African American women and the Niagara Movement, 1905-1909.
Nahal, Anita ; Matthews, Lopez D., Jr.
In 1905, between July 11 and July 15, twenty nine African American men met in Buffalo, New York to launch a new movement, the Niagara
Movement. Spearheaded by W. E. B. DuBois, the Niagara Movement lasted
just four years and became the precursor to the National Association for
the Advancement of Colored People, also led by DuBois, in 1909. While no
African American women were part of the original group of twenty nine
that formed the Niagara Movement yet, in many ways Black women became an
integral part of the movement. This article will present their story.
Black women were the gender capital of the Niagara Movement, though
perhaps that was not the intention of the 29 men who came together to
form this group. This article is divided into four sections in order to
create the story of the women in the Niagara Movement: Mary Burnett
Talbert, Carrie W. Clifford, Gertrude Morgan and the Membership Lists.
MARY BURNETT TALBERT
The first meeting of the Niagara Movement opened on July 11, 1905
at the house of Mary Burnett and W.M Talbert. A graduate of Oberlin
College, Mary Talbert became one of "the most widely known
activist[s] in Buffalo" by the turn of the century. (2) (photo #1)
Talbert was an active participant in many different organizations in
Buffalo including those created within and outside of the church. In her
lifetime, she held such high positions as the President of the Buffalo
Phyllis Wheatly Club in 1899, President of the National Association of
Colored Women in 1916, and led the National Association for the
Advancement of Colored People's anti-lynching crusade in 1922 as
the National Director of the Anti-Lynching Committee and became the
first woman to speak before the Norwegian House of Parliament in 1920.
As a result of her many years of hard work in support of the improvement
of the lives of African Americans, and her work with the Anti-Lynching
campaign, Talbert became the first woman to receive the highest award
given by the NAACP, the Spingarn Medal in 1922. (3)
Mary Talbert was also an acquaintance of Booker T. Washington, as
well as DuBois. Washington sought Talbert's assistance in keeping
him informed of the actions of the participants in the Niagara Movement.
In a letter dated July 8, 1905, Washington wrote to his wife Margaret
asking her to, "write to Mrs. Talbert to keep you closely informed
about proceedings and names of people connected with the Buffalo meeting
next week". (4) Expressing her usefulness as an informant in
another letter dated the same day, Washington wrote, "Tell Crosby
look after Buffalo meeting sharply. It is to be held next week. Inside
data can be gotten from Talbert ..." (5)
Washington seemed to have been aware that the meeting was to be
held at the Talbert's residence from a latter correspondence by
Clifford H. Plummer to Washington. In the letter he states, "My
dear Mr. Washington: I arrived home this morning and called you up first
thing ... the report was not true; in fact there really was no
conference in Buffalo where delegates were in attendance ... I was
located near 521 Michigan Avenue from Wednesday morning until Friday and
I can state positively that none of the men named in the report were
present except DuBois." (6) It is not certain as to which report
this was, however, 521 Michigan Avenue was the Talbert's address.
The meeting began at their residence on July 11th and the next day moved
to the Erie Hotel on the Canadian side of the Falls. (photo #2)
Washington's spy arrived at the residence a day late.
The fact that the Niagara Movement meeting began at the
Talbert's residence on July 11, 1905 is corroborated by other
contemporary sources. A letter dated June 13, 1905 written by DuBois to
Mr. W.M. Talbert, Mary Talbert's husband informs him of the
proposed meeting. DuBois writes to him about finding accommodation for
the gentleman who would be coming to Buffalo for the meeting. The letter
has the address, 521, Michigan Avenue at the top. This letter proves
that the Talberts knew DuBois and that they were aware of the impending Niagara Movement. It also confirms that the address 521 Michigan Avenue
belonged to the Talberts.
Contemporary newspaper accounts also confirm that the Niagara
Movement meeting began at the Talbert's residence on July 11, 1905.
