Women in South Africa: challenges and aspirations in the new millennium.

Veeran, Vasintha

Freedom cannot be achieved unless women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression ... unless we see in visible and practical terms that the condition of the women of our country has radically changed for the better, and that they have been empowered to intervene in all aspects of life as equals with any other member of society. (Mandela 1994, cited in Baden, Hassim & Meintjies, 1999:4)

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In the last decade most South Africans have witnessed a revolutionary change in legislation and the consequent re-engineering of political and social structures of society. No other country has encapsulated the most visibly violent and oppressive forms of racism through the practice of institutionalised apartheid based on skin colour (Sivananda, in Mohanty, Russo and Torres, 1991). It is within the context of this historical institutional marginalisation of black South Africans and, more especially, women, that such powerful narratives of resistance and confrontation of the liberation struggles are located. Despite the dismantling of apartheid the issue of exclusion and marginalisation in contemporary South African society is still very prevalent and relevant, and consequently generates substantial debate amongst previously disenfranchised people (Levermore, 2003). The process of including women has, however, been strongly advocated by the African National Congress, the present government, even prior to their coming to power. In fact, the present government is noted historically for promoting women's inclusion in the political processes (Halisi, 1999).

This article is premised on the discourses of gender and race as critical factors in the perpetuation of women's domination in South Africa. It discusses oppression based on gender and race perpetuated through institutional structures of power, which have been largely responsible for circumscribing the lives of women. Based on a critical approach to understanding the discursive categories of women's domination according to race and gender the article will highlight women's role as catalysts for change through the production of knowledge from their own perspective. Within the scope of this debate, feminists see the idealism of women as individuals in a collective environment as part of a larger struggle against all forms of domination. Hence, the multifaceted domination of women cannot be isolated from the larger struggle of liberation. That 'difference' underscored women's separation and domination was clearly evident in the practice of apartheid in South Africa (hooks, 1989). The 'difference' in this case was colour based on race. The two interlocking themes of domination, namely gender and race, which black South African women encountered in almost every sphere of their daily lives, have been selected for special attention in this paper.

Contextualising "Transformational Politics"

Transformational politics embraces the struggle against domination which includes changing oneself as well as the structures that perpetuate oppression. The benchmark characteristic of feminist transformational politics is the link forged between (a) the idealism of women as individuals and (b) collective action. Theories on black African feminisms locate the locus of change as the personal through which the public is inevitably linked, such as those proposed by Abrahams (2001); Dlamini (2001) and hooks (1989). hooks (1989) believed that transformational politics supported women's struggle against gendered and racial domination of oppressive structures in order to make a difference to individual lives and in doing so redefined the concept of citizenship for black South African women in the new democracy. Accordingly, factors that determined the notion of citizenship and were linked to women's struggles revolved around racial, political and economic empowerment. These encapsulated domestic life, housing and land rights (Mohanty, Russo & Torres, 1991).

Gender activism is universally concerned with issues of equality and social justice for women, which most South African women can easily identify with. It is in essence what hooks (1989) advocated in re-visioning the central tenets of sex, class and race in the feminist movement to influence social reconstruction of society. Accordingly, deconstructing gender, race and class is central to the emancipation of women both individually and collectively (hooks, 1989). Feminists envision the process of transforming the world outside of one's self as intricately linked to the need for self transformation. This, they believe should remain at the core of collective feminist action. This having been stated, most women are familiar with the challenges of gender-based practices on a more personal level and the enormous constraints they pose. However surreal the reconceptualisation of a society free of all forms of domination sounds, it espouses the necessity of microcosmic tenets for transformation to be embedded in the sense of self (a concept--argued for by participants at seminars held by this author--where women are the catalysts for change themselves starting with their own families and challenging gender-based practices from within).

At the microcosmic level, therefore, the responsibility for changing gender-based practices starts with the individual challenging notions of subservience and domination and believing in one's self worth as an individual. As critical agents of socialisation (of their children), belief in their self worth can go a long way toward breaking the cycle of transmission of gender-based practices from generation to generation. The belief by women themselves that the transformation of self is a critical step for change is one of the cornerstones of feminist theory, which not only underscores their role in collective action, but provides the momentum for their emancipation and liberalisation. It is important to establish that the personal commitment is critical as many women without such commitment become "slaves" to traditional beliefs which they accept unquestioningly. The strength of womanism is to define and develop an understanding of the individual experiential location in which the self is the most valuable tool for changing the world. Abraham's (2001) theory of womanism and hook's feministic discourse provide the analytical framework against which the experiences of South African women are examined.

