Research in progress: negotiating the minefield: becoming sexual in a rural community.

Rawsthorne, Margot

Background

My interest in the issue of sexuality in rural communities reflects my own personal experiences, a growing realisation of the widespread nature of violence against young rural women and a feminist commitment to stopping violence against women. Such a background is integral to the research and raises important personal and theoretical questions (Mikel-Brown and Gilligan 1992).

I grew up in a small rural community (population less than 1000) and experienced first hand the strong rural community mores relating to sex, sexual expression and desire. As I negotiated my sexuality as an adolescent I experienced numerous acts of sexual violence. It has been only over the past few years that I have been able to name these experiences as rape or sexual violence. As an adolescent I accepted many of the common myths surrounding sexual violence, in particular that in some way the violence was my fault, which was made even more difficult because at the same time as these acts of violence were perpetrated I was actively exploring my own sexual desire (Gamache 1991; Bateman 1991). The risk of violence always underpinned sexual expression and was somehow acceptable within that community because being sexually active as a young woman was viewed as 'dirty' or "bad* (McRobbie 1978; Halson 1991). Needless to say, I have never discussed my experiences of violence within that community nor was there ever any support available for me. I found friends and siblings as condemning of me as adults were if they knew of the violence. In many ways the study is a reaching out for that support (15 years on!) and an effort to understand the impact the violence has had on my life (Kelly 1988).

After moving to the city I became aware of a people who I came to call 'rural refugees'. These people (mostly women but also some men) moved to the city to escape the stifling culture of rural life. Men spoke of the overpowering pressure placed on them to conform to a stereotypical masculinity which celebrated violence in any form. Many women spoke of similar struggles to mine in relation to the social control placed on young women, particularly as it related to sexuality.

In 1989 I undertook a study in a small community relating to unemployment among 15 to 19 year old women. This study involved face to face semi-structured interviews with young women. Repeatedly the issue of sexual violence was brought into the interviews by the participants. This experience, coupled with discussions with 'rural refugees', led me to believe that my own experiences were not exceptional but possibly an indication of a much wider social phenomenon.

The third factor that influenced the study was a feminist commitment to stopping violence against women. Through my academic study I have been able to place my own personal experiences within a feminist critique of male power. I could see clearly that the violence I experienced and, it seemed other rural young women had or were experiencing, was an expression of male power. Further, the very structures within rural communities that permitted this violence and inhibited women voicing their experiences were, at the least, anti-woman (James 1989; Poiner 1990). The study is unashamedly political - it's about giving young women a voice, it's about saying clearly to young women 'you are not to blame', it's about confronting institutions, it's about challenging male power (Roberts 1988; Hall 1988). The co-ordinator of a community health centre in an interview commented:

 God, what you're trying to do is really threatening. What you are
 trying to do is empower young women to take control of their
 sexuality.

The research process

The methodological approach of the study was influenced by feminist research theory as well as action research theory. Through the research process I hoped to be able to give young women a voice, focus on issues affecting women within a particular cultural setting as well as use research as a tool for change (Roberts 1988; Anders 1988; Hall 1988). The research process involved a number of stages.

Stage 1: Choice of community/communities

In order to select potential communities for the study I drew on quantitative data (1986 Census) to develop a short list of 'typical rural communities'. I developed criteria for a 'typical rural community' through a series of demographic characteristics such as: percentage of community employed in agriculture; stability of residence between censuses; low rate of recent migration; age structure; and women's relation to the labour force. This short list was then culled for distance from Sydney. Work and personal commitments meant I could not live full time in the community. Thus, anywhere beyond 5 hours from Sydney was excluded as a potential site for the study. Such community characteristics are similar to those used by previous studies (Poiner 1990; James 1989).

This gave me a short-list of 6 communities, 2 of which were excluded because of potential tourism influence and militant mining traditions. I then visited the remaining four of the communities, getting a 'feel' for the communities and assessing the support systems available within the community. An additional criterion to the selection of the community was the existence of an extensive community services network (particularly community health) to ensure adequate back up for myself, the participants and to manage any ongoing activities.

Town X fitted all the criteria. I was concerned, however, about the potential for stigmatising one community so was anxious to include more than one town. As a result a neighbouring town, Y, some 60 kilometres away was also included in the study. Town X and Town Y were of similar size (7,500-9000) but came under different regional management for things such as health, education and police. This resulted in both having similar levels of community services, despite their relative proximity.

Stage 2: Key player interviews

The cultural context - in order to get a greater understanding of the communities than available through official data I undertook approximately 15 key player interviews. This included people such as: community health co-ordinators; sexual assault workers; school counsellors; police; and neighbourhood centre co-ordinators. These interviews proved to be very beneficial not only in contextualising the study but also in identifying potential 'allies' and "blockages' to the study. The format of the interview schedules for the young people and the approach adopted with schools etc was heavily influenced by these early interviews.

Stage 3: Interviews with young people - giving a voice

A random sample of approximately 10% of each year's enrolment at the schools was drawn. All these students where then approached about participating in interviews. Written consent was required from both young people and a parent/guardian. If acceptances fell below 50% additional students were randomly selected.

The interview schedule covered a wide range of issues - relationships, education, future aspirations, sexuality and difficulties facing the community. Issues related to sexual violence were explored via the use of a case study of a 'typical' adolescent rape scenario. Both male and female students were interviewed. Interviews were taped and transcribed, lasting from 45 to 75 minutes in length. A total of 59 individual interviews were undertaken with students from Years 9 to 12 across three schools.

In Town X, 26 students from Years 9 to 12 at the state high school were interviewed and a further 11 students from Years 9 and 10 at the Catholic central school. In these interviews young women outnumbered young men by a ratio of 2:1. In Town Y, 17 students from Years 11 and 12 were interviewed from the state high school.

In Town Y each participant was also asked to complete a questionnaire entitled 'Is it all right?' drawn from the Preventing Abuse in Relationships (PAIR) Program (Domestic Violence Resource Centre 1992). Two small group discussions were also held in Town Y with Year 10 girls, to pilot another method. These small groups, however, proved to be quite problematic and not an appropriate way to explore these issues.

Stage 4: Reporting back - confronting the community.

Verbal and written reports on the research were initially given to the principals of all three schools. In both state schools information sessions/workshops were then held with staff. The Catholic school passed on the report to the religious education coordinator and believed the issues were already being adequately dealt with. In Town X an information session for parents was held through the Parents and Citizen's Association and a similar session is planned for Town Y shortly. In all three schools shorter versions of the full report have been given to all young people who participated (not without some attempts to stop this from certain teachers and parents, however!). Both state school principals were committed to confronting the issues raised, with one commenting on the finding that male students had greater difficulty identifying sexual violence by saying, "Well, of course, that's because they are the perpetrators.' This principal also identified Year 12 male and Year 9 female relationships as being 'dangerous' for young women who were at risk of being abused.

A detailed record of each of these sessions was kept, noting room layout, body language and participation rates. The session with the Parents and Citizen's Association was enormously challenging personally and full of tension as those who attended were mainly parents of the young people who had participated - it was their kids I was talking about.

The community health team in Town X was very supportive of the study and a series of meetings was also held with them. These meetings saw the development of a funding submission for a pilot 'Healthy Sexuality Project'. The project was designed as a three-pronged response to the issues raised by the study. This involved a health professional working with schools to introduce a peer support/resource person program; working with teachers on role modelling healthy sexuality; and working with parents on helping their child become sexual in a safe manner. We are currently awaiting a decision on whether the submission has been successful. A longer term vision would see such programs become part of all rural community health services (for other examples of interventions see Levy 1991 and Domestic Violence Resource Centre 1992).

Issues for potential exploration arising from the study

The research has generated a vast amount of information and potential issues/areas for exploration and analysis. A preliminary analysis of the interview transcripts has been undertaken as well as a period of reflection. I have not at this stage reached a clear direction or focus for the thesis arising from the study. Some preliminary musing is set out below.

Language

I have been extremely interested (and disturbed!) by the language used throughout the interviews by participants. Language very powerfully affects and shapes our cultural understandings. Young women have spoken about sex in terms such as, 'Since I had that done to me'. Sex, in this description, is not something in which these young women participated, rather they were passive 'objects'. There is no indication of desire or mutuality in the experience. On the other hand, the language used by young males often divorced the sexual experience from the personal.

Another important aspect of language raised by the study was the young people's ability or inability to 'name' sexual violence. All young people were asked to identify what had occurred in the adolescent rape case scenario as well as identify any violence that they or their peers had experienced. In terms of the case scenario there were clear gender differences with women (particularly those in Years 11 and 12) most able to identify the situation as either rape or abuse. Males of the same age were the least likely to identify the situation as rape, describing it instead as: 'a misunderstanding'; 'pushy sex'; or 'part of the deal'. This finding was similar to that found in studies undertaken in the United States (eg White and Humphrey 1991).

Interestingly, when I asked students if anything like rape had happened to them or their friends only a handful said yes. However, when I rephrased that question and asked 'had they or anyone they knew ever been forced to do something sexual that they didn't want to and that made them feel bad?1 there was a substantial increase in 'yes' responses. Some of the responses included:

 No, not like this incident [case study] just sort of trying to force
 girls to do head jobs and stuff like that.
 None of my friends have been raped or anything, but one of my friends
 was forced to have anal sex and she was really crook afterwards.

The under-reporting and non-identification of rape has been widely documented (Warshaw 1988).

Rape mythology

There was widespread adherence to what has been called 'rape mythology' (Easteal 1992). Based on this mythology the responsibility or blame for the violence is borne by the victim, usually the young woman. The questionnaire administered at Town Y highlighted a disturbingly high number of situations in which it was 'okay' for a male to force a woman to have sexual intercourse. Many young people indicated a belief that it was OK for a man to rape a woman if 'they had been going out for a while'. Being in a relationship inevitably meant being sexual, with or without your consent. There was strong condemnation of women who were 'sluts' and it was impossible for a 'slut' to be raped:

 She actually goes out and if she is drunk, she will get onto at least
 4 people in the same night, so you can't really say that he raped
 her because she was like that.

This quote was from a Year 11 female. Women in many cases held to this mythology more ardently than men. Other rape myths strongly held by students included: "nice men don't rape"; "you can tell when a woman has been raped"; and, "some women lie to get back at the man". The impact of adherence to such mythology on young women's ability to seek support is likely to be enormous (Kelly 1988).

Masculinity

Another issue raised (rather inadvertently) by the study was the construction of masculinity in rural communities, how feminism is challenging and changing it and how some young men struggle to move beyond the narrowly stereotypical rural masculinity of their fathers (Brod 1987). I believe the emergence of this issue may result from a bias in the participants - in that those males struggling with these issues may have been more likely to agree to participate in the study.

Female desire

Many of the female participants indicated a struggle or conflict between social mores around young women's behaviour and the expression of sexual desire (Lees 1986; Halson 1991). It is possible that some of the young women overcame this conflict through the abuse of alcohol, which seemingly excused their behaviour. There were very strong social prohibitions against casual sex expressed by the young people. Despite this, casual sex was widespread, strongly connected to the abuse of alcohol.

Throughout the study I have been sensitive to the impact of my subjective experience on the research process. I have kept a diary of my responses to particular situations and people. The key question is: how has my experience of adolescent sexual violence affected this study? In analysis this will raise some very interesting theoretical research questions, similar to those explored so interestingly by Mikel-Brown and Gilligan (1992); and Acker, Barry & Esseveld (1993).

Conclusion:

Having completed the fieldwork I am now faced with the daunting task of writing it up in a way which is true to the underlying philosophies of this research - giving young women a voice and bringing about change.

References

Acker, J., Barry, K. & Esseveld, J. (1993) 'Objectivity & truth: problems in doing feminist research' in M. M. Fonow and J. A. Cook, (eds) Beyond Methodology, Indiana Press, Indianapolis.

Anders, D. (1988) 'Action research' in The Action Research Reader 3rd edition, Deakin University Press, Victoria.

Bateman, P. (1991) 'The context of date rape' in B. Levy, (ed) Dating Violence: Young Women in

Danger, The Seal Press, Seattle.

Brod, H. (1987) The Making of Masculinities, Allen & Unwin, Sydney.

Easteal, P. (1992) 'Rape Mythologies' paper presented at Without Consent Conference, Melbourne.

Domestic Violence Resource Centre (1992) Preventing Abuse in Relationships: An Educational Program for Adolescents, Domestic Violence Resource Centre, Brisbane.

Gamache, D. (1991) 'Domination and control: The social context of dating violence' in B. Levy, (1991) Dating Violence. Young Women in Danger, The Seal Press, Seattle.

Hall, B. (1988) 'Knowledge as a commodity and participatory research' in The Action Research Reader 3rd edition, Deakin University Press, Victoria.

Halson, J. (1991) 'Young women, sexual harassment & heterosexuality' in P. Abbot and C. Wallace, (eds) Gender, Power & Sexuality, Macmillan, Hong Kong/London.

James, K. (1989) Women in Rural Australia, University of Queensland Press, Brisbane.

Kelly, L. (1988) Surviving Sexual Violence, Polity Press, Cambridge.

Lees, S. (1986) Losing Out: Sexuality & Adolescent Girls, Hutchinson Education Ltd., Essex.

Levy, B. (1991) Dating Violence: Young Women in Danger, The Seal Press, Seattle.

McRobbie, A. (1978) 'Working class girls and the culture of femininity' in Women's Study Group, Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies, Women Take Issue, Hutchinson Education Ltd., Essex.

Mikel-Brown, L. and Gilligan, C. (1992) Meeting at the Crossroads. Women's Psychology and Girls' Development, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Poiner, G. (1990) Good Old Rule: Gender and Other Power Relationships in a Rural Community, Sydney University Press, Sydney.

Roberts, H. (1988) Doing Feminist Research, Routledge, London.

White, J. and Humphrey, J. (1991) 'Young people's attitudes towards acquaintance rape' in A. Parrot and L. Bechhofer (eds) Acquaintance Rape: The Hidden Crime, Wiley, New York.

Warshaw, R. (1988) I Never Called It Rape, Harper & Row, New York. Women in Welfare Education, Number 2, 1996. 82

* Margot Rawsthome is currently a PhD student at the University of Sydney.