A Forgotten African American Mathematician: Charles T. Gidiney of Troy, New York.
Cooper-Rompato, Christine
African American men made considerable contributions to the field
of mathematics in the 1700s and 1800s) The earliest African American
mathematician is thought to be the slave Thomas Fuller (d. 1790), whose
obituary termed him "the famous Africa Calculator" who could,
among other feats, "give the number of months, days, weeks, hours,
minutes and seconds in any period of time that any person chose to
mention, allowing in his calculation for all leap years that happened in
the time." (2) Better known is Benjamin Banneker (d. 1806), who
taught himself advanced mathematics and astronomical calculations and
created a famous almanac featuring astronomical predictions.(3)
In 1849, Charles Reason (d. 1893) became the first African American
professor at a predominately white college, namely Central College in
McGrawville, Cortland County, New York. He was professor of belles
lettres, Greek, Latin, and French, and appointed as an adjunct professor
of mathematics.(4) Edward Alexander Bouchet (d. 1918) was the first
African American to earn a PhD in the U.S. (in geometrical optics, a
branch of physics, from Yale University in 1876).(5) In 1886, Kelly
Miller (d. 1939) was the first African American to study mathematics at
the graduate level, at Johns Hopkins University.(6) In 1925, the first
African American to earn a PhD in pure mathematics, from Cornell
University, was Elbert Frank Cox (d. 1969).(7) These men, whether
informally or formally educated, are famous for their mathematical
achievements. One story that has not been told, however, is that of a
lesser known and non-formally educated African American man who also was
actively involved in the field of mathematics, Charles T. Gidiney. (8)
On Saturday afternoon, October 20, 1877, the Troy Times reported a
mathematical discovery in its local news section, "Home
Matters": Charles T. Gidney [sic], a resident of Troy, New York,
claimed to have calculated "The True Ratio Between a Diameter and
Circumference of a Circle," or pi (11). This article was then
reprinted in the October 22, 1877 issue of the New York Times under the
title "A Negro Mathematician's Claim":
The Troy Times of Saturday says: "A colored man named Giciney,
residing on North Third Street, below Jacob, claims to have
discovered the true and exact ratio between the diameter and
circumference of a circle. According to the accepted rule, with
the diameter or circumference alone given, the other cannot be
exactly told. The ratio is 3.14159 plus, or as commonly used,
3.1416 plus. Mr. Gidney claims that by an algebraic calculation
he has discovered the exact ratio, and he has in preparation a
book on the subject which he intends shortly to publish. The
demonstration of this discovery is now receiving the attention
of competent mathematicians, and whether it amounts to anything
or not will soon be determined. Mr. Gidney possesses little or
no education except in mathematics, and in this branch it is
said he is able to solve most difficult problems." (9)
Notices about this discovery also appeared in several newspapers
across the nation. Both the Indianapolis Sentinel of October 24, 1877
(10) and the New Orleans' Weekly Louisianian of November 3, 1877
repeat the Times notice, with an error in the latter claiming that the
ratio of pi is "4.14159 plus". (11) The October 29, 1877
Jersey Journal of New Jersey summarizes Gidiney's findings in a
section dedicated to humorous and/or unusual news items, quipping that
"a Troy publisher is printing a book on the subject. Several
lunatics on this subject have already been fed at the State's
expense, and the thing is about played out." (12) The March 1, 1879
issue of the Si. Albans Daily Messenger of Vermont focuses on both the
poverty and vulnerability of the inventor, claiming that Gidiney,
"a poor man, more than sixty years old" is "jealous of
his discovery" and thus "is guarding it until he can secure
the protection of the law to prevent others from wresting it from
him." (13) Five years later, an article titled "A Colored
Mathematician" appearing in the State Journal of Harrisburg,
Pennsylvania, repeated the information of the Times article, adding that
Gidiney "has devoted years to the problem and will soon publish in
book form the results of his labor." (14) That this news item was
republished repeatedly over an eight-year time span suggests that it had
resonance with readers across the country. The story was attractive on
so many levels: an informally educated African American genius, a
"poor man" by at least one account, planning to publish his
life's work but jealously guarding his discovery against those who
would attempt to claim it for their own.
