can
have unintended health effects to patients but also consequences to the
healthcare system in the form of higher treatment costs.
Another argument that could be given to generic-to-branded drug
switch-backs is the effect from persuasive activities of pharmaceutical
sales and marketing promotion to physicians (detailing). However, the
results from this line of research are inconclusive. A commonly cited
article on an extensive review of the research done on pharmaceutical
promotion was unable to reach any definitive conclusions on the degree
that information from pharmaceutical companies has on the frequency,
cost, or quality of prescribing (Spurling et al. 2010). The authors
noted that data limitations on the reviewed studies prevented a
conclusive result because prior research has not analyzed pharmaceutical
promotion on health outcomes. However, the authors also pointed out that
there was no evidence they could find in support of beneficial effects
of pharmaceutical promotion, and as they noted, there was some evidence
pointing to negative consequences of promotion. To this last point, a
recent article showed potential risks to patient safety in a
cross-country comparison study of the negative effects of pharmaceutical
sales representative activity to physicians by skewing product
discussions more toward benefits while not fully explaining risks
(Mintzes et al. 2013). Larkin et al. (2014) suggest that restrictions on
detailing at academic medical centers reduced off-label prescribing of
antidepressant and antipsychotic drug to children, thus benefitting
patients, though no connection to health outcomes was empirically
verified. Further, a recent report summarized in JAMA on conflicts of
interest in medical education recommends prohibiting access of
pharmaceutical sales representatives to academic medical centers (Korn
and Carlat 2013). However, pharmaceutical promotion through publications
can be an important vehicle for the dissemination of new medical
information to physicians and the adoption of drugs that can be
beneficial to patients (Majumdar et al. 2003). Further studies have
argued that conflict of interest policies designed to ban pharmaceutical
sales representatives to academic medical centers or from interacting
with physicians are likely to produce greater costs than benefits and
that any suggested benefits by advocates of restrictions on detailing to
health outcomes has never been produced (Barton et al. 2014;
Chressanthis et al. 2013; Lesko et al. 2012; Stell 2009; Huddle 2008;
Stossel 2007; Stossel 2005; Stell 2005). Also, recent empirical research
empirically demonstrates how increasing access restrictions of
pharmaceutical sales representatives to physicians are related to slower
prescription responses to new medical information events such as a
black-box warning on a drug of potential danger to patients or a new
first-in-class drug that can be of potential benefit to patients
(Chressanthis et al. 2012). However, the previously cited study is
limited in that variations in pharmaceutical sales representative access
restrictions to physicians were not tied to changes in patient health
outcomes. Finally, the LIS Supreme Court in Sorrell v. IMS Health ruled
6-3 in 2011 that restricting the flow of physician prescriber level data
to pharmaceutical companies for the purpose of limiting detailing does
not promote public health (Supreme Court of the United States 2011, 2):
Vermont's law also rests on the illegitimate
premise that physicians are not making what
the State considers to be the optimal prescription
decisions for their patients. The law is
based on derogatory assumptions about doctors
and the counterintuitive notion that doctors
will make better decisions about patient
health if they are deprived of FDA regulated
speech about FDA-approved drugs. The First
Amendment prevents a State from impeding
the flow of truthful and non-misleading information
based on such paternalistic assumptions.
Therefore, given the inconclusiveness of the preceding research,
this current study will dismiss for now the argument that
generic-to-branded drug switch-backs are connected to pharmaceutical
sales and marketing practices but rather represent a potential clinical
failure in the initial brand-to-generic drug substitution.
Do we see this unintended clinical and economic burden effects from
brand-to-generic substitution in other therapy areas? Negative
consequences in the treatment of epilepsy, such as the loss of seizure
control resulting in the elimination of driving privileges and negative
impacts on the quality of life, have been associated with
brand-to-generic substitution for some specialized drugs (Berg et al.
2008; Richton-Hewett et al. 1988). Higher generic-to-branded switch-back
rates were found for antiepileptic drugs, and higher utilization of
medical services and longer lengths of hospital stay associated with
brand-to-generic substitution (LeLorier et al. 2008; Andermann et al.
2007).
Despite the preceding discussion, other studies found little
evidence of significant differences in clinical outcomes due to generic
substitution. One study reported an extensive meta-analysis of seven
randomized controlled trials and found no statistical difference in the
odds of uncontrolled seizures for patients on generic anti-epileptic
medicines as compared with patients on the branded drug medicine
(Kesselheim et al. 2010). Another study statistically concluded that the
odds ratio did not differ between patients who refilled their
prescriptions with brand medicines and patients who refilled their
prescriptions with generic medications (Gagne et al. 2010). A systematic
review and meta-analysis investigated the clinical equivalence of
generic and brand name drugs used in cardiovascular disease (Kesselheim
et al. 2008). Generic and brand name cardiovascular drugs were similar
in almost all clinical outcomes, and brand named drugs were not superior
to generic drugs. Generic substitution can also have broader social
benefits than using patented branded drugs because lower-cost generic
drug therapies may produce overall better societal health given limited
resource spending on some but not all available health technologies
(Simoens 2011). That is, generic substitution can maximize population
health by allowing more people access to technologies that provide
improved health benefits.
Generic substitutions are typically enforced by managed care plans
through various control mechanisms, but may also produce unintended
effects (Mark et al. 2009). This study was cited because potentially
like DPS laws that are designed to increase generic utilization and
reduce drug cost spending, the use of managed care controls may produce
similar short-term drug spending reductions, but create unintended
longer-term health problems with patients requiring greater medical
resource utilization and costs. These control mechanisms include prior
authorization (permission must be granted first by the drug plan before
a physician can prescribe a drug for a patient), step therapy condition
(physicians are given guidelines as to the order of which drugs can be
prescribed), and quantity limits (limits placed on the number of units
and/or days of therapy physicians can prescribe a drug to a patient).
Together, these control mechanisms are used by managed care drug plans
to channel physicians into prescribing certain drug therapies for both
clinical and cost-management reasons. Clinical and cost-management
evidence are reviewed by a pharmacy and therapeutics (P&T) committee
to determine which drugs are easier vs. more difficult to prescribe by
physicians for given health conditions. Plans that are "high
control" mean they aggressively enact and enforce these mechanisms
to restrict physician prescribing practices, as opposed to low control
plans, that allow for greater flexibility in physician prescribing of
drugs. Plan control is non-therapy class specific, meaning that if a
plan's view is to be restrictive in the enactment and enforcement
of control mechanisms, it will do so across all therapy conditions and
not just for specific drug classes.
The other side of control mechanisms is drug access, or the level
of co-pay (out-of-pocket) expense a patient must pay to acquire a
prescription. Contracting between pharmaceutical companies and managed
care plans affect the level of co-pays for specific drugs. By affecting
the level of co-pay to the patient, drug access will in turn affect the
rate at which patients remain on drug therapy and whether they follow
taking the drug in the appropriate manner prescribed (i.e., taking a
medication as prescribed once a day or opposed every other day which may
be done to reduce patient cost). Empirical evidence shows higher drug
co-pays, all things being equal, reduce drug adherence and the
appropriateness of drug use, both contributing to a lower likelihood
that patients will receive the full benefit of taking their medication
as indicated by the product label. When bringing managed care control
and access together, how do DPS laws and decisions made by pharmacists
operate in such a way to promote greater generic drug utilization in
a manner that may be contrary to the interest of protecting patient
health as intended by physicians and the decisions they make with
patients?
Further, since for-profit health plans are in the business to make
money (even non-profit health plans must avoid making losses), generic
substitution for economic reasons by plans will likely accelerate given
numerous blockbuster drugs going off-patent through 2020 (DeRuiter and
Holston 2012). Managed care drug plans will be under increasing economic
pressure to use control mechanisms to lower drug costs as more generic
drugs become available. Likewise, greater available of generics means
that pharmacists will have greater economic incentives as well to
dispense generics given their higher profit margin. However, research
suggests care should be taken to ensure treatment decisions are made on
clinical guidelines and not solely on cost considerations (Johnston
2010). Thus, analyzing the incremental effect of variations in DPS laws
on generic-to-branded drug switch-backs is an important early indicator
to see if potential patient health effects exist from initial
brand-to-generic therapeutic substitutions over time.
II. Background
Drug product substitution (DPS) laws are the result of a balancing
between the interests of the state in protecting consumers from
potentially hazardous counterfeit drugs and the interests of consumers
in spending as little as possible on their prescription medicines.
States began passing anti-substitution laws in the 1950s in an effort to
combat the high risk of dangerous counterfeit drugs produced by
unscrupulous pharmacists (Federal Trade Commission 1979). As this fear
was allayed over time, and as brand name medicines became both more
common and more expensive for consumers, beginning in the 1970s states
replaced their anti-substitution laws with DPS laws that encouraged the
use of generic drugs (Cheng 2008). Today, every state allows such
substitution (Cheng 2008).
Pennsylvania began allowing drug substitution by law in 1976 (Penn.
Pub. L., [section] 1, 1976). In that Act, the Pennsylvania legislature
explained that its purpose was to "permit consumers to secure
necessary drugs at the most economical cost consistent with the
professional discretion of the purchaser's physician and
pharmacist." The Act expressly required pharmacists to substitute a
less expensive generic equivalent drug product for a brand name product
unless otherwise requested either by the purchaser or the physician.
This Act established the requirement to add two lines to the bottom of
drug prescription blanks. The first line must contain the words,
"substitution permissible" and the second line must contain
the words, "do not substitute."