However, South African women face a much more gruelling challenge of eradicating institutionalised racism despite its removal from the statute books. In reality the imbalances of race, class, privilege and power epitomised by the old South Africa, have been firmly established presenting a formidable challenge for political and voluntary activism. This activism has precipitated a refashioning of women's role in transformational politics through the concept of grassroots mobilisation. Transformational politics and grass roots mobilisation were synonymous with the liberation movement in the apartheid era. These concepts formed the bedrock of the antiapartheid movement in South Africa, where whilst it was important for women to take initiative for transforming their own circumstances, they also became acutely aware of structures inhibiting their capacity for transforming themselves and society. Feminism came to be seen not only as the struggle for equality, but was also central to the larger political struggle for liberation. Despite the adversities of black South African women, the call for voluntary activism was strengthened both on an individual and collective level during the apartheid era. It is this determination to break out of the cycle of oppression in the personal and public arenas that has categorically placed women at the cutting edge of transformational politics.

For the majority of Black South African women, raising their own children in their own homes or having the choice of pursuing a career was a far-fetched reality, which only their white counterparts were capable of achieving. Millions of black women worked long hours sacrificing their families for a meagre wage and poor prospects of self-enhancement while their "white madams" climbed the ladder of success. The debilitating circumstances of poverty, starvation and poor health did not deter them from using their own suffering as the platform for a more aggressive attack on apartheid. The fact that whole communities were affected intensified the need for collective action, and community solidarity was consequently strengthened.

Historical context of women's activism

The history of women's political and voluntary activism in South Africa can be traced to organised struggles of liberation dating back to the campaign against the Pass Laws which commenced on the 9th August 1956, and which protested against the discriminatory practice of carrying "passes". This date continues to be commemorated annually in honour of women's participation in the liberation struggle. Such practices were not confined to South Africa. Historically, women across the world have mobilised and campaigned against male domination and the abuse of power, which have plagued the most intimate relationships for generations. Such action affirms "the worth of womanist theories" and embraces both the personal dimension in womanists' efforts to change the world (Abrahams, 2001:71). It also highlights the way in which gender politics epitomises "womanism" Dlamini (2001). These authors make a compelling case for centralising the role of women in changing the foundations of their oppression and domination, already evident in South African history, as noted above. According to Abrahams (2001) change through activism was considered the most effective way to overcome the adversities that most black South Africans endured in the apartheid era. History tells us that unless women themselves were at the heart of initiating, mobilising and campaigning for change, little would be accomplished to eradicate gender and class imbalances of black South African women, for example their exclusion from voting, owning land or having access to bank loans. The struggles against these gendered and racial practices profoundly influenced and shaped women's involvement in changing the political landscape in South Africa, and became increasingly prominent issues for the debate around citizenship. Women's involvement in the reconceptualisation of citizenship also strengthened their ability to engage with formal gender politics on the macro level. This is evident in the women's movement (Women's Coalition) of the late 1960s and 70s. As well, on the micro level this process was evident in their interpersonal negotiations of power relations in everyday interactions and practices, such as the right to education (Dlamini, 2001). Women increasingly came to be seen as stalwarts in advocating for reforms on all levels.

Women were not only subjected to discrimination in the public arena, they were equally humiliated in their private lives. This age-old practice of male domination over women generally termed as patriarchy "is the oldest and deepest form of oppression" (Millet cited in Bryson 1999: 317). Culturally specific construction of gender, which by and large relates to what men and women can or cannot do, reinforced differences in roles, access to resources and decision-making authority (Gupta 2000). Most women perceived their strategic position, which was the interface between the micro (family) and macro (institutions of society) as an opportunity for potential change starting with them and impacting on their families, social groups and community organisations. Grassroots community groups such as day care, feeding schemes, assistance with school programmes and school building projects, became a feature of many impoverished communities.