Unfortunately, it is not immediately known whether or not Charles
Gidiney did produce such a book, and if he did, whether or not it was
ever published. However, S. C. Gould's Bibliography on The Polemic
Problem: What is the Value of (17), published in 1888, reports under
Gidiney's name the title "The Ratio of Circumference to the
Diameter of the Circle," with the publication details as "Troy
(N. Y.) Standard, October 2, 1878," referring to the newspaper the
Evening Standard, whose first issue was published in 1877. (15) As
Gould's bibliographic reference records, "Mr. Gidney works by
a series of algebraic equations numbering 1350, from which he develops
the ratio, 3.135135+. (16) This would suggest that either Gidiney did
write a publication by the title "The Ratio of Circumference to the
Diameter of the Circle" that was mentioned in the October 2, 1878
issue of the Evening Standard, or that this article published his
results and observed therein that the number of expressions totaled
1,350. Regrettably, no copies of this particular newspaper issue survive
in any form that I have been able to locate, so what was reported in the
paper must be left to our imagination. (17)
As far as I have been able to discern, Gidiney's discovery is
only mentioned in a few sources between the 1880s and the 1960s. In
addition to Gould's 1888 Bibliography on The Polemic Problem, a
verbatim citation appears in S.C. Gould and L.M. Gould's periodical
The Bizarre Notes and Queries in History, Folk-Lore, Mathematics,
Mysticism, Art, Science, Etc., also published in 1888.18 Decades later,
in a very short article published in 1963 by Underwood Dudley on the
value of pi, Gidiney is credited with being part of a long but important
tradition of those who helped us "[keep] track of IT' in the
nineteenth century. (19) However, since the 1960s, it appears no one has
remembered this mathematician or considered some of the important
questions raised by and surrounding his remarkable efforts.
A large part of the interest in Gidiney's discovery for
newspaper audiences across the country may have been readers'
familiarity with the concept of pi and attempts to define it. Searching
for the value of pi, or the ratio of a circle's circumference to
its diameter, had occupied hundreds if not thousands of enthusiasts
since ancient times. This appears to have been such an intriguing
problem for so many people over the centuries because what seems at
first glance to be deceptively simple is actually beyond the power of
human calculation; as we now know, pi is actually an irrational number
that cannot be precisely determined with absolute accuracy. We may use
approximations such as the ratio 22/7 or 3.14 for convenience sake, but
in fact the decimal continues on indefinitely in no predictable pattern.
But the very hope that the value could be determined was enough to
motivate many; certainly computing the value of pi with absolute
precision would be attractive, as it appears in many formulae and its
value is intrinsic to trigonometry. (20)
By 1853, the British amateur mathematician William Shank,
collaborating with mathematician of the Royal Military Academy William
Rutherford, had calculated pi to the 607 (th) digit, and by 1873 Shank
had increased pi to the 707 (th) digit, although approximately the last
200 or so of these digits were later found to be incorrect. (21) Shank
and Rutherford's amazing feat did not preclude others from
attempting to refine pi in the mid to late nineteenth century, or from
reproducing some of the same results as earlier publications through a
different series of calculations. Some who were working on the value of
pi were well-known figures, including noted mathematicians and other
professionals. For example, in 1861, Dr. Philip H. Van der Weyde,
prominent electrician and future editor of The Manufacturer and Builder,
demonstrated that pi is equal to 3.1415926535+. (22) In 1862, the
philosopher, writer, and geometrist Professor Lawrence Sluter Benson
argued that pi is equal to 3.141592+. (23) Even aristocracy was not
exempt from the desire to define pi: The 11" Duke of Somerset,
Edward Adolphus St. Maur, wrote a treatise in 1843 calculating the
properties of the ellipse and the circle. (24) Still others were
publishing their results on pi under pseudonyms such as
"Futurus" at 3.1238093 11/21 (in 1853) and "A.