Additional requirements for drug substitution in Pennsylvania
include notification to the consumer that the drug provided will be a
generic substitute rather than the name brand, and that if the generic
substitute is unavailable that the name brand will be provided (Penn.
Pub. L., [section] 3, 1976). Also, the law required pharmacists to post
a prominent sign in all pharmacies with the following language:
"Pennsylvania law permits pharmacists to substitute a less
expensive generically equivalent drug for a brand name drug unless you
or your physician indicates otherwise." (Penn. Pub. L., [section]
4(a), 1976).
This law was modified to adjust the requirements of the
prescription blanks. Since this modification, prescription blanks shall
contain only one signature line, under which it shall state,
"substitution permissible." (Penn. Controlled Substance, Drug,
Device and Cosmetic Act (1974)). Here, the signature of the physician
automatically authorized the dispensing of the generic drug equivalent.
In order for a physician to force the dispensing of the brand in lieu of
the generic, the physician had to include in handwriting either,
"brand necessary" or "brand medically necessary" on
the form.
The prevalence of state DPS laws as a means to lower costs to
consumers for prescription medications that are available in generic
form initially had an unexpectedly low impact on pharmacists who had
become accustomed to distributing brand name medications (Carroll et al.
1987). This study found that the reason for the unwillingness to
substitute generic medicines for brand name equivalents is the lack of
incentive for the pharmacist because cost-savings were generally passed
on to the consumer. However, a more recent study suggests that rate of
substitution is a product of state DPS law design (Shrank 2010). In
states with permissive generic substitution laws (the vast majority of
states), generic medicines are preferred by pharmacists; however, if
those states also maintain a patient consent law requiring permission
from the patient before making the generic substitution, substitution
rates were far lower. That study concluded that while many pharmacists
preferred generic substitutions, many patients did not.
Generic medications were more frequently dispensed as a result of
these revised state DPS laws. However, it was the 1984 Hatch-Waxman Act
that paved the way for rapid growth in generic pharmaceutical
production. Prior to 1984, both brand name and generic drugs had to go
through a comprehensive New Drug Application (NDA) process to prove
their effectiveness and safety. Generic manufacturers had little
incentive to undergo rigorous testing and evaluation for a much smaller
portion of drug sale profits. The Hatch-Waxman Act significantly eased
the approval process for generic drugs by establishing the Abbreviated
NDA (ANDA) process (The Hatch-Waxman Act (1984)). Rather than requiring
a generic drug manufacturer to prove safety and effectiveness through
clinical trials, the ANDA process only requires the manufacturer to show
that the generic drug is bioequivalent to the innovator drug in the
following ways: (i) same dosage form, strength, active pharmaceutical
ingredients, and route of administration as the brand product, (ii)
bioequivalent to the brand product, and (iii) held to the same rigorous
standard of review and good manufacturing practices required by the FDA
for the brand product.
By creating and passing the ANDA process, the Hatch-Waxman Act
removed one of the most significant obstacles to the production and
approval of generic drugs (The Hatch-Waxman Act (1984)). The prevalence
of state DPS laws that encouraged pharmacists to substitute brand name
drugs with generic drugs provided the foundation for an expansive and
lucrative generic drug market.
1. Review of DPS Laws
The few-existing studies on the effects of DPS laws generally show
they encourage brand to generic substitution as intended (Shrank 2010;
Carroll et al. 1987; Clouse et al. 1985; Masson and Steiner 1985;
Goldberg et al. 1979; Kushner and Feierman 1978). However, most of the
studies are fairly old, meaning they do not take into account more
recent changes in the pharmaceutical landscape and the rise of numerous
generic drugs available to physicians, the growth of managed care and
influences on physician prescribing practices, and economic pressures
placed on drug plans to cost drug costs. So an update on the effects of
DPS is needed. Further, no studies have examined the effects of DPS laws
on the incidence of switchbacks from generic-to-branded drugs using
individual patient-level data. The main advantage of using patient-level
data is greater precision on the effects of DPS laws where it matters
most--on patients. Thus the primary aim of this study is to examine and
discuss the effects of various provisions in state DPS laws on
switch-backs for a large population of statin patients while
statistically controlling for other relevant factors affecting generic
substitution and switch-backs.
Several key aspects of the DPS laws impact brand-to-generic
substitution (National Association of Boards of Pharmacy 2008). First,
are state drug formulary laws, preferred lists of medications developed
by healthcare professionals and drawn from the Food and Drug
Administration's (FDA) Therapeutic Equivalence List known as the
"Orange Book." Some state formularies are negative
formularies, meaning pharmacists may substitute for any drug not listed
in the formulary, whereas positive formularies permit pharmacists to
substitute for any drug listed in the formulary. Second, a two-line
prescription (Rx) form is also a factor. The format of the prescription
form has shown to have major effects on substitution rates (Hellerstein
1998). Two-line prescription forms have a "DPS Permitted" line
on the left. The physician generally signs prescriptions on the right
side. One-line prescription forms have the "DPS one line" on
the right. To prevent substitution in the two-line prescription format,
prescribes sign the "Dispense as written" line on the left. In
the case of the one-line prescription format, prescribers must write in
their own handwriting other than the signature "Brand
Necessary" or "No Substitution" or "Medically
Necessary" to prevent substitution, otherwise the pharmacist is
given the approval of drug substitution. Third, DPS laws are either
permissive or mandatory. Permissive laws generally state pharmacists may
substitute, while mandatory laws state pharmacists must substitute a
lower-priced bioequivalent drug if the prescription was written for a
branded product and the prescriber has not specifically prohibited
substitution. Permissive generic substitution laws enacted in certain
states give pharmacists more discretion by allowing, but not requiring,
pharmacists to substitute generics. Fourth, pharmacists are not always
required to pass on drug cost savings from substitution to patients,
meaning that pharmacists can dispense a generic change for the branded
drug and keep the difference. DPS laws that mandate a pass-on of drug
cost savings mean lower costs to patients. The result of lower drug
costs to patients means improved patient drug adherence (patients taking
their medications as prescribed) and drug affordability (patients being
able to pay for prescription drugs). In both cases, lower drug costs to
patients mean improved health benefits from taking their medications
(Roebuck et al. 2011; Goldman et al. 2007; Hsu et al. 2006; Sokol et al.
2005). Fifth, in some cases, substitution requires explicit patient
consent. DPS law data from 2008 used in this study, 40 states and
Washington, D.C. require patients to provide consent prior to generic
substitution, meaning pharmacists have less influence in which to
dispense generic medications (National Association of Boards of Pharmacy
2008).
The key legal and health policy questions posed here in this study
resulting from DPS laws are as follows: (1) what is the relationship
between variations in state pharmacy DPS laws and brand-to-generic drug
substitution, given prior research analyzing pharmacist behavior and
greater financial incentives for pharmacies to dispense generic drugs?
(Carroll et al. 1987; Danzon and Furukawa 2011) and (2) if greater
brand-to-generic substitution exists as a result of state pharmacy DPS
laws, then do we see greater switch-backs of generic-to-branded drugs? A
few qualifying and explanatory statements are in order as to the
objectives addressed in this paper. First, this paper does not directly
analyze variations in state pharmacy DPS law and patient health
outcomes. There are no health outcome metrics analyzed in this study.
Making that connection would require the use of a different database,
such as leveraging patient claims data from health plans. However, the
analysis of generic-to-branded drug switch-backs is a potential
indicator that the original brand-to-generic substitution or generic
drug use as a starting therapy did not achieve desired clinical outcomes
or produced unwanted side-effects. Economic considerations cannot be the
driving force behind generic-to-branded drug switch-backs because
switch-backs involve greater costs borne by the patient through high
co-pays. Second, caution needs to be exercised on extending results and
implications from this paper on the effects of DPS laws from the statin
drug class switch-backs and to those results for other drug classes. It
is safe to say that drug classes that have a similar distribution of
drug technology and patient response to differences in drug therapy to
that seen in the statin drug class, then it is plausible that extensions
of this study can be made. However, where significant within-class
differences in drug technology, side-effect profiles, and individual
patient response to each drug exist, DPS laws have the potential for
even greater effects as seen through switch-back patterns. Regardless of
the preceding qualifying statements, the understanding of DPS laws and
their intended and unintended effects on patients will be an issue of
growing legal and health policy importance.
III. Methodology
1. Patient-Level Data
Statin patient drug utilization data were gathered from
LifeLink[TM] Anonymized Patient Level Data (APLD) from IMS Health
(2006-2008). APLD contains information on drugs consumed by anonymized
individual patients compliant with privacy requirements of the Health
Insurance Portability and Accountability Act of 1996 (HIPAA)
"Privacy Rule". The researchers did not deconstruct the
patient-level data to determine the identity of any patient. Data from
IMS Health is well-respected and trusted from the academic community for
the conduct of peer-reviewed research for journal publication,
pharmaceutical companies in making critical business decisions, and
governmental agencies to make important health policy decisions.
This study on DPS laws on generic-to-branded drug switch-back
patterns starts with a previous exploratory data analysis of 17.3
million unique statin patients over the period from March 2006 to June
2008 (Chressanthis et al. 2011). The principal reason for leveraging
this prior study is that the concept of switch-backs already received
validation as an appropriate measure from an expert pharmaceutical
audience, thereby allowing this study to focus on the DPS effects on
switch-backs. The second reason is that the study reported here employs
statistical techniques not used in the initial study which only applied
descriptive statistics to explain general patterns on observed
switch-backs. Thus, this current study offers new evidence as to the
relative importance of DPS laws relative to other factors that affect
switch-backs. Third, the previous study was used a check on the
statistical results found here, further validating the findings and
legal/health policy implications.