These initiatives epitomised the relationships between personal and public, political and personal and individual and collective as the locus of change (Abrahams, 2001). Expanding on the theory of womanism and gendered oppression, the case for ubuntu as an emancipatory ideology is strongly advocated. African feminism is rooted in the good of the collective self (be it family, clan, village or nation) and this is perceived as the highest and most legitimate form of validation. The traditional African aphorism ubuntu means "a person is a person through others" (Shutte, 1993:46). In essence, individuality is perceived and shaped through the collective entity and, in turn, shapes and influences it. It is strongly contended that ubuntu's respect for others epitomises respect of individuality. In principle, the well-intentioned ideology gives meaning to the relationship between the personal (individual) and the public (collective) levels. It forges a reciprocal process through which the self projects and is projected through "mutual exposures" (Teffo, 1994:11). It is within this ideological framework that the struggle to overcome subservience and domination, often practised under the guise of tradition and culture, can best be understood. The gendered role of women as the emotional gatekeepers was generally perceived to be a position of weakness and hence, accorded a lower status in society. On the contrary, their status as activists in the struggle against apartheid was acknowledged to be significant in overcoming racial inequalities. Such perceptions heighten the duality of the role of women. These perceptions have, however, been challenged and viewed as a strength rather than a weakness. More significantly, the activities of organised women's groups were exemplars of how changes in the (personal) can have ramifications for changes in the public (collective) domains.

Feminisation of the work environment

According to hooks (1989), the ideological foundations of patriarchy, race and other forms of domination seldom differ. The unequal power relations in their personal and public lives have largely been responsible for maintaining women in positions of subordination. Exploring the reality of women's oppression, Bryson (1999) states that in the nineteen seventies patriarchy was perceived to be simply about the structures and organising principles underpinning women's oppression. While the concept of patriarchy alerts us to commonalities, this analysis of similarities does not entail the denial of differences in the extent and depth of oppression experienced by some women. Powerful notions of patriarchy can be challenged through the narratives (medium of change) of women who are also the locus of change

The age-old stereotypes which have been known to assign the "personal" to women and the "public" and "political" to men found favour in customary practices in South Africa. Research into these traditional, customary practices revealed that private and public sector support for challenging such activities are lacking, thus exposing women to high risks and poor outcomes. In effect the work environment reflects the over representation of men in the formal economy and women in the informal economy (Skinner & Valodia 2001). Women should be assisted to be more visible in the public sector through the creation of opportunities for a more balanced representation of men's role in the personal and private sector, for example child care and domestic responsibilities.

Traditional beliefs and practices have been as significant as racial barriers in perpetuating subordination and in attempting to isolate women from active participation in the public domain. Patriarchy in the African context has meant the control of women, denying, excluding and relegating them to positions of inferiority (Enmett 2001). Despite the negative connotations of patriarchy and to a large extent the rejection by society in general and more specifically feminists, social scientists, and policy makers it nonetheless continues to prescribe roles and limit the involvement of women in the public arena. This form of subordination is evident in women's employment, which largely mirrors the type of work performed by women within their families, and in their households, like nursing, teaching, cleaning and caring. In addition, much of women's work is unaccounted for economically as a contribution to national and global economic development (Veeran 2000). Much disquiet has been raised for decades over the role and contribution of women to the economic sector. The debates centre on the exclusion of women as key players in public life. However, as development programmes worldwide such as adult literacy classes have demonstrated, women play a fundamental role in the daily survival of the family and the community (Hemson, 2002). As most progress reports use housing, education, health and water as indicators of improvement in quality of life, the following statistics are provided as evidence of the susceptible circumstances of the majority of South African women. Momsen and Townsend (in Mohanty et al. 1991) designated the categories of analysis indicative of women's status as: life expectancy, nutrition, fertility, education and income-generating activities. The following statistics (May 1998: 59) are a grim reminder of socio-economic conditions and the vulnerability of the majority of South African women:

* Low levels of literacy--lowest in sub-Saharan Africa (45%) compared to 59% for other developing countries.

* 80% of food production is undertaken by women.

* High levels of poverty in South Africa--the poverty rate among female-headed households is 60% compared to 30% for male-headed households.