Finality" at 3.16666 2/3 (in 1872), no doubt leading audiences to
wonder at the authors' true identities. (25)
This late nineteenth-century drive to define pi and the related
problem of squaring the circle, or making a square with the same area as
a given circle using only a compass and a straight edge, culminated in
the infamous "Indiana Pi Bill" of 1897. This bill was brought
to session by an amateur mathematician, Dr. Edward J. Goodwin, who
believed he had squared the circle and wished to legislate his results
for the benefit of Indiana (all other states were to pay a tax to
Indiana for using Goodwin's discovery). Although the bill was an
extremely confusing and contradictory piece of legislation containing
several definitions of pi, it passed the House but fortunately was
postponed indefinitely in the Senate after a math professor from Purdue
University pointed out its erroneous logic.26 Although the Indiana Pi
Bill is usually considered to be an example of what happens when
government attempts to legislate science, it can also be read as an
example of the public's intense and popular interest in
long-standing mathematical challenges. (27) Trying to define pi was a
kind of participatory math problem, as amateurs and professionals alike
believed they could make valuable contributions to the field.
To return to the case of Charles T. Gidiney, who contributed his
algebraic proof of pi to the larger mathematical discussion, we see that
many questions are raised by the New York Times article, and especially
the non-extant Troy Evening Standard article. The New York Times
(quoting the Troy Times) states that Gidiney had received little or no
education, except in mathematics. How and where did he learn his
mathematics? As a free African American, had he received formal and/or
informal training as a child or adult, or was he an autodidact? How did
he publicize his discovery, and what was the response of the local
community to his work? Who were the "competent mathematicians"
who examined it, and what were their conclusions? Did Gidiney or the
other mathematicians reviewing his work have any connection to nearby
universities or colleges, namely Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute and
the short-lived Troy University, which was operated by the Methodist
Episcopal Church between 1858 and 1 86 1? (28) In what ways did Gidiney
publically practice mathematics in his community, thereby earning him a
reputation for mathematics? Unfortunately, none of these questions are
easy to answer without further evidence to illuminate them.
Fortunately, Charles T. Gidiney has left a number of biographical
records including those found in census records, city directories,
church records, and local newspaper articles, and these provide brief
glimpses into the circumstances of his life. Much can be surmised from
the records, but even more is left unknown. In the following pages I
will present the extant biographical evidence and life records in rough
chronological order, making conjectures whenever possible to shed some
light on Gidiney's mathematical accomplishments.
The first time Gidiney appears in any written document is the
Federal Census of 1840, where he is listed as living in New Lebanon,
Columbia [County], New York. According to the census, there were nine
-free colored persons" living in the household: two males under the
age of ten, two men between 24 and 35 (of which Charles Gidiney, head of
household was one), one female under ten, two females between the ages
of ten and 23, one female 24 through 35, and one between 36 and 54. None
of the other names in the household are given, so their relationships to
Gidiney are not easy to discern. (29) It is tempting to imagine that
Charles Gidiney was living with his wife, mother, and several children;
the other man between 24 and 35 could of course be a relative or
unrelated boarder.
New Lebanon, well known in the nineteenth century for its vibrant
Shaker community, lies over twenty miles southeast of Albany, and in the
early-mid nineteenth century a number of free African Americans lived in
this general area of upstate New York. According to North Star Country:
Upstate New York and the Crusade for African American Freedom, in 1840
Columbia County had 1,156 free African American men and women living
within its confines; however, as the census reveals, the number of
African Americans living in New Lebanon itself was quite small, fewer
than 30. Gidiney's household was by far the largest with its nine
residents. (30) As Charles Gidiney does not appear in any earlier
documents that I have found, it is not clear whether he was raised in
New Lebanon as a child, of if he relocated to New Lebanon as an adult.