These data captured about 50%-60% of all dispensed statin
prescriptions to patients in the United States during the March 2006 to
June 2008 time period (Vladutiu 2008). Statin drugs were selected
because they treat a large number of patients, generate significant
healthcare system drug spending, have a large number of available
generics, and experienced a significant amount of brand-to-generic
substitution (Chressanthis et al. 2011), especially given the
introduction of generic simvastatin in June 2006 (Berenson 2006).
The drugs analyzed in the statin class were divided into the
following categories according to patient utilization: (1) patients on
branded drugs only (9.7 million), (2) patients started on branded drugs
and who later switched to generic drugs (2.2 million), and (3) patients
who started on generic drugs (5.4 million). A random sample of patients
was drawn composed of 43 million prescriptions from a total of 210
million prescriptions from July 2006 to June 2008 from the original
database of 17.3 million patients (Chressanthis et al. 2011). July 2006
was chosen for the start of the data analysis of brand-to-generic drug
substitution and generic-to-branded drug switch-backs to allow time for
patients to adjust during the transition period of the start of Medicare
Part D which began in January 2006. March to June 2006 was used as the
baseline to determine whether patients started on a generic drug or
started on a branded drug then switched to a generic drug. The 9.7
million patients who were always on branded drugs were deleted from
consideration. Of the 5.4 million patients who started on generic drugs,
5.2 million patients stayed on generics. These patients were also
deleted from consideration. Therefore, adding up the 2.2 million
patients who started on branded drugs but later switched to generics and
the 200,000 patients who started on generic drugs but switched to
branded drugs, comprised the total sample of patients to 2.4 million
from which substitution and switchback prescription transactions were
taken. Then the analysis on the effects of DPS laws was limited to
transactions that either involved substitution from a branded-to-generic
drug, or, a switch-back from a generic-to-branded drug. The analysis of
branded-to-generic drug substitution and generic-to-branded drug
switch-backs is not relevant if patients were either always on a generic
or branded drug respectively.
The final random sample of prescriptions used for statistical
analysis resulted in 1,031,172 prescription observations, broken down by
589,379 brand-to-generic drug substitutions and 441,793
generic-to-branded drug switch-backs. These prescriptions came from
339,427 and 186,041 patients, respectively. A total of 397,111 unique
patients were engaged in combined generic substitutions and switch-backs
because one patient can be involved in both substitutions and
switch-backs. The final number of 1,031,172 prescriptions also accounts
for deleting observations with missing values for variables in the
model.
Finally, the sample encompassed all traditionally-defined statin
drugs, including all patented branded drugs and all branded drugs with
their generic equivalent available to patients in the 2006-2008 analysis
time period. The list of statin drug treatments, from the earliest to
the latest entry into the market, are as follows by their chemical
names: lovastatin, pravastatin, fluvastatin, simvastatin, atorvastatin,
rosuvastatin, and the combination drug ezetimibe/simvastatin. Research
shows the newer statin drug therapies are more effective in lowering
LDL-C per dosing strength than earlier statins (Medical Economics
Company 2009; Ohsfeldt et al. 2008). The relevance of noting the timing
of statin drug entry into the market is that earlier drugs are available
at lower costs given that their patents have expired and now are
available in generic form. This means there are ample generic statin
drugs that pharmacists could dispense. However, the drug technology
between early vs. later statins exhibit very different effectiveness
profiles. Thus, while DPS laws and pharmacist economic incentives
provide motivations for dispensing of generics, patients may not be
receiving the clinically best drug option for their condition.
2. Modeling
The determinants of statin patient generic-to-branded drug
switch-backs, modeled as a categorical dependent variable, are
hypothesized to be affected by the following set of independent
variables, utilizing prior research published by the author and other
studies on DPS laws: (1) DPS state pharmacy laws expressed as a set of
categorical measures, (2) patient demographic and health-status
attributes, (3) patient method-of-payment, (4) physician attributes, (5)
drug attributes, and (6) local managed care plan control (Shrank et al.
2010; Carroll et al. 1987; Clouse et al. 1985; Masson and Steiner 1985;
Goldberg et al. 1979; Kushner and Feierman 1978). Table 1 shows the DPS
laws analyzed in this study by state for 2008. Table 2 provides a
complete description of the set of variables employed in the modeling.
IMS Health is a trusted source for pharmaceutical data used by
academics, pharmaceutical companies, and government (IMS Institute for
Healthcare Informatics 2014).
A brief explanation follows on the reasons behind using each set of
explanatory variables. Patient attributes of age, gender, and
co-morbidity count represent individual characteristics and health
status that could be associated with switch-backs. A higher patient
co-morbidity count represents patients with greater health risk and the
potential for being more sensitive to branded-to-generic drug
substitutions that failed to reach clinical goals. Next,
generic-to=branded drug switch-backs involve greater costs to the
patient. Patient method-of-payment, using categorical measures that the
prescription was paid for by either Medicaid or a third-party plan that
includes Medicare Part D, measures the affect on drug plan payments that
should make it easier for patients to engage in switch-back since they
only have a co-pay charge relative to full-paying cash patients. The
physician specialty associated with the patient prescription represents
physician groups who are more likely to engage in statin switchbacks,
such as, cardiologists and nephrologists (Card_Neph), endocrinologists
and diabetologist (Endo_Dia), internal medicine (IM), and all other
physicians (Other) relative to primary care physicians (PCPs) as the
omitted category. This likewise suggests that PCPs are more likely to
prescribe generic statin drugs relative to specialists. The prescription
volume (Rx) by a physician represents the effects from a number of
factors, all of which are likely to increase switch-backs: (i) the
impact of pharmaceutical promotion since drug companies target
physicians who have a greater level of Rx volume (promotion such as
using sales representatives to call on physicians are generally reserved
by companies promoting patented branded drugs), (ii) the degree of
experience of the physician since greater Rx volume would translate into
seeing more patients, and (iii) the level at which a physician may be
familiar with using a greater number of statin drugs. Drug attributes
represent product-level characteristics that would be associated with a
generic-to-branded switch-back or substitution: (i) use of a lower dose
versus higher dose as the omitted category, and (ii) change of molecule
versus use by the same drug molecule as the omitted category). Later
patented statin drugs are more effective in reducing cholesterol levels
at a lower dose than older less effective generic statins. Likewise,
generic-to-branded drug switch-backs are more likely associated with a
change in molecule from older generic statin drugs to later patented
branded statin drugs. Lastly, the local managed care control environment
by plans in the metropolitan area associated per patient drug
utilization captured potential barriers (plan control mechanisms) that
make it more difficult for physicians to prescribe patented branded
drugs. Local managed care plan control was defined as the ability of a
drug plan to move product market share in a metropolitan area relative
to the national average. Drug plans use various control mechanisms, as
described earlier, to manage what drugs physicians can prescribe and
encourage patients toward greater generic utilization (Mark et al.
2009). All control effects across drug plans for patients per physician
were aggregated per metropolitan area to develop a local area managed
care control measure for the area which the patient resided. The statin
and proton pump inhibitor (PPI) markets were used to measure managed
care control using data obtained through a pharmaceutical company. Local
managed care plan control is not a therapy-class specific metric (i.e.,
if a drug plan is very controlling, this behavior should be seen across
all drug classes). When defining local managed care plan control levels,
we chose drug classes that affected many physicians and their patients,
were consistent with the patients being studied in this research, and
where we had data that were available to us to construct this metric.
3. Data Limitations
Measures were not available on the following attributes that
represent areas for future research which will be discussed later: (i)
pharmacist or pharmacy characteristics where patients received
their dispensed drugs, (ii) information of what physicians
initially prescribed versus what prescription was finally dispensed,
(iii) patient health outcomes, (iv) total patient drug costs, (v) total
patient treatment costs, (vi) patient-level managed care access or
co-pay measures, and (vii) level of pharmaceutical promotions at the
physician level. The lack of pharmacist or pharmacy characteristics
means no inferences can be made on the effect of varying directions and
incentives given by individual pharmacies to instruct their pharmacists
to reach quotas on the number of generic prescriptions dispensed, which
in turn, could affect the number of generic-to-branded drug
switch-backs. Pharmacies with greater quota targets to reach and higher
financial incentives to pharmacists to dispense generics would suggest
lower switch-backs to branded drugs. The lack of data on the original
physician prescription means no analysis of comparing what prescription
was prescribed versus dispensed. The lack of data on patient health
outcomes means no direct inference can be made how branded-to-generic
drug substitution or generic-to-branded drug switch-backs affect health
outcomes. This analysis can only suggest that if a generic-to-branded
drug switch-back occurs, it is because of a failure of the
branded-to-generic drug substitution to achieve desired clinical
outcomes and/or generated unwanted side effects and not due to economic
considerations or managed care incentives. Total patient drug and
treatment costs are also not measured. Capturing these measures requires
leveraging claims data from health plans. Existence of this data would
raise interesting questions whether the enactment of DPS laws, for
example, lowers drug costs since dispensed generic drug prescriptions
would increase, but what happens to treatment costs and health outcomes
in response to greater generic drug utilization would be open for
analysis. This is a matter for more detailed discussion later in this
paper. Managed care co-pay data were not available at the patient level,
but were partially captured by using patient-level method-of-payment
data. Patients using Medicaid or third party (including Medicare Part D)
payment plans have lower co-pays than patients paying cash. While
Medicaid patients have lower absolute co-pays than patients on third
party plans, the cost of these co-pays relative to patient disposable
income is unclear since Medicaid patients are by design poorer than
third party patients. The influence of pharmaceutical promotion, mainly
through visits by sales representatives delivering product-specific
discussions ("detailing") by encouraging physicians to
prescribe branded drugs was likely captured by physician prescription
volume, with more promotions by companies targeting physicians with
larger prescription volume. Lastly, the patient-level database does not
provide the race of patients. However, the effect of race is likely
present in other measures already captured, though more crudely, in data
such as Medicaid method-of-payment, because black and Hispanic patients
are proportionally more impoverished than white patients according to
census data. These are also at-risk population groups that have less
access to quality healthcare and thus more likely to have multiple
health conditions which is captured in the model through patient
co-morbidity count (Betancourt and Green 2010; Betancourt and Blumenthal
2007).