The economic position of women in developing countries is inseparable from the welfare of the family, yet their role and position in society is perceived within the tenuous duality of motherhood and economic independence. In South Africa, women constitute a large percentage of the informal economy, which is operated on an ad hoc basis and is immune to regulated conditions of employment. Home-based tasks, childcare, collecting firewood and water, subsistence farming and taking care of other dependants are all tasks that are systematically omitted in the broad analysis of women's contribution to the national economy. These multiple burdens exclude black African women from access to credit, ownership of land, educational opportunities and skills development. Women who enter the competitive labour market are also subjected to comparatively poorer working conditions compared to men, bordering on the exploitation of cheap labour (Taylor 2001). It is estimated that approximately 2.6 million South Africans are trapped in survivalist activities, which are below the poverty level (Kassim & Hendriks 2002). In order to eradicate poverty and provide work opportunities for the unskilled, the government mooted micro-enterprise concepts such as sewing co-ops, chicken farming, candle making, gardening and arts and crafts. These are examples of some of the micro-enterprise projects that have also been initiated collectively by women's community groups. They however, do reflect a conservative approach to women's role and contribution in society. Most of these activities reflects an extension of women's homemaking skills and are generally undertaken in combination with other domestic or income generating activities. While these activities do attempt to meet immediate and short-term needs of women and families, they perpetuate inequalities by excluding women from access to proper training, skills development, further education, and funding for business opportunities. The cycle of perpetuating inequalities and feminisation of poverty continues if development does not transcend survivalist activities.

Power imbalances in gendered roles

Gendered violence affects and also unites women across race and class (Baden, Hassim & Meitjies 1999). South African women are considered to have one of the highest rates of male violence committed against them. The statistics reveal that in every twenty-six minutes a woman is raped, and that one in four women is a victim of domestic violence. Although South Africa is the only African country to have legislation making domestic violence and marital rape a crime punishable by law, it has the highest reported rape rates in the world (Agenda 2000). In effect while legislation was promulgated to protect women and children from harm, this legislation alone is ineffective and inadequate in reducing such extreme levels of gendered violence. A more calculated approach would be to analyse the problem holistically and to provide access to supports and resources to uphold legislation.

In the last decade, the campaign against gender violence, and anti-AIDS activism, have gained momentum in an attempt to reduce the startling statistics of infection among women--2.3 million, compared to 1.8 million for men (Vetten 2000). Numerous NGOs and women's organisations have responded collectively and continue to pressure the government for changes in legislation to address issues of gender inequality, as South African women constitute one of the highest risk groups in the world (Agenda 2000). Not only are women physically afflicted by HIV/AIDS, they are also psychologically and emotionally challenged. Most women as primary caregivers shoulder the heavy burden of nursing the sick and dying. South African women are exemplary as far as volunteerism in their communities is concerned. They are actively involved in campaigning for improved health care for people infected or affected by HIV/AIDS, low levels of literacy, violence against women, child abuse, crime and violence. In South Africa, women's vulnerability and tendency to be categorised as high risk has much to do with power relations, inequality and marginalisation. Most women are either deprived of, or have poor and unequal access to, basic needs and resources, especially health care relating to pre-natal and postnatal services for the prevention and treatment of HIV/AIDS. As the number of orphaned children steadily increases, the excessive burden placed on women has been even greater due to limited and over-extended use of resources. Yet policies on health and social care are frequently formalised without the "coal face" contributions to these. Those at the "coal face" are the ones most affected and generally have first hand experience of social conditions. Ideally, through organised consultative processes they are able to significantly influence what needs to be done in terms of policies and service delivery to alleviate suffering and deprivation.

There are debates around women's participation at the "coal face" level, which they are more than familiar with, instead of their involvement in higher echelons of decision-making within government. Hence in reality they have a wealth of first hand knowledge and experience which is often overlooked. Women's role as the vanguard of protecting and caring programmes for children and women since time immemorial is consistent with manual and tedious work. The scale of voluntary participation as illustrated in the way women have responded to many of the above challenges, albeit through physical work, is further evidence in support of women's activism. Women have been largely responsible for initiating and developing much needed services for children, such as home-based care, hospice care, and kinship and shelter care for children who have no place to stay. Examples of successful partnerships between non-governmental organisations and grassroots initiatives demonstrate women's determination to transcend boundaries such as culture and tradition for the benefit of their emancipation and liberation as well as for the benefit of society. The Network of Violence against Women, People Opposing Women Abuse (POWA) and the Wentworth Organisation of Women (WOW) (Veeran 2000) are some examples of successful grassroots initiatives.