If Gidiney was raised in upstate New York, perhaps he attended one of
several segregated schools in the area for African American children,
where he would no doubt have learned the fundamentals of algebra and
geometry. (31)
A decade later Charles T. Gidiney appears in the 1850 census as a
"laborer," age 37, with the estimated year of birth 1813. His
birthplace is listed as New York. He is recorded as dwelling in house
number 1226 (census numbering) of the Third ward of Troy in Rensselaer
County. In addition to Gidiney, three other people are included in the
household:
Mary C. Hardy, female, age 22, birthplace New York Anna Hardy,
female, age 3, birthplace Pennsylvania John T. Gidiney, male,
age 11, birthplace New York"
John T. may possibly be Charles Gidiney's son, who would have
been one year old at the time of the 1840 census. Mary Hardy may be a
partner, relative, or unrelated acquaintance. According to census data,
in 1850 Rensselaer County had 1,019 free blacks living within its
confines; the dwelling in which the Gidiney and Hardy family resided was
home to several other African American families. (33)
Charles Gidiney's move to Troy in the 1840s may have proved
quite important to the development and expression of his mathematical
ability. The city of Troy and its inhabitants played an important role
in the abolitionist movement; for example, the Liberty Street
Presbyterian Church was one of the stops on the Underground Railroad,
and the abolitionist paper the National Watchman was first published in
Troy in 1842. (34) Troy was the first city where Uncle Tom 's Cabin
was produced (in 1852), and Troy was also the host of the first Negro
State Convention (in 1841). (35) Certainly its abolitionist activity
must have been attractive to many, and it is tempting to imagine Gidiney
as capitalizing on this atmosphere to pursue his mathematical ambitions.
(36)
Because of the influx of immigrants to New York, the state held
extra censuses in the nineteenth century. In the 1855 New York state
census, Charles F. Gidiney [spelled Gidney], age 40, is recorded as
living in the First Ward of Troy, with a birthplace of Columbia County
and the occupation of whitewasher. He is married to Harriet A. Gidney,
age 36, with a birthplace of Schoharie County. (37)
Gidiney appears in a number of documents in the 1860s. The 1860
federal census lists a "Chas T Gidney," with a residence in
the Seventh Ward City of Troy in Rensselaer, New York. His age is given
as 45 years and his birthplace is New York state. (38) This year,
Rensselaer County had 1058 free blacks living in the county, according
to census data. (39) This is the year that Harriet Tubman stayed over in
Troy on her way to an abolitionist meeting in Boston and helped to
rescue an escaped slave, Charles Nalle, who was about to be sent back to
Virginia under the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850. (40) In the 1861 Troy
City directory, Charles T. Gidiney appears as a whitewasher (an
unskilled labor position involved with painting and construction),
living at house number 156 Green.41 The 1863 city directory states
"Charles T. Gidiney," "house rear 156 Green." (42)
In July 1863, Charles Gidiney wrote a letter to the mayor of Troy
expressing his fear about the well-being of his family and other African
Americans during the Troy Civil War draft riots. This letter is now
preserved at the Rensselaer County Historical Society. The draft riots
began when federal legislation passed stating that all able-bodied men
between the ages of 20 and 45 should serve in the Union Army, with the
exception that a man could either provide a substitute or pay three
hundred dollars for an exemption. Riots commenced in New York City, and
soon the mob, composed largely of Irish-American immigrants, violently
attacked African American men, women, and children. According to the
front page articles in the New York Times on July 14, 1863, "As
soon as one of these unfortunate people was spied, whether on a cart, a
railroad car, or in the street, he was immediately set upon by a crowd
of men and boys, and unless some men of pluck came to his rescue ... he
was inhumanly beaten and perhaps killed." (43)
Riots soon spread to Boston and Troy. The following is a
description of the riots in Troy that came to a head on Wednesday, July
15:
On Wednesday morning, about four hundred men, averse
to the draft, formed a procession at the Nail Factory...
and marched through the city northward as far as Mount
Olympus. Along the line of march mechanics and other
workmen were solicited to the part in take part in the
demonstration which was evidently intended primarily
to be a display of the number of persons in the city
opposed to the making of a draft to recruit the
armies in the field. This intention was soon changed
to one less peaceful in expression. (44)
Rioting and looting was rampant, and the offices of the Troy
newspaper, the Troy Daily Times, were ransacked, as were private
residences. The rioters in Troy targeted African Americans with
particular vehemence. As Arthur James Weise records, "Wherever
found, without any distinction of age or sex, they [African Americans]
were stoned and otherwise maltreated." (45) Charles T.