While the preceding data limitations we surmise do not alter our
ability to conduct empirical tests on the research objectives, they do
limit the precision of the statistical analysis to infer certain
specific reasons that may be behind the relationship between DPS laws
and generic-to-branded drug switch-backs. The lack of the preceding data
elements also means care has to be done to ensure tests are conducted to
see if there exists any remaining unexplained systematic variation that
may be a result of missing data.
4. Empirical Estimation
Logistic regression estimation was used because the dependent
variable "switch-category" was a dichotomous variable as it
included patients who engaged in switch-backs (defined as "2")
and patients who engaged in brand-to-generic substitutions (defined as
"1") (Greene 1993). Censored regressors were used by dropping
all observations with any missing values, since recent research has
derived theoretical reasons why an alternative dummy variable approach
is questionable (Rigobon and Stoker 2009, 2007). Standard errors were
estimated to account for repeated patient observations, while other
tests were performed to check for model specification issues. Wald test
was run to test the null hypothesis that one or all the coefficients =
0. The null hypothesis was rejected at a significance level of p <
0.0001 (Greene 1993). Tests did not find the existence of
multicollinearity using a variance inflation factor (vif) method
(Robinson and Schumaker 2009). All the variables in the model generated
a vif < 2, far below a vif threshold value of 10, thus rejecting
existence of multicollinearity. Model estimates and significance levels
were also invariant to alternative specifications.
A few comments are in order to explain the reasons behind the
statistical method and tests employed on this data: (i) logistic
regression estimation is a very common and accepted statistical method
for analyzing data that is dichotomous in measurement, (ii) accounting
for repeated measures is necessary since a single patient can be
represented more than once in having multiple brand-to-generic drug
substitutions and/or generic-to-branded drug switch-backs, (iii)
specification tests were performed to ensure that the model is providing
robust insights that are insensitive to alternative ways to define what
other variables are employed in the model, especially in light of some
data limitations noted earlier, and (iv) tests to determine the
existence of multicollinearity are important to ensure proper
attribution of effects are assigned to each variable employed in the
model. All the statistical tests performed are commonly employed when
conducting this type of modeling analysis.
IV. Results
7. Descriptive Statistics
Table 3 provides descriptive statistics per variable, total number
of prescriptions and patients by therapeutic and bioequivalent
substitution generic drug substitution and switch-backs. The data sample
revealed that 93.5% of patients in the sample engaged in therapeutic
substitution and 96.4% of patients engaged in switch-backs relative to
the total number of patients engaged in brand-to-generic drug
substitution and generic-to-branded drug switchbacks. A similar
percentage breakdown occurred with the number of therapeutic
brand-to-generic substitution and generic-to-branded drug prescriptions.
This means we have many patients to analyze that have engaged in either
brand-to-generic substitution or generic-to-branded drug switch-backs
rather than a sample that is skewed to just having substitution or
switch-back transactions. Also, over 93% of prescriptions or patients
were involved in therapeutic as opposed to bioequivalent substitution or
switch-backs. Patient demographic information reveals a mean age of 64
years, a mean cardiovascular risk co-morbidity count per patient of 4.9,
and that 51% are male. The physician specialty breakdown is PCP (41%),
IM (41%), Card_ Neph (13%), Endo_Dia (2%), with 3% being Other
physicians. Among the method-of- payment measures, third party payment
represents 95% of the transactions with 2% each being Medicaid and cash.
Patient consent DPS laws are the most represented in the sample (40 out
of 51-50 states plus D.C.), followed by permissive (39 out of 51),
formulary substitution (17 out of 51), two-line Rx format (10 out of
51), and no cost saving pass on (10 out of 51). Switch to a lower dose
occurred in 45% of the transactions while a switch to a different
molecule, either in a brand-to-generic substitution or
generic-to-branded drug switch-back, occurred in 96% of the
transactions. Finally, the positive mean managed care control measure of
0.21 with a wide dispersion from 0.00 to 0.87 implies there exists a
significant variation in drug plans that can move market share beyond
the national average, from plans that have no ability to move market
share (0.00) to those than can substantially move market share.
2. Overall Model Empirical Results
Table 4 presents results of DPS state laws effects on the
probability of patient switch-backs from generic to branded statin
drugs, while controlling for other factors affecting generic
substitution and switch-backs. The table also lists log odds estimates
ranked from highest to lowest in magnitude by absolute value. Model
results showed strong statistical significance between
generic-to-branded drug switch-backs and DPS laws. All DPS model
variables specified were highly significant to at least the 99.99%
confidence level with the direction (positive or negative) on the log
odds estimates generally as predicted according to prior research
studies. Switch-backs to branded drugs occurred despite pressure from
factors limiting such activity, such as, effects from DPS laws, local
managed care plan control, recessionary effects of 2008 on patient
affordability of drugs (Martin et al. 2011), lower co-pays to encourage
patients using generic drugs, and the effects from other factors not
specified directly in the model but reveal themselves by the highly
significant and large negative intercept sign. The economic effects from
the last recession, though not specifically modeled, are likely revealed
through the strong negative intercept, suggesting factors outside the
model design strongly contributed to preventing switch-backs. The deep
and lengthy recession affected people's income/wealth and loss of
drug insurance, making paying for more expensive branded drugs through
switch-backs more difficult, thus reducing the likelihood of
switch-backs occurring. The fact that switch-backs occurred despite
these strong factors working against it from happening, provides
suggestive evidence that important clinical reasons were forcing
switch-backs to occur. The model also showed a high association of
predicted probabilities to observed responses, a reasonable proxy
[R.sup.2] measure, at 81.9% (Greene 1993).
Finally, regarding the interpretation of the log odds estimates,
for purposes of the discussions here, the sign and magnitude of the
estimates will be the focus. The sign (positive or negative) signifies
the relationship direction between changes in an explanatory variable
and switch-backs: (i) a positive-signed estimate means an increase in an
explanatory variable will increase switch-backs, while (ii) a
negative-signed estimate means an increase in an explanatory variable
will decrease switch-backs. Logistic regression is a statistical
procedure that normalizes the estimates, meaning direct comparisons in
the magnitude of the estimate can be made as to which explanatory
variable has a greater likelihood in affecting the dependent variable
(switchbacks vs. substitution). Table 4 lists the log odds estimates in
magnitude order from the largest to smallest number in absolute value so
one can clearly see what explanatory variables have a greater influence
on the dependent variable but also by what quantitative degree relative
to other variables.
3. DPS Laws Empirical Results
Results indicated switch-backs to branded drugs were more prevalent
in states not requiring patient consent prior to substitution, having
mandatory DPS laws, utilizing two-line prescriptions forms, not
requiring the passing of savings to consumers, and having formulary
restrictions. States having patient consent requirements decreased the
log odds of switch-backs by -0.063, compared to states without. States
having permissive requirements decreased the log odds of switch-backs by
-0.040 compared to states without. Thus, the influence of patient
consent DPS laws was more than 50% greater the effect from permissive
requirements in decreasing the likelihood of switch-backs. Increasing
influences on switch-backs were states having DPS laws utilizing a
two-line prescription form (0.079), not requiring passing of savings to
patients (0.083), and the existence of a drug formulary requirement
(0.103), compared to states without. These DPS laws have similar effects
to each other on switch-backs given log odds estimates close to each
other, but are significantly higher than the effects from patient
consent and permissive requirement DPS laws. Physicians in two-line
prescription form states had greater influence affecting prescribing
decisions and reducing the ability for pharmacists to affect drug
dispensing decisions. The existence of a formulary limits the number of
drugs that pharmacists may substitute. Hence, one would expect
switch-backs to be more frequent in states requiring formularies. The
log odds of switch-backs for states requiring a formulary increased by
0.103 as compared with states having no such formulary requirement.
Overall, switchback probabilities were higher in states with DPS laws
designed to lessen patient and pharmacist autonomy. Overall, the results
were consistent with prior empirical studies on DPS laws (Shrank 2010;
Carroll et al. 1987; Masson and Steiner 1985).
4. Non-DPS Laws Empirical Results
All non-DPS specified variables were statistically significant to
at least the 99% confidence level explaining generic-to-branded drug
switchbacks. A higher probability of switch-backs occurred with an
increase in or existence of these factors: (i) greater patient health
risk measured as higher co-morbidity count (0.022), (ii) male patients
(0.028), (iii) existence of a drug benefit payment making out-of-pocket
costs for branded drugs less expensive through third party (0.068) and
Medicaid (0.239), (iv) physician specialists relative to primary care
physicians (PCP), such as, Card_ Neph (0.448), Endo_Dia (0.319), Other
physicians (0.189), and IM (0.017), (v) physician Rx volume (0.011),
(vi) switch to a lower dose (2.695), and (vii) switch to a different
molecule (0.932). The most common switch-backs were from higher doses of
simvastatin, an older and less effective statin, to lower doses of later
and more effective statins in atorvastatin, ezetimibe/simvastatin, and
rosuvastatin. This switch-back pattern was consistent with differences
in drug efficacy between branded statins where an atorvastatin 20 mg,
rosuvastatin 10 mg, or ezetimibe/simvastatin 10 mg have approximately
the same LDL-C reduction effect as a simvastatin 80 mg (Medical
Economics Company 2009; Ohsfeldt et al. 2008).
A lower probability of switch-backs occurred with an increase in or
existence of these factors: (i) managed care plan control (-1.531), (ii)
patient age (-0.003), and (iii) the intercept (-2.308). The
interpretation of the intercept is the predicted log odds estimates when
all explanatory variables are zero. This large negative sign suggests
that the remaining influences on switch-backs not specifically specified
in the model point to a strong resistance to switch-backs. The intercept
log odds estimate is the 2nd largest in absolute value only to switch to
a lower dose.
5. Ranking of ALL Log Odds Empirical Estimates
The strongest factors increasing switch-backs according to the log
odds estimates were switch to lower dose (2.695) and different molecule
(0.932), Card_Neph (0.448), Endo_Dia (0.319), and Medicaid payment
(0.239). Local managed care plan control was the largest and most
significant factor preventing switch-backs (-1.531). The managed care
control effect was larger in absolute value than all model effects
except for switch to lower dose. While all DPS law variables are
statistically significant to at least the p < 0.01 level, the
magnitude of the log odds estimates are neither the largest nor smallest
values among all model variables. The DPS variables have higher log odds
estimates in absolute value than patient gender and age, patient
co-morbidity count, IM physicians, and physician Rx volume. However, DPS
variables have significantly lower log odds estimates in absolute value
than switch to lower dose, managed care plan control, switch to
different molecule, Card_Neph, Endo_Dia, Medicaid payment, and Other
physicians. For example, the effect of "switch to a lower
dose" is over 26 times greater than the DPS variable "drug
formulary" (2.695 vs. 0.103), while "switch to a different
molecule" is about 9 times greater than "drug formulary (0.932
vs. 0.103). Thus, the empirical results show that the existence of some
DPS variables are strongly statistically associated with increasing
generic-to-branded drug switch-backs while others are strongly
statistically associated with increasing brand-to-generic drug
substitution. However, as a group, given the lower magnitude of the log
odds estimates relative of other model variables, state pharmacy DPS law
variables are not the principal drivers of such switch-back or
brand-to-generic substitution patterns.
V. Discussion
7. Discussion and Implications of Present Study Results
The issue of generic therapeutic interchange and substitution is
under debate by medical and health policy researchers as to whether it
has consequences to patient health on the grounds of differences in
clinical equivalence. DPS laws allow pharmacies to more easily switch
prescriptions for branded-to-generic drugs. The present research
measured the effects of state pharmacy DPS laws on statin patient
brand-to-generic substitution and generic-to-branded drug switch-backs,
using switch-backs as a potential indicator of clinical failure to
achieve desired health outcomes from the brand-to-generic substitution.
LifeLink[R] Anonymized Patient Level Data from IMS Health from March
2006 through June 2008 were analyzed on the drug utilization patterns
for 397,111 U.S. statin patients from office-based physicians. Logistic
regression estimated the effects of DPS laws and non-DPS variables on
switch-backs. Existence of DPS mandatory laws, drug formulary laws, use
of a two-line prescription form, and absence of patient consent laws
increased switch-backs. The log odds estimates for the DPS variables
ranged from 0.040 to 0.103 in absolute value.
The strongest factors associated with increasing switch-backs
(using log odds) were switch to lower dose (2.695), switch to different
molecule (0.932), specialist physicians involved in prescribing statin
drugs [cardiologists and nephrologists (0.448), endocrinologists and
diabetologists (0.319)], and Medicaid method-of-payment (0.239). Local
managed care plan control was the largest factor preventing switch-backs
(-1.531), with weaker effects from the existence of patient consent
(-0.063) and permissive (-0.040) DPS laws. So while DPS variables
contribute to brand-to-generic substitution or generic-to-branded drug
switch-backs, the present study empirical results show they are not the
principal drivers of such drug utilization patterns relative to other
stronger non-DPS law factors.
Most of the present study empirical results on the effects of DPS
laws were consistent with prior empirical studies, with some exceptions.
A 1980 study of DPS laws using IMS Health data found the opposite effect
from permissive versus mandatory laws on state generic substitution
rates (Masson and Steiner 1985). One possible explanation for the
difference is greater availability of generics in 2006-2008 versus 1980.
Another possible reason is that state pharmacy DPS laws in 1980 were
still in their infancy. In another study on Medicaid-only patients,
researchers found the existence of patient consent laws lowered generic
substitution rates (Shrank et al. 2010). The difference in results may
be attributed to the following reasons: (i) this current study analyzes
patient-level drug-utilization data patterns between generic and branded
drugs as opposed to data analysis at an aggregated state-level, thus
revealing a different relationship that is only seen when conducting a
more granular analysis of the data, (ii) the prior study used
Medicaid-only data whereas our study looks more broadly across patients
with various method-of-payment instruments, (iii) greater availability
of generic drug options for patients, and (iv) greater confidence by
patients in the quality and safety of generic drugs.
These last-stated potential reasons for differences between present
and previous study results deserve further elaboration and discussion.
First, patient-level data on drug utilization patterns has been
qualitatively improving and is more readily available to researchers.
The existence of granular patient-level data means that greater insights
into reasons behind brand-to-generic substitution and generic-to-branded
drug switch-backs are more possible by today's researchers relative
to past researchers. The availability of health plan claims data to
researchers allows for the analysis of changes in drug utilization
patterns through plan pharmacy data along with data on changes in
patient health outcome, drug cost, and treatment cost. Health plan
claims data can also reveal how changes in the utilization between
branded and generic drugs result in differences of the following
effects: (i) unwanted drug side-effects (adverse events) that can be
harmful to patients, (ii) patient drug adherence (patients maintaining
drug utilization as intended and prescribed by the physician), and (iii)
appropriate use of medicines (patients using their medications according
to the drug's indicated label as approved by the FDA). Thus, using
this very detailed data would allow for developing a more complete
picture how state pharmacy DPS laws affect patients and the healthcare
system than previously possible.
Second, the effects of patient consent DPS laws warrant further
scrutiny. Patient consent DPS laws were designed to provide a check on
pharmacist actions when dispensing a generic drug in place of a branded
drug. Patient consent laws also indirectly bring physician information
and intent on how to treat patients into the decision on brand versus
generic drug choice. Where no DPS patient consent laws exist,
pharmacists are free to dispense a bioequivalent generic drug in place
of the prescribed branded drug without informing or receiving consent
from patients. However, with patient consent laws, pharmacists are now
confronted with patient decisions based on their interactions with
physicians on how to move forward in the drug treatment of their
condition. The present study empirical results reveal a negative sign on
the patient consent variable, meaning that the existence of patient
consent DPS laws decrease generic-to-branded drug switch-backs and
increase brand-to-generic drug substitution. When faced with no patient
consent laws, the empirical results suggest greater generic-to-branded
drug switch-backs. As noted earlier, pharmacies and pharmacists have
financial incentives to dispense generic drugs over branded drugs. Thus,
greater switch-backs occur when pharmacists are less constrained to make
decisions in favor of their own financial interests relative to the
interests stated by patients and indirectly from physicians through
patients.
What is not known here, because of data limitations by not
explicitly looking at health outcome data, is whether patients made
decisions that are in the best interest of their own health and
interests conveyed by their attending physicians, or were such consent
decisions made more on economic grounds in order to obtain drugs at a
lower cost? The question left unanswered by this current analysis is the
health outcome comparison of two different approaches in treating high
cholesterol through statin drugs: (i) patients receive lower co-pay cost
generic drugs obtained through DPS patient consent laws which would
improve drug adherence, thereby allowing patients to more likely achieve
the benefits of drug therapy, albeit from older less effective statin
drug technology, or (ii) patients receive higher co-pay cost patented
branded drugs which would lessen drug adherence, though receive newer
more effective statin drug technology.
Regarding the effects from other DPS laws, the empirical results
reveal greater generic-to-branded drug switch-backs when drug formulary,
no cost saving pass on, and two-line Rx form DPS laws exist. The
existence of DPS drug formularies, especially if they are designed
similar to managed care plan drug formularies, give greater emphasis to
generic drug utilization. This results in pharmacists in pursuing their
own financial interests to dispense generic drugs, with again, the
empirical results finding greater generic-to-branded drug switch-backs.
The existence of no cost saving pass on DPS laws allow pharmacists to
reap greater returns from brand-to-generic substitution, thereby greater
generic-to-branded drug switch-backs. Finally, the existence of two-line
Rx forms have DPS permitted, thereby allowing pharmacists to pursue
their own financial interests by engaging in brand-to-generic
substitution, resulting in increased generic-to-branded drug
switch-backs. The end result in each of the preceding DPS laws is to
give pharmacists greater latitude to engage in brand-to-generic
substitutions, with the effect being greater generic-to-branded drug
switch-backs.
Finally, the effects of permissive DPS laws are discussed. Here,
the present study empirical result generates potentially conflicting
insights from what would be expected given previous study research
findings. Permissive DPS laws generally state that pharmacists may
substitute branded drug prescriptions with generic drugs. Thus,
pharmacists have greater latitude to pursue their own financial
interests to dispense generic drugs. However, rather than the current
study empirical model generating greater generic-to-branded drug
switch-backs, the opposite is found. The answer may lie in the type of
permissive DPS laws that are in effect. Permissive DPS laws that are
mandatory state that the pharmacist must substitute a lower priced
product when the Rx was written for a branded product and the prescriber
has not prohibited substitution. Thus, if most permissive state DPS laws
are in the form of mandatory laws, then pharmacists would be acting more
in line with physician wishes, thereby reducing expected
generic-to-branded drug switch-backs.
The empirical results presented here therefore raise broader
questions as to whether DPS laws operate in practice as originally
intended. The intent of DPS laws is to encourage the dispensing of
generic drugs that are therapeutically equivalent to more expensive
patented branded drugs. The drugs being switched by pharmacists under
strict applications of DPS laws are bioequivalent, with the only real
difference being cost. The effects of DPS laws, both intended and
unintended, will have growing importance as an increasing number of
drags lose patent protection and thus become available as generic drags.
This means there will be a growing opportunity for patients on patented
branded drugs to be able to replace their more expensive branded
prescription with a less expensive bioequivalent prescription. The
dispensing of a bioequivalent brand-to-generic interchange/ substitution
is less controversial since the switch is between two drugs that are
essentially the same though are available at different costs. However,
the data analyzed here showed much a greater proportion of therapeutic
brand-to-generic interchange. The questions raised then are the effects
of DPS laws in practice on brand-to-generic therapeutic interchange
since this switch is between two different drugs with potentially
different indication profiles and different effects on patients. With
more branded drugs losing patent protection and greater numbers of
generic drugs available, there will be growing opportunities for
brand-to-generic drug therapeutic interchange. Pharmacists will
encourage patients who are seeking to reduce patented branded drug
co-pays, to receive generic drugs in the same therapy class at a lower
co-pay in place of drugs currently on patent, subject to physician
approval. The problem created when pharmacists engage in encouraging
therapeutic interchange is they are stepping out of their role as
persons who understand the pharmacology of drugs into the realm of
diagnosing what is best for patients which is what physicians discuss
with their patients. This goes beyond the legal intent of state pharmacy
DPS laws as merely replacing a more expensive patented branded drug with
less expensive bioequivalent generic drug.
What is the suspected mechanism how pharmacists engage in
brand-to-generic therapeutic drug interchange since DPS laws only allow
bioequivalent interchange or substitution? We say "suspected"
since our database does not contain records by individual pharmacists
and/or pharmacies. We suspect pharmacists encourage patients to seek out
therapeutic generic substitutes, given their financial incentives to
dispense generics, when a patient attempts to fill a physician
prescription for a patented branded drug with a higher drug co-pay than
what is charged for generic drugs. The patient, upon hearing the cost
difference between the co-pay for the prescribed patented branded drug
versus a generic drug, is more willing to have the generic drug, though
not fully understanding the complete ramifications of engaging in
brand-to-generic therapeutic substitution. The pharmacist must call into
the physician and request the change in prescription for dispensing,
which likely finds the physician very busy with other patients and
approves the request. The question here is whether this outlined process
is what health policymakers had in mind when creating DPS laws, to
reduce drug costs by allowing pharmacists to switch between drug that
are therapeutically equivalent, and not have pharmacists interfere in
physician decisions that are made in the best interest of the patient.
Therefore, the previous discussion suggests important questions to
be asked regarding decisions made by actors in the healthcare system
that interact with each other and operate under different motivations
and incentives which DPS laws act to contribute, that ultimately affect
patient care and costs to the healthcare system: (i) what is the role of
physicians to prescribe what drug he/she thinks is in the best interest
of the patient based on their diagnosis, (ii) what is the role of the
patient in making decisions affecting their own health as a
non-physician, yet have to bear a co-pay in obtaining any prescribed
drug, (iii) what is the role of the pharmacist in making
brand-to-generic substitutions who are outside the diagnosis and
treatment discussions between physicians and patients, (iv) what is the
role of pharmacies that offer incentives to pharmacists to dispense
generic drugs as a way to accrue greater profit, and (v) what is the
role of managed care plans in determining what drug the physician can
prescribe and the patient can receive through control mechanisms to
restrict drug choice.
2. Discussion and Implications of Study Limitations and Alternative
Model Designs
Not studied here were patient perceptions of risk and resistance to
generic substitution due to fear and lack of knowledge affecting patient
drug choice. One study estimated up to 30% of patients were skeptical
about the efficacy and safety of generic equivalent drugs in the absence
of strong demonstrable evidence (Ganther and Kreling 2000). Research
results in this current study indicate patients in states where patient
consent DPS laws exist have lower switch-backs and higher
brand-to-generic substitution. Thus the current study research produces
results that deviate from previous research expectations about patient
perceptions on the efficacy and safety of generic drugs. The improvement
in the quality, efficacy, and safety of generic drugs would diminish
patient concerns.
Also not studied because of data limitations are the motivations of
patients through patient consent
DPS laws to allow greater brand-to-generic substitution for
cost-only reasons and against clinical evidence that would suggest
branded drug therapy would be the optimal choice. Generic-to-branded
drug switch-backs represent a potential indicator that the original
brand-to-generic substitution, mainly through therapeutic generic
substitution as revealed in the current study database, may not have
been appropriate. As revealed through lower dose and different molecule
effects, therapeutic switch-backs were the strongest reasons for moving
patients back to branded drugs. The results here suggest more study is
needed on effects of patient consent DPS laws on drug choice relative to
what is considered clinically optimal. Moving the analysis from an
analysis of switchback prescription patterns to patient health outcomes,
drug cost, and total cost of treatment would provide more conclusive
evidence on the clinical effects of DPS laws.
Finally, alternative analyses, each with different interpretations,
were recognized and left out for later research. For example, in the
original database of 17.3 million statin patients that preceded this
current study analysis, 538,000 patients engaged in generic-to-branded
drug switch-backs, and of these patients, 469,000 were therapeutic
switchbacks and 69,000 were bioequivalent switch-backs (Chressanthis et
al. 2011). The total switch-back number of patients translates into 3.1%
of the total 17.3 million patient population, or 7.1% of the 7.6 million
patients who started on generic drugs or started on a branded drug and
switched to a generic. These relatively small percentages show that
generic drugs are working for well over 90% of the patients, or patients
are being prevented to engage in switch-backs either because of
institutional controls, such as those imposed by managed care, or by the
higher co-pay cost of branded drugs. Also, these small percentages do
translate into large numbers of patients when analyzing switch-backs in
the context of significant chronic diseases that affect millions of
Americans. However, why did 56% (9.7 million) of all patients choose to
stay on branded drugs and 30% (5.2 million) of all patients choose to
stay on generic drugs? Breaking down the original database of statin
patients even further, of the 9.7 million patients on branded drugs, 9.2
million patients were on only one branded drug, for a 95% retention rate
on one drug. If pharmaceutical promotion is designed to encourage
physicians to switch patients onto a different drug, the data in the
original database of statin patients presents no evidence that
significant brand switching occurred. This relationship also likely
shows the clinical treatment bias of physicians keeping patients on a
therapy that is working rather than expose patients to unknown effects
from switching to a new drug treatment. Also not studied is whether
statin drug promotion increased the overall size of patients by
encouraging people to seek treatment for high cholesterol. Looking at
generic drug utilization, 31% (5.4 million patients) of all 17.3 million
patients in the original database started on generic drugs, with 30%
(5.2 million) staying on generics, for a 96% retention rate on generic
therapy. This shows that once patients start on a generic drug, either
the drug works in the vast majority of patients and/or there are
controls in place that make it difficult for patients (and prescribing
physicians) to switch to a branded drug. Another question is whether
switch-back rates were different for patients who started on generic
drugs versus patients who started on a branded drug and then switched to
a generic? We chose to simplify the analysis by focusing this study only
on patients who were involved in brand-to-generic drug substitutions or
generic-to-branded drug switch-backs, regardless of the pathway how
patients came to utilize generic drugs, leaving these other questions
and relationships for other research studies.
VI. Conclusions
Few studies have studied the effects of DPS laws on prescriptions
dispensed to patients, none have tracked patient-utilization of drugs,
and none have measured their effects on brand-to-generic drug
substitution and generic-to-branded drug switch-backs. DPS laws
primarily exist to reduce drug costs, encouraging substitution to
generics without affecting healthcare quality. The empirical results
showed statin patient generic-to-branded drug switch-backs were more
prevalent in states with drug formulary, no cost saving pass on, and
two-line Rx form DPS laws. The empirical results showed statin patient
brand-to-generic drug substitutions were greater in states with patient
consent and permissive DPS laws. Local managed care plan control played
the largest role in generating generic substitution, thus preventing
switch-backs. DPS laws, as practiced by pharmacists, played a smaller,
yet significant role in affect drug substitutions and switch-backs.
Switching to a lower dose and different molecule, and prescriptions by
physician specialists increased switch-backs. Some classes of patients
who were engaged in generic substitution, required switch-backs to
branded drugs. The statistical effects revealed non-DPS variables
affirming findings from a previous research study looking at a
descriptive analysis of statin patient switch-back patterns
(Chressanthis et al. 2011).