Transformative approaches to gender equality

In 1987 there was a national call for the formation of a consolidated coalition against apartheid. This was further reinforced by a national call for a Bill of Woman's Rights that was in accordance with the Freedom Charter. In 1992 more than 100 women's organisations collectively formed the Women's National Coalition. Its main objective was to ensure that by placing women's issues on the political agenda it would receive the necessary attention from the government. These aspirations were formulated after a two-year long consultation with women's organisations, NGOs and community-based organisations, which culminated in the adoption of the Women's Charter. The Women's Charter (Mtintso 2003) facilitated the Women's National Coalition to strengthen the new collective identity within a diverse socio-cultural setting as well as to provide a common ground for women to share their common concerns. In as much as the issues of race, colour and gender separated women, these were the very issues that united them against the struggle for freedom and liberation from domination.

It would suffice to say that while the experience of apartheid united women in denouncing it, it also provided the platform for embracing broader issues of gender inequality. As early as the 1950's women actively campaigned against political and economic oppression through educational and transport boycotts (Baden, Hassim & Meintjies 1999). The government's attempts to control and curb opposition to their repressive laws only heightened women's commitment to liberating the nation. The 1980's saw women's movements flourishing in response to "bread and butter" issues, such as rising unemployment, poor housing and lack of services, high rents and corrupt local councils (Baden, Hassim and Meintjies 1999). Whereas the protests were directly in response to black oppression through the Pass Laws and the backing of resistance movements, the 1980s saw a resurgence of women's activism around the suffering and devastation of families living in poverty. This was a result of high unemployment, as well as poor or no services in health care and education.

The theory of womanism resonates with the above collective initiatives to reinforce the vital role of women in the liberation struggle in retaliation against exclusion to basic services (Abrahams, 2001). The relationship between women's (gender) struggles and the broader issues relating to apartheid will continue to influence the question of inequality. The notion that separating the issues (personal) from the political would weaken the efforts for equality has been fundamental in striving to keep both race and gender very much a part of the same campaign. Women's participation in formalised politics increased from 2% prior to 1994 to 24% after the elections and to 30% in the 1999 elections (http://www.gender.co.za/campaigns.htm, 03.2003). Substantial representation of women in government will contribute significantly to ensuring that women's issues are firmly placed on the political agenda. However, on the contrary, these appointments have been widely perceived to be positions of tokenism and that real transformation of society in relation to gender equality is still lacking. In theory and in principle the visibility of women in strategic decision-making organs of society advances the status and role of women. In reality there needs to be much more awareness and education around gender inequality and the actual eradication of discriminatory practices affecting women.

Cornwall (2000) cautions that the projects and processes that claim to be transformative and participatory are in reality counter productive, thereby maintaining the status quo and modus operandi of social exclusion. The opportunities for participation in the political sphere have been facilitated by the inclusion of specific clauses in the new dispensation to consciously increase the participation of women. This 'enabling' environment is limited to those who have access to such opportunities, and thereby alienates the vast majority, that is women from rural areas and those with low levels of literacy.

Many South African women can also identify with the cultural and traditional impediments, which relegate women to positions of subservience and the "culture of silence" (Greenberg 1998:6). Women's liberation is linked to empowerment. It is not only about the struggle against discrimination and oppression of women but of all people (Longwe 1991). Empowerment in this respect broadly incorporates two different traditions of grassroots participation, one referring to participatory action research and the other promoting tools of self-reliance. While both the approaches emphasise working with groups of local people to pursue their own development, the methods adopted may differ. The tools for self-reliance can be linked with the development of organisational innovation such as in women's co-operatives, NGOs, or community based organisations. Women represent at least 50% of the population, a sizable proportion of the population who can be significantly influential in the transformation process (Greenberg, 1998). In practice most grassroots organisations tend to be dominated by women. Women are often left to their own devices for survival, and as a result draw on their repertoire of personal experiences to fulfil the duties and responsibilities demanded of them in leadership positions within voluntary organisations. In South Africa the range of civic, non-governmental organisations and community-based organisations offer women an ideal platform to work together and in tandem with the government. Hence, women's role in society is intertwined with the following contextual issues--namely, gender and participation; and cultural and traditional impediments which continue to define women's participation in the broad realm of society (Greenberg, 1998).

Women as catalysts for change

The majority of South Africans being black has constituted an underclass of people living in extreme levels of poverty which, in turn, has manifested in extreme physical, psychological and emotional suffering. Such high levels of deprivation have necessitated action at many levels. That "the colour line is the power line is the poverty line" can hardly be disputed in the face of poignant evidence of suffering by the vast majority of South Africans, predominantly women (Sivanandha, in Mohanty et al 1991:27). Collective action, which is synonymous with grassroots mobilisation, has been characteristic of women not only challenging gendered and racial oppression but also exploring and creating the potential for change. Many community activists have combined their personal and domestic chores with grassroots work in their communities. They have worked tirelessly at the local level to create awareness of the disadvantages and deprivation of the majority of the population. The key outcomes of collective action have served to inform the processes of restructuring including the redress of laws and institutions to create a society free from racism and sexism. This dominant ideology of the new regime, evident in its intensive and aggressive programme of reconciliation and rebuilding, has provided new impetus for community building and development.

It has been incumbent on the new regime to ensure that the rights of every individual are enshrined. The process of writing new legislation was not the end itself, but the beginning of a new era of democracy for all South Africans. Tangible outcomes were necessary to demonstrate that the inequalities were indeed being addressed. The overall commitment of the government inter-alia was to create mechanisms to deal with women's marginalisation in the socio-economic and political spheres. This meant locating women's issues as central to the democratic transition and creating opportunities for participation and decision-making in various levels of governance (Evans 2001). The evidence of this is illustrated in the high visibility of women, especially black women, in the government and in economic empowerment programmes. Invariably social, economic and political rights are inter-related and central to citizenship but where social rights are not provided for, political rights may be deemed to be vacuous (Evans 2001).

Logically, opportunities for training and development become crucial for women to participate meaningfully and fully in society. Participation can be conceived to operate at different levels, on the one hand it can be viewed as a management tool that can enhance project effectiveness while on the other "participation evokes recognition and enhancement of people's ability to speak out, act, and determine their own 'development' through fundamental changes in power relations" (Cornwall 2000:8). Women's participation at grassroots level often tends to relegate them to subordinate positions that undermine their capacity for change and development.

If the "essence of participation is exercising voice and choice and developing the human, organisational and management capacity to solve problems as they arise in order to sustain the improvements" (Saxena 1998: 111), then it would seem that many organisations would fall short. This is particularly the case in relation to opportunities provided to women. To this end for the greater majority of women participation remains rhetoric rather than a reality.

Conclusion

The path to equality is a long and tedious one. Tackling race, class and gender issues means confronting the ways in which they divide rather than unite; exclude rather than include; and weaken, rather than strengthen, equality. Women's voluntary activism is a manifestation of their determination to break the cycle of oppression and to transcend class, gender and racial barriers. The success of this exercise is dependent to some extent on the removal of structural barriers to facilitate women's participation at all levels.

This article sings the praise of many a woman who, despite the most restrictive and oppressive situations, was able to shape and influence the concept of citizenship for women. Gender activism may have been at its height during the apartheid era, but the struggle is not over. The existence and continuation of women's groups represents an ongoing commitment to the struggle for equality. Over the years women have demonstrated a remarkable capacity to access and utilise existing resources and structures and to develop new ones in the process, to which much of their success is attributed. Notwithstanding the criticism here about the tokenism of women's role in government, their current place in government at least affords them an insider/outsider perspective on structural impediments and some possible avenues for addressing them.

We should also not miss the opportunity to speak with the same voice as our male counterparts in denouncing oppression and discrimination. This can best be achieved if there is some collaboration between the sexes. The fact that there are many more women in government since 1994 speaks volumes for their efforts, commitment and dedication to anti-oppressive work. This level of (governmental) participation offers the struggle further impetus by way of a direct voice in the government. There is no denying that patriarchy permeates all aspects of life and its eradication requires a protracted struggle at all levels, namely, macro (policy), mezzo (organisations/ institutions) and the micro (personal/individual) (Mtintso 2003). In strengthening a course of action in which women see themselves as being critical to their collective efforts, they will emerge more powerful.

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Vasintha Veeran, Director, MSW, Department of Political Science and Sociology, National University of Ireland, Galway. Email: Vasintha.veeran@nuigalway.ie