The Buffalo Enquirer reported on July 12 that "Colored men from
eighteen states held a national conference at No.521 Michigan Street
yesterday ... " (7) On July 13, the same newspaper reported that
the meeting, " ... opened Tuesday," and that it was being held
at " ... the Erie Beach Hotel." (8) This supports three
points, that the Niagara Movement started on July 11, 1905, at the
residence of the Talbert's and that it moved to the Erie Beach
Hotel on the second day--July 12.
The Buffalo Commercial also noted on July 12, 1905 that, "A
national conference of Negroes is being held at 521 Michigan Street ...
The leader of the meeting is Prof. W. E. B. DuBois ... "and again
the Buffalo Daily also noted on July 12, 1905 that, " ... a
national conference of colored men from eighteen different states held
at 521 Michigan Street, the opening session yesterday .... " (9)
The final proof of the meeting having begun at Mary Talbert's
residence is the official address given on top of the page of the list
of members and program of the first Niagara meeting. It reads,
"NM
First Annual Meeting
Place: Erie Beach Hotel, Ontario and 521 Michigan Ave.,
Buffalo, N.Y.
Time: July 11, 12 and 15 1905." (10)
While at the time the notation of Mary Talbert's address on
the meeting list probably had no great significance for Black women, in
retrospect it is a very significant part of Black women's history in the movement for the race. Mary Talbert was a willing partner with
her husband to allow DuBois and the other men to meet at their house to
form a new movement, one that was in opposition to Booker T. Washington.
There was a risk involved in this as Washington also knew the
Talbert's and had already been in correspondence with them to gain
information on the meeting. The Talbert's did not inform him of the
fact that the meeting was going to convene in their residence. In the
process the Talbert's signaled their support of DuBois's new
radical movement. Mary Talbert was already an active race supporter and
did not object to the meeting being convened at her residence even
though she was not invited to be a signatory to the Niagara
Movement's birth. We do not find any contemporary documents that
reveal her taking credit for allowing the first 29 men to gather at her
residence. Nor do we find any minutes of the Niagara Movement Meeting
acknowledging her name in relation to the formation of the Niagara
Movement. Thus Mary Talbert's silent contribution to the foundation
of the movement is saluted.
CARRIE CLIFFORD
Carrie Clifford, an activist, a reformer and a writer of the Harlem
Renaissance is the second woman to be associated with the Niagara
Movement, though openly, unlike Mary Talbert. Clifford was from Ohio and
Washington and a long time friend of DuBois. Clifford was also on the
committee of one hundred that founded the NAACP in 1909 and a president
of the National Association of Colored Women. Through sketchy
contemporary documents Clifford's role in the Niagara Movement can
be gauged. She was made, "in charge of appeals to women for the
Niagara Movement." (11) A letterhead for the Niagara Movement
carries her name at the top. It says, "Secretary for Women
(South)." (12) In another account it is stated that, "in 1906,
DuBois asked several women to lead a national committee for a female
auxiliary of the Niagara Movement. Clifford assumed responsibility for
encouraging women to join later that year at the Niagarites second
meeting held in Harpers Ferry, West Virginia. Although women were denied
admission to the sessions until the third meeting held in Boston the
following year, they met among themselves. In 1907 at the Boston
meeting, half of the eight hundred delegates were women. Thus, it is
obvious that the campaign led by Clifford to persuade more women to join
the Niagara Movement was most successful." (13) And a final
document states that she was to work " ... jointly with Mrs.
Morgan." (14) Mrs. Morgan was later appointed in charge of the
women's auxiliary to the Niagara Movement.
Clifford was also the person who suggested in 1906 that race
organizations ought to work together and said that the Niagara Movement
and the Afro-American Council should join forces and work together. (15)
However many were suspicious that she belonged to the Washington camp,
thus her ideas were ignored as possible attempts by Washington to
infiltrate and influence the group. (16) However, she was known to be a
radical. She was a poet of the Harlem Renaissance and in her vibrant
poetry she appeared very much the rebel. "In her poetry and in her
life, Carrie Clifford did indeed speak with a determination and resolve
that would not be quenched by America's accomodationist desires for
its black constituency." (17)
In two of her poems Clifford exhorted women to work for the race.