Principal-agent theory would suggest that physicians and their
patients are more aligned in their objective functions given their
private discussions about the diagnosis and best drug treatment options
for their condition that patients can afford. Pharmacists operate under
a different economic incentive arrangement and are removed from
physician-patient private healthcare discussions. Therefore pharmacists
would be expected to be less aligned with healthcare objectives
determined by physicians in consultation with patients. The results here
provide empirical support for implications of pharmacists operating as
agents in healthcare, though the findings were weaker than other
effects. However, states with DPS patient consent laws did have lower
switch-backs than states without such a provision as predicted by
principal-agent theory, ceteris paribus, suggesting that physician
influence through the patient contributed to ensuring that the best drug
option would be administered which would decrease the probability of
switch-backs. Lastly, the results strongly support implications from
principal-agent theory from the perspective of health insurance
companies desiring to constrain drug costs through managed care control
mechanisms to force generic drug utilization at the potential expense of
patient care. The managed care controls demonstrate constraints on
physician practice to prescribe more effective newer patented branded
drug technology at a higher cost in favor of less effective older
generic drug technology at a lower cost. Switch-backs primarily go from
older statin generic-drug technology at a higher dose (which carries
some potential side effect risks, such as simvastatin 80 mg) to newer
patented- branded drug technology at a lower dose. Further, specialists
most knowledgeable about the cardiovascular condition and the optimal
drug option needed for patients are the primary drivers of switch-backs.
States can affect the extent of brand-to-generic substitution
prescription drugs by amending their pharmacy DPS laws. The present
research suggests therapeutic brand-to-generic substitution is not
recommended, without understanding limitations across all classes of
patients, such as those with higher cardiovascular risk and greater
sensitivity to higher doses, and particularly when done for cost-only
considerations, is not recommended. This caution is consistent with a
recent major health policy statement on the dangers of therapeutic
interchange and substitution, and institutional frameworks through state
pharmacy laws and managed care formularies, when done for non-clinical
reasons (Holmes et al. 2011). Switches to a lower dose and switches to a
different molecule were the two biggest drivers related to increasing
generic-to-branded drug switchbacks, affirming the concern of potential
inappropriate initial brand-to-generic therapeutic substitution. Newer
patented branded statin drugs are more effective in achieving reductions
cholesterol levels at a lower dose than older generic drugs that require
higher dosing to achieve the same efficacy in cholesterol reduction.
Lower drug dosing also means patients are less susceptible to drug
side-effects that increase in likelihood at higher drug doses. Physician
specialists who treat higher-risk cholesterol patients such as
cardiologists and nephrologists, and endocrinologists and
diabetologists, were the principal drivers of generic-to-branded drug
switch-backs relative to primary care physicians. There are a few
reasons for these specialists being the principal drivers of
switch-backs relative to primary care physicians: (i) primary care
physicians, the initial gatekeepers in the healthcare system to be seen
by patients, are more familiar with and accustomed to prescribing older
generic drugs, (ii) more severe high-cholesterol patients who are
uncontrolled under older generic drug technology, are likely to be
transferred to specialists who are more familiar with the latest and
more powerful statin drugs, and (iii) specialists represent physicians
who generate high-prescriptions per prescriber and thus are more
lucrative targets by pharmaceutical companies for promotion by industry
sales representatives.
Unknown was the role that pharmacists played in potentially
influencing patients to seek lower-cost generic drug treatments through
therapeutic substitution since DPS laws only allow bioequivalent generic
substitutions, when permitted by physicians. Further research is needed
to answer whether DPS laws encouraged decisions by pharmacists to choose
generics or influence generic substitution over clinically superior
brand treatments in some patients for monetary gain at the expense of
patient health. Another question for further and later discussion is
what position should be taken by physicians to resist allowing generic
substitution by pharmacists on grounds other than for clinical reasons?
In addition, how much should physicians be allowed to challenge the
controls imposed by managed care drug plans to force generic drug
prescribing first when branded drug therapy is recommended as the best
option for patients? How much independence should be given to physicians
to make decisions that they feel are in the best health interests of
patients? Otherwise, DPS laws can produce unintended effects of driving
some classes of at-risk patients into less effective older generic drug
options that may potentially come at the expense of patient health (Liew
et al. 2012). The long-term consequences can be greater overall
treatment costs as a result of particular patients being on less
desirable therapy (Liew et al. 2012). States should consider revisions
in DPS laws to make it harder for pharmacists and patients to counter
physician decisions who selected the best therapies for specific
patients, primarily based on clinical factors. Further, revisions in DPS
laws should include the prohibition of pharmacists to discuss with
patients brand-to-generic therapeutic substitution since this type of
substitution involves the prescription of a different drug than
originally intended by the physician. The current process to change a
prescription through a therapeutic substitution involves the pharmacist
calling the physician for approval. We believe a better process which
places the health interest of patients first is for the physician and
patient to sit down and discuss the complete ramifications of the drug
choice, understanding the full range of benefits and risks to that
particular patient. The pharmacist is ill-suited to recommend a
different drug choice since they do not have the full medical history
and other relevant clinical matters of the patient to make the best drug
decision. Future research will determine whether these recommendations
not only produce better health outcomes but also be more long-term
cost-effective to the healthcare system. Lastly, the current analysis is
on statin patient switch-back patterns. More needs to be understood if
the same effects occur across other disease conditions. The empirical
findings in this study suggest the potential for even greater
switch-back effects in other chronic disease conditions for the
following reasons: (i) where significant therapeutic substitution by the
forces modeled in this research also occur, (ii) greater effectiveness
differences by dose between generic and patented branded drug
technology, and (iii) greater patient-level idiosyncratic response to
drug therapy. Examples of drug therapy classes that exemplify the
preceding characteristics include but not limited to oncologies,
antidiabetics, antipsychotics, autoimmune diseases, and central nervous
diseases such as Alzheimer's disease, Parkinson's disease, and
Multiple sclerosis. Spending by therapeutic drug class over $10 billion
as of the end of 2011 included the following areas out of total United
States drug spending of $320 billion: oncologies ($23.2B), respiratory
agents ($21.0B), lipid regulators ($20.IB), antidiabetics ($19.6B),
antipsychotics ($18.2B), autoimmune diseases ($12.0B), antidepressants
($11.0B), HIV antivirals ($ 10.3B), and anti-ulcerants ($10.IB) (IMS
Institute for Healthcare Informatics 2012b). Healthcare spending on
patients with chronic diseases account for a larger proportion of total
healthcare spending, thus better understanding how DPS laws affect drug
choice and healthcare system costs are of significant health policy
importance (IMS Institute for Healthcare Informatics 2012a).
Disclosures
Kevin Fandl has no financial conflicts to report. Nayla Dahan
worked on this paper while on a postdoctoral research fellowship in
pharmaceutical economics and health policy research from September 2010
to September 2011 in the Department of Risk, Insurance and Healthcare
Management in the Fox School of Business and Management at Temple
University funded by AstraZeneca Pharmaceuticals LP (AZ). She has no
direct relationships with industry except for receiving post-doctoral
support through a grant funded by AZ. George Chressanthis served as the
principal investigator. George Chressanthis was an employee of AZ,
having left there at the end of December 2009. He holds no direct
financial interests in AZ, having sold off all remaining stock grants in
the company in July 2012. He completed another prior research project
that was funded by AZ and also received a private grant for academic
research from TGaS Advisors, a pharmaceutical benchmarking firm that
works with drug companies on their commercial operations processes. He
received travel funds from the AZ and TGaS Advisors grants to
disseminate research findings at pharmaceutical industry and academic
conferences. Temple University retained intellectual property rights and
independent control over the design and implementation of this study,
analysis, writing of the manuscript, and information dissemination. The
exception to this control was the exclusion from publication of any
specific information that was deemed commercially sensitive and
proprietary that AZ wished to remain confidential. Such an exception is
common with academic-corporate research relationships. This exception
did not alter in any way the research approach pursued by the
researchers. Oversight by Temple University officials of any work
completed by George Chressanthis in connection with AZ was done to
ensure all research meets rigorous academic standards as an added
precaution against claims of conflict of interest. In addition, George
Chressanthis is current on all reporting of potential financial
conflicts of interest to Temple University compliance authorities.
Further, the AZ product Crestor[R] is among the statin drugs studied in
this research. The statements, findings, conclusions, views, and
opinions contained and expressed in this article are based in part on
data obtained under license from IMS Health Incorporated Information
service^): LifeLink* Anonymized Patient Level Data (2006-2008),
Xponent[R] (2008), and Xponent PlanTrak[R] (2008), IMS Health
Incorporated. All Rights Reserved. The statements, findings,
conclusions, views, and opinions contained and expressed herein are not
necessarily those of IMS Health Incorporated or any of its affiliated or
subsidiary entities.
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George A. Chressanthis, Professor of Healthcare Management and
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Nayla G. Dahan, Lecturer, School of Business, Gwynedd Mercy
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Kevin J. Fandl, Assistant Professor, Department of Legal Studies,
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Research was funded by AstraZeneca Pharmaceuticals LP.
TABLE 1.
Drug Product Selection (DPS) Laws by State Governing
Generic Substitution: l=Yes and 0=No per Category
Patient State Drug
State Consent Permissive Formulary
Alabama 0 1 0
Alaska 1 1 0
Arizona 1 1 0
Arkansas 1 1 0
California 1 1 0
Colorado 1 1 0
Connecticut 1 1 0
Delaware 1 1 1
Florida 1 0 1
Georgia 1 1 0
Hawaii 1 0 1
Idaho 1 1 0
Iowa 1 1 0
Illinois 1 1 1
Indiana 1 1 0
Kansas 1 1 0
Kentucky 1 0 1
Louisiana 1 1 0
Maine 1 1 0
Maryland 1 1 0
Massachusetts 0 0 1
Michigan 1 1 0
Minnesota 1 0 1
Mississippi 1 0 0
Missouri 1 1 1
Montana 1 1 0
Nebraska 1 1 1
Nevada 0 0 1
New Hampshire 0 1 1
New Jersey 0 0 1
New Mexico 0 1 0
New York 1 1 1
North Carolina 1 1 0
North Dakota 1 1 0
Ohio 1 1 0
Oklahoma 1 1 0
Oregon 0 I
Pennsylvania 1 0 0
Rhode Island 0 0 0
South Carolina 1 1 0
South Dakota 1 1 0
Tennessee 0 1 0
Texas 1 1 0
Utah 1 1 1
Vermont 1 1 0
Virginia 1 1 0
Washington 0 0 0
Washington, D.C. 1 1 1
West Virginia 1 0 1
Wisconsin 1 1 1
Wyoming 0 1 0
No Cost
Two Line Saving
State Rx Format Pass On
Alabama 1 0
Alaska 0 1
Arizona 0 0
Arkansas 0 1
California 0 0
Colorado 0 0
Connecticut 0 0
Delaware 0 0
Florida 0 0
Georgia 0 0
Hawaii 0 0
Idaho 0 0
Iowa 0 0
Illinois 0 0
Indiana 1 1
Kansas 1 0
Kentucky 1 0
Louisiana 0 0
Maine 0 1
Maryland 0 0
Massachusetts 0 0
Michigan 0 0
Minnesota 0 0
Mississippi 1 0
Missouri 1 0
Montana 0 0
Nebraska 0 1
Nevada 0 0
New Hampshire 0 0
New Jersey 1 0
New Mexico 0 0
New York 0 0
North Carolina 1 0
North Dakota 0 0
Ohio 0 0
Oklahoma 0 1
Oregon 0 0
Pennsylvania 0 0
Rhode Island 0 0
South Carolina 1 1
South Dakota 0 1
Tennessee 0 0
Texas 0 0
Utah 0 1
Vermont 0 1
Virginia 0 0
Washington 1 0
Washington, D.C. 0 0
West Virginia 0 0
Wisconsin 0 0
Wyoming 0 0
Source: National Association of Boards of Pharmacy (2008).
TABLE 2.
Explanatory Variable Names, Descriptions, and Data Sources
DPS State Pharmacy Law Variables
Patient Consent 1 =states where generic substitution
required explicit patient consent DPS
law exist. 0=states having "No Patient
Consent" serve as the omitted variable.
Permissive l=states where permissive DPS law exist.
Permissive laws generally state that the
pharmacist may substitute; mandatory
laws state that the pharmacist must
substitute a lower priced product when
the prescription (Rx) was written for a
branded product and prescriber has not
prohibited substitution. 0=states having
a mandatory DPS law serve as the omitted
variable.
Drug Formulary 1 =states where required formulary DPS
law exist. A formulary is a list of drug
products. If it is "negative" formulary,
the pharmacist may substitute for any
drug not listed on the formulary. If it
is a "positive" formulary, the
pharmacist, may substitute for any drug
listed on the formulary. 0=states not
requiring a drug formulary serve as the
omitted variable.
Two-Line l=states where a two-line Rx form is
Rx Format mandated DPS law exist. Two-line Rx
forms have a "Drug Product Selection
Permitted" line on the left. 0=states
not requiring two-line Rx forms serve as
the omitted variable.
No Cost 1=states where pharmacists were not
Savings required to pass on cost savings
Pass On resulting from substitution to patients
DPS law exist. 0=requirement to pass on
cost savings serve as the omitted
variable.
Patient Attribute Variables
Age Age of the patient as of the Rx date.
Male 1=male patient. 0=female patient serves
as the omitted variable.
Co-Morbidity Number of co-morbidities are based on 13
Count broad cardiovascular disease categories
created by grouping together related
ICD9 diagnoses. High cardiovascular risk
patients having one of the following
diagnoses: Diabetes; 250.X;
Hypertension: 401.X, 402.X, 403.X,
404.X, 405 .X; Anti-Platelet: 286.X.
Method of Payment Variables
Medicaid l=payment of Rx through Medicaid. 0=cash
payment serves as the omitted variable.
Third Party l=payment of Rx through third party drug
plans (includes Medicare Part D plans).
0=cash serves as the omitted variable.
Physician
Attribute
Variables
Physician Five physician specialty grouping based
Specialty on American Medical Association (AMA)
specialty codes using one-zero
categorical measures: 1 for physicians
who are cardiologists and nephrologists
(Card_Neph), diabetologists and
endocrinologists (Dia_Endo), internal
medicine (IM), and all others (Other). 0
for primary care physicians (PCP) serves
as the omitted variable. PCPs are
defined as the sum of family practice
(FP). general practice (GP), and doctor
of osteopathy (DO). Physicians may have
multiple specialties, though the
analysis used only one specialty
provided in the AMA database.
Physician Number of statin prescriptions by
Rx Volume physician.
Drug Attribute
Variables
Switch to a l=switch to a lower dose. 0=switch to a
Lower Dose higher dose serves as the omitted
variable.
Switch to a 1 =therapeutic switch. O=bioequivalent
Different switch serves as the omitted variable.
Molecule
Institutional/External Variable
Managed Managed care plan control metric
Care Plan measures the degree that a healthcare
Control plan is able to move product share
within a local area away from the
national share. Managed care control was
defined as the average control seen by a
physician across all plans in the statin
and proton pump inhibitor market using
July 2008 data.
Sources: American Medical Association (2006-2008). National
Association of Board of Pharmacy (2008). All IMS Health data
sources: IMS Health, Lifelink[R] Anonymized Patient Level Data
(2006-2008); IMS Health, Xponent[R] (2008); IMS Health,
Xponent PlanTrak[R] (2008), IMS Health Incorporated. All
Rights Reserved.
TABLE 3.
Descriptive Statistics and Total Number of Prescriptions and Patients
Variables Mean SD Min Max
Dependent Variable
Switch category 1.43 0.49 1 2
Patient Attributes
Age 64.24 12.18 1 108
Male 0.51 0.50 0 1
Co-morbidity count 4.91 7.80 0 103
Physician Attributes
Physician Rx volume 5.64 2.84 1 12
PCP 0.41 0.49 0 1
IM 0.41 0.49 0 1
Card_Neph 0.13 0.33 0 1
Endo Dia 0.02 0.14 0 1
Other 0.03 0.18 0 1
Method of Payment
Cash 0.02 0.15 0 1
Medicaid 0.02 0.14 0 1
Third party 0.95 0.21 0 1
Drug Attributes
Switch to lower dose 0.45 0.50 0 1
Switch to 0.96 0.18 0 1
different molecule
DPS Pharmacy State Laws
Patient consent 0.82 0.39 0 1
Permissive 0.47 0.50 0 1
Formulary substitution 0.40 0.49 0 1
Two-line Rx format 0.20 0.40 0 1
No cost saving pass on 0.06 0.24 0 1
Institutional/External
Managed care control 0.21 0.07 0 0.87
Generic Drug Generic to Branded
Substitution Drug Switch-Backs
Number of Prescriptions
Therapeutic 563,108 (95.5%) 431,495 (97.7%)
Bioequivalent 26,271 (4.5%) 10,298 (2.3%)
Total 589,379 441,793
Number of Patients
Therapeutic 317,511 (93.5%) 179,284 (96.4%)
Bioequivalent 21,916 (6.5%) 6,757 (3.6%)
Total 339,427 186,041
Combined Numbers for
Substitutions and Switch-Backs
Number of Prescriptions
Therapeutic 994,603 (96.5%)
Bioequivalent 36,569 (3.5%)
Total 1,031,172
Number of Patients
Therapeutic 372,187 (93.7%)
Bioequivalent 24,924 (6.3%)
Total 397,111
Sources: American Medical Association (2006-2008). National
Association of Board of Pharmacy (2008). All IMS Health data
sources: IMS Health, Lifelink[R] Anonymized Patient Level
Data (2006-2008); IMS Health, Xponent[R] (2008); IMS Health,
Xponent PlanTrak[R] (2008), IMS Health Incorporated. All
Rights Reserved.
TABLE 4.
Logistic Regression Model Estimates Ranked
by Absolute Value
Dependent Variable = Switch Category
(l=substitution to generic drug,
2 = switch-back to branded drug
Log Odds
Explanatory Variables Estimates
Switch to lower dose 2.695 ***
Intercept -2.308 ***
Managed care plan control -1.531 ***
Switch to different molecule 0.932 ***
Card_Neph 0.448 ***
Endo_Dia 0.319 ***
Medicaid payment 0.239 ***
Other physicians 0.189 ***
Drug formulary 0.103 ***
No cost saving pass on 0.083 ***
Two-line Rx form 0.079 ***
Third party payment 0.068 ***
Patient consent -0.063 ***
Permissive -0.040 ***
Male 0.028 ***
Co-morbidity count 0.022 ***
IM 0.017 **
Physician Rx volume 0.011 ***
Age -0.003 ***
N 1,031,172
Proxy [R.sup.2] 81.9%
IMS Health data sources: IMS Health, Lifelink[R]
Anonymized Patient Level Data (2006-2008): IMS Health.
Xponcnf (2008); IMS Health, Xponent PlanTrak[R] (2008),
IMS Health Incorporated. All Rights Reserved.
SAS 9.2 used in all statistical and diagnostic tests.
Ranking of the log odds estimates are from highest to
lowest in absolute values.
Standard errors are available upon request.
Statistical significance levels: *** p < 0.0001;
** p < 0.01.