Gidiney's letter, which was written on Saturday, July 18, to the
mayor of Troy, describes the violence he and his wife were facing and
eloquently requests the mayor's assistance:
City of Troy July 18th 1863 To the Mayor of Troy City Mr.
Wm L. Van Alstyne Esq. Honorable Sir. As I learn that you
are in Town I now inform you of my Grief, and no doubt all
the rest of my People are under the same Grievances. I have
been advised by white Gentlemen and Ladies for to stay in
my house and not to be seen in the Streets Because it is not
safe the Irish Mob was going about seeking the Coloured
Peoples Lives. Since the Mob, I cannot go out to get Groceries
But there is some thing thrown at my head, I have been staying
in my house two Days. And we are afraid of our Lives being
Destroyed. Therefore I now Pray to you for protection so that I
may walk the streets undisturbed you know that I cannot live with
out my daily Labor. And when I pass through the Streets I heard
them say Kill the Nigger, Kill the Nigger, Kill the Nigger. And
even yesterday Little Boys stood before my Door at a short Distance
and my Wife stood in her Door, and there they stood with Clubs and
saying Nigger, Nigger, Shaking there clubs at her &c.
I pray you to forthwith put out a Proclamation against all such
offenses so the we Coloured people may walk the street in perfect
Peace &c.
Yours Most Respectfully &c. &c.
Chas. T. Gidiney (46)
The letter attests to the cruel and menacing treatment he and his
family were receiving at the hands of the rioters, and makes an appeal
to the mayor to restore order by making a proclamation "against all
such offenses" so that all the African American men and women of
Troy can return unmolested to their work and lives. The letter shows
Charles Gidiney to be a careful rhetorician, balancing accounts of his
wife's and his own personal experiences with formal requests of
aid, to urge the major to act to protect Troy's African American
community. Gidiney begins by stating that he has listened to white men
and women who have instructed him to stay inside, and then ends the
letter with the image of little white boys holding clubs and menacing
his wife. The letter seems to suggest that surely the mayor should be
able to control "little boys," if not their parents.
Gidiney next appears in a census document two years later. Charles
T. Gidiney is included in the 1865 New York state census as a resident
of the Seventh Ward of Troy. He is listed as head of household and is 57
years old. According to the document, he has three children, has been
married twice, and is currently married. His birthplace is given as
Columbia [County, New York], and his occupation is -white washer."
Immediately following his entry is listed -Harriet Gidiney,"
age 46, from Broome [County], which lies west of Rensselaer. She is
recorded as having one child, has been twice married, and is now
currently married.'" Although the entry for Charles Gidiney
suggests he was born somewhat earlier than the other censuses
(approximately 1808), the remaining details are similar to other
censuses. In the 1865, 1866, 1867, and 1868 Troy City directories,
Charles T. Gidiney appears as a "whitewasher" living at the
street address of 156 Green. (48)
In the 1870 census, he appears as Charles T. Gidney of Rensselaer,
New York, age 56. His occupation is listed as "whitewashing
walls." His household includes Harriet M. Gidney, age 52; the
couple lives alone. The value of their real estate is given as two
thousand dollars, and their personal estate is worth two hundred. (49)
Assuming these census figures are correct, this would put Charles
Gidiney about age 63 or 64 when the Troy Times first reported his
mathematical discovery. In the 1872 directory of Troy City, Charles T.
uicuncy is listed as a whitewasher living at h. 52 North Third. (50)
This is repeated for the Troy City Directories of 1872, 1873, 1874,
1875, and 1878. (51)
In the 1875 New York state census for Troy, a listing is given for
"Charles L. Gedney," age 62, whitewasher, and "Harretta
Gedney," age 58, housekeeper, as well as a "daughter"
named "Melicia Johnson," age 17 and "William H.
Brown," age 52, "boarder." (52) The value of their framed
dwelling is given as one thousand dollars. It is not clear whose
daughter Melicia is, and she does not appear again under this name in
future censuses. As Harriet and Charles Gidiney were married by 1855, is
does not seem possible that Melicia Johnson is their biological
daughter. However, she may be an adopted daughter, or even the daughter
of the boarder (although her name is listed after the Gidineys and
before the boarder.)
Gidiney does not appear in the records of the 1880 census. However,
his name is included in the subsequent city directories. In 1881, 1882,
and 1883, Charles T. Gidiney appears as a whitewasher living at h. 52
North Third. (53) In 1886 he is listed as "Chas T.," still
with the same occupation and address. (54) In 1887 Chas. T. Gidiney has
moved to 2168 Sixth Ave, where his directory listing remains unchanged
until 1893. (See records for 1888, 1889, 1890, 1892, and 1893.) (55) The
Saturday, October 2 issue of the New York Freeman in 1886 lists his
property as valued at one thousand dollars. (56)
A number of records frorr the 1880s attest to the Gidineys'
involvement in their community and church. In the 1884 Troy City
Directory, Mrs. Harriet Gidiney is listed as the president of the Female
Benevolent Society, a society for Atrican American women that met the
"First Tuesday evening of each month." (57) The original
African Female Benevolent Society of Troy was formed in 1833, and was
designed to give aide to the poor as well as "to break down the
barrier of prejudice and raise themselves to an equality 'with
those fellow beings who differ from us in complexion alone.'"
(58) It is not clear whether society over which Harriet Gidiney presided
was an unbroken continuation of the African Female Benevolent Society,
or whether the society was disbanded earlier and then reorganized at
some point in the mid-1880s.
The Gidineys were very active in their church in the 1880s. The New
York Freeman of March 27, 1886, reported on Charles Gidiney's
recent election to the board of trustees of the A. M. E. (African
Methodist Episcopal) Zion Church of Seventh Street, Troy. (59) In
1887-1888, Charles T. Gidiney and his wife Harriet appear in a list of
members of the Church; Charles is also listed as a "Class
Leader" as well as a "Trustee" of the Church. (60) The
A.M.E. Church was originally founded in New York City in 1822, and in
the early- to mid-nineteenth century African American worshippers
brought independent congregations to upstate New York; the Troy A.M.E.
Zion Church was established in the 1830s. (61) A photograph of Charles
T. Gidiney appears in the book The History of Methodism in Troy, New
York in which he is seated with members and the Church Board and the
Church Trustees. (62) References to Troy's A.M.E. Zion Church in
newspapers provide valuable evidence of the rich, literate community of
the congregation, as articles on the topics of sermons and social events
appeared regularly in the New York Freeman and the New York Age. These
articles demonstrate the close connections between the African American
churches in the area, particularly with the Liberty Street Presbyterian
Church. The Gidineys' A.M.E. Zion Church was a significant site of
learning and literacy; for example, a summary of the 1886 quarterly
report of the Church included the mention of over 300 books in the
library. (63)
One sermon of that may have been of particular interest to
mathematician Charles Gidiney is referenced in a New York Freeman
article on December 6, 1890, which states that the pastor of the Church,
George E. Smith, "delivered an instructive sermon last Sunday upon
'Gospel Arithmetic,' beginning at addition and he purposes to
conclude at division." (64) Although the title of this sermon is
somewhat vague, it may have focused on the many numerate acts modeled in
the Gospels--for example, the multiplication of the loaves and fishes,
Christ's reference to Peter that he should forgive his brother
"seventy times seven" times, and so on. Indeed, it is tempting
to imagine that because of Gidiney's reputation as a mathematician,
his fellow congregation had a heightened awareness of and interest in
the numerical references in Scripture. Perhaps Gidiney's reputation
for his mathematics influenced the topic of the sermon?
There are several mentions of Gidiney in records for the early
1890s, but after this the references grow much sparser. The federal
census data for 1890 was largely destroyed, and Gidiney does not appear
in the few extant records. However, there is a Chas. T. Giciney listed
in the 1890 Troy city directory. (65) The September 13, 1890 issue of
the New York Age reports under "Troy Tropics" that "The
surprise party tendered Brother Gidney on his 77th birthday last Friday
was pleasant affair" (66); the previous Friday no doubt refers to
eight days before, on September 5. Unfortunately, his wife Harriet
passed away almost immediately after the party, for the New York Age on
Saturday, September 27, 1890, records that "the funeral of Mrs.
Harriet Gidney took place from the A.M.E. Zion Church Thursday
afternoon, September 11. The service was conducted by the Rev. Decker,
assisted by the Rev. Geo. E. Smith, pastor." (67) According to the
Troy Times mortuary notice, Harriet Gidiney's death was sudden.
(68) The following year a social notice related to the A.M.E. Zion
Church appeared in the New York Age, stating that Charles Gidiney had
been invited to dinner at Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Bingham's house, 1632
Sixth Avenue. (69)
After his wite's death, Charles thdiney continued to reside at
2168 Sixth Ave. In 1893, the city directory listing includes an
important change: Chas T. Gidiney is no longer listed as a whitewasher.
Instead, he is listed as "Sexton, A.M.E. Zion's Church. (70)
He also appears in the 1895 Troy City Directory as the sexton of the
Church. After 1895, however, Gidiney is no longer listed as sexton of
the church, and he is not included in the city directories.
By 1900 Charles Gidiney's fortunes had changed for the worse.
The 1900 Federal Census includes a "Charles F. Gidiney," age
86, born September 1813 in New York, as a widowed inmate in a poor house
(probably the County Poor House) in Milton, Saratoga. A census of
inmates in almshouses and poorhouses also lists Gidiney as in inmate in
1900. (71) According to this document, Gidiney is said to be
"colored" and a widower. His admittance date is given as
January 9, 1900. Under "education" is recorded he can
"read and write," and his occupation is listed as
"laborer," as is the occupation of his father. His
"habits," as well as the "habits" of his mother and
father, are listed as "temperate." Under the question, how
many children living, the response reads "none." If this is
indeed the mathematician Charles Gidiney, his children had all died by
this point. "Old Age" is given as the reason for dependence,
and "not any" is the kind of labor he is able to pursue. This
is the last record related to Gidiney that I have been able to discover.
It suggests he died penniless and unknown, his mathematical achievements
virtually forgotten.
A quarter of a century after the Troy Times first announced
Gidiney's discovery, amateur mathematicians were still attempting
to test their wits against pi. For example, the December 8, 1902 Evening
News of San Jose, California, reported that a wood-dealer (and former
French lawyer) named Benjamin Mercadier had spent nearly half a century
in the quest to square the circle and was ready to report his successful
results.72 Two days later, the paper printed that his claim was under
attack by University of California Berkeley mathematicians who labeled
the quest to square the circle "absurd." As the mathematicians
explained, squaring the circle had been proved impossible in 1882 by
Ferdinand von Lindemann when he demonstrated that pi was a
transcendental or non-algebraic number. The "humble" Mercadier
responded thus to the criticism: "I think I have the solution. The
very simplicity of it inclines me the more to believe it. Of course I
may be wrong. The mathematicians can look into my theory when I publish
it. If I am wrong, I err in very good company." (73) Five years
later, Mercadier died alone in his apartment, his life's work on pi
apparently forgotten as well. (74)
It is quite possible that Charles Gidiney's proof never made
it fully into print; no doubt he encountered opposition from
professional mathematicians who crushed his theory, just as they had
crushed Mercadier's. Despite the faulty nature of Gidiney's
proof, however, it raises a number of intriguing questions. Firstly,
there is the mention of the 1,350 algebraic steps in the proof: What did
these steps look like? What kind of math was Gidiney engaged with? What
could his proof tell us about his methods of inquiry and argument?
Secondly, the proof raises many questions about Gidiney's
education, namely, Where did he learn his mathematics? Who taught him,
or if he was an autodidact, where did he find the resources to teach
himself? While working as a laborer and a white-washer, when did he find
time the necessary time to work on his mathematics? Did he work on paper
or chalkboard, or entirely in his head? Thirdly, the proof raises
questions about how Gidiney practiced his mathematics in his community.
What kind of reputation did he have in his community for mathematics?
Was he looked to as a mathematical authority by others? If so, how might
he have served as a public mathematician or as mentor of numeracy to
others? In addition, what were the connections, if any, between Gidiney
and the mathematicians of Troy and the surrounding communities? These
are questions that still need to be answered.
Even with these many questions left unanswered, we can still draw
some significant conclusions from Gidiney's example. The first is
an understanding of Gidiney's exceptional intellect in the context
and challenges of his time. Charles T. Gidiney is an overlooked person
who deserves to be recognized and celebrated, not so much for the
accuracy or inaccuracy of his proof, as for his sheer effort and
engagement with a problem that had obsessed and defeated many highly
educated people before him. He was obviously a very tenacious,
intelligent, rhetorically savvy man, one who no doubt played an
important role in his church and social community and had earned a
reputation for mathematical genius (indeed, as the newspapers indicate,
he could answer almost any difficult problem). It is quite probable that
Gidiney worked on his pi calculations for a long period of time as other
pi enthusiasts did; this suggests that as the Civil War was being fought
(and even as the draft riots were occurring in Troy), this man was
wrestling with a frustratingly complex mathematical problem. Did Gidiney
use his calculations as a way to balance what must have been the
enormous stresses and concerns of his everyday life? Were his
mathematical calculations a way to transcend the temporal to allow him
to focus on the mathematical eternal, of showing his equal intellectual
footing with educated white elites who were also occupied with the
problem? As Gidiney bravely exposed himself to the media and allowed his
work to be submitted to the scrutiny of "competent
mathematicians" (i.e. white academics), he was making a strong
political statement that African Americans could and should participate
in longstanding academic debates.
Secondly, Gidiney's story reminds us that paying more
attention to local examples of African American men and women involved
with science, technology, and invention in past centuries is important
because their lives can offer us alternative ways of thinking about how
education and knowledge are acquired. 1 keep thinking about that library
of three hundred books owned by the A.M.E. Zion Church of Troy, as well
as the kinds of literate and numerate practices promoted by church
sermons, benevolent societies, and meetings. Perhaps our list of famous
African American mathematicians, such as the list with which I began
this paper, could be expanded to include more brilliant practitioners of
"vernacular mathematics" who we might uncover in small
communities throughout the United States.
(1.) See, for example, "Mathematicians," in The
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(8.) Charles Gidincy's name is spelled "Gidney,"
"Gidiney," and even "Gedney" in contemporary
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spells his name "Gidiney," a practice I follow in this paper.
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(17.) See this Library of Congress site for a list of libraries
that have early issues of the Evening Standard; unfortunately, none of
the libraries have October 2, 1878: Chronicling America: Historic
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(18.) S.C. Gould and L.M. Gould, The Bizarre Notes and Queries in
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(Manchester, NH: no publisher, 1888) 113. Gidney's name and
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(19.) Underwood Dudley, "Ilt: 1832-1879," Mathematics
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(20.) I would like to thank Dr. Richard Cutler and Dr. Brynja
Kohler for their help on the definition ofpi.
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(24.) Ibid., 21.
(25.) Underwood Dudley, lit: 1832-1879," 133-34.
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