The first one is directly addressed to women and in the second there is
a reference to women that inspire Black women to struggle for the common
cause of the race. The first poem is titled, Duty's Call.
Come, all ye women, come!
Help till the work is done,
Help to uplift!
We must sin's blight remove,
By deeds of kindness prove
The wondrous power of love,
God's greatest gift.
We must remove the ban
Placed on our fellow-man,
Thro' Satan's power;
Let us as one unite,
Darkness and wrong to fight,
Then will the glorious light
Break in God's hour.
"Tis now, we must begin;
If we our cause would win;
The foe is strong;
But we can make him quake,
His forces swerve and break
When we old earth shall shake
With victory's song." (18)
In the second poem titled, Marching to Conquest, she stresses upon
the noble virtues of women.
We are battling for the right with purpose strong and true;
"Tis a mighty struggle, but we've pledged to dare and to do;
Pledged to conquer evil and we'll see the conflict thro'
Marching and marching to conquest.
All the noble things of life we'll teach our girls and boys,
Warn them of its pitfalls and reveal its purest joys,
Counsel, guide and keep them from the evil that destroys
As we go marching to conquest.
Loving confidence and trust must mark our intercourse,
Harmony and unity will our success enforce;
Seeking guidance from the Lord of good, the boundless source
As we go marching to conquest.
Come and join our anthem then and raise a mighty shout,
Sing it with such fervor as will put our foes to rout,
Sing it with conviction strong, dispelling every doubt,
As we go marching to conquest,
Women, when our work is o'er and we to rest have gone
May our efforts doubled, trebled, still go sweeping on,
And the voices of millions swell the volume of our song,
As they go marching to conquest.
Hurrah, hurrah, we'll shout the jubilee;
Hurrah, hurrah, we'll set the captives free,
Ignorance, distrust and hate at our approach shall flee,
Marching and marching to conquest. (19)
GERTRUDE MORGAN
In early 1906, DuBois decided to organize a woman's auxiliary
to the Niagara Movement. DuBois chose Gertrude Morgan, the wife of his
old friend Clement Morgan to head the woman's auxiliary and it was
decided that Mts. Clifford was to work " ... jointly with Mrs.
Morgan." (20) Mr. Clement Morgan was a lawyer and a classmate from
Harvard and also one of the 29 men who joined the Niagara Movement in
1905. (photo #3) Trotter it is said rejected the creation of a
woman's auxiliary. William Trotter, also one of the 29 founder
members of the NM and the owner of the newspaper Boston Guardian, has
been considered to be adamantly opposed to women becoming involved in
the movement and skeptical of the women's rights movement. (21)
However, had that been the case then why would Trotter let his wife
Dennie Trotter join the Niagara Movement? The Niagara Movement was
riddled with difficulties from the beginning. The movement was plagued
by two "fundamental" issues, "it lacked coherence (both
intellectually and organizationally), and it lacked the power to
challenge the Tuskegee hegemony." (22) With Morgan's
appointment as the head of the woman's auxiliary a tension also
developed between the Trotters and Morgans.
Trotter's opposition to DuBois's decision to form a
woman's auxiliary to the Niagara Movement may have stemmed from
DuBois's choice of the person to head it, Mrs. Clement Morgan.
Trotter and Morgan did not get along and DuBois was aware of the tension
between the two men and attempted to resolve it, albeit unsuccessfully.
According to Stephen Fox, the appointment of Gertrude Morgan to head the
women's auxiliary to the NM was, "the first sign of
breach" (23) between Trotter and DuBois and this affected the
smooth functioning of the meetings of the NM and the relationship
between its key members. It is said that after Trotter, Clement Morgan
was "the most prominent anti-Bookerite in Massachusetts." He
was also the State Secretary of the Niagara Movement's local
branch. He had also been Trotter's attorney in the Boston riot
trials. (24)
A paper written by DuBois in 1906, titled "A Brief Resume of
the Massachusetts Trouble in the Niagara Movement", enumerates the
tension between Morgan and Trotter. The first line of the paper reads,
"July 1906--Trotter opposed admission of women to the Niagara
Movement, and opposed Miss Baldwin and Mrs. Grimke in particular. Mrs.
Morgan favored." Initially he seemed to be in favor of Mrs. Morgan
according to the above noting made by DuBois. Besides being opposed to
Miss Baldwin and Mrs. Grimke, (for which no reasons are found in the
contemporary documents), another woman mentioned in the records, whom he
opposed, was Mrs. Forbes. The rift between Trotter and Morgan widened so
much that it became one of the causes for Trotter's resignation
from the Niagara Movement.
The above paper written by DuBois can be divided into three parts
for a deeper understanding of what exactly appears to have transpired
between Trotter, Morgan and some of the other women. These divisions
include:
1) The staging of a play in June 1907 at Massachusetts before the
Third Niagara Movement Meeting at Boston in July 1907
2) The meeting itself
3) A discussion on the election of new members to the Massachusetts
meeting.
THE STAGING OF THE PLAY:
In a noting in April 1907, Mrs. Morgan's name first appears in
relation to the staging of a play in order to raise money for the next
meeting to be held in Boston, Massachusetts. "General Secretary has
sent out a call for raising state quotas of Legal Defense Fund."
Mrs. Morgan replies making first mention of the 'Peter
Pumpkin--eater Play' and urging Boston as a meeting place in
August. (25) Both Mr. and Mrs.Trotter are said to have opposed the
staging of the play. The opposition centered on personal jealousies.
" ... Mrs. Trotter was not invited to cooperate until late, and
that the Forbes were allowed to help." (26) The paper goes on to
give the reply of the Morgans, "Counter-charge of Morgans that
Trotters refused to let their boy take part, blocked arrangements, and
that without Mrs. Forbes work in gathering children the play would have
failed." (27) Ultimately the play did take place, without the
Trotters involvement and brought a total of $65 to the Movement. (28)
THE MEETING ITSELF:
Tension over Trotter's perceptions of the Boston meeting also
became a cause of tension between the Trotters and the Morgans. DuBois
tried hard to achieve reconciliation between the two, but failed.
Trotter blamed Morgan for being bossy, while the later labeled him as
domineering. DuBois urged Morgan to put Trotter on the Committee of
Arrangements for the annual meeting to which he latter agreed. However,
the Trotters gave a " ... written document of 22 pages, virtually
rescinding agreement and demanding an official reprimand of
Morgan." (29) DuBois refused and as a reaction, Mrs. Trotter
resigned from the Niagara Movement. In July, Trotter too resigned from
the Committee of Arrangements and presumably criticized Mr. and Mrs.
Morgan. In the paper it is noted that, "Policy of Secretaries
Morgan and Mrs. Morgan attacked." (30) DuBois urged Morgan to
reinstate Trotter. Morgan did so and Trotter rejoined but refused to
cooperate.
ELECTION OF NEW MEMBERS:
The third part of the paper deals with the charges made against the
induction of new members to the Massachusetts Niagara chapter. DuBois
goes to great lengths to assert that the balloting had been free, secret
and under no pressure at all. For those out of town at the time of the
vote, Mr. Morgan and Mrs. Morgan sent the ballot papers to them. DuBois
says at one place in the paper that he appealed to Morgan and Trotter to
get those men to join that they knew best and urged Mrs. Morgan to get
those women to join that she knew best. Trotter, however, signaled that
the elections had not been fair. To which DuBois replied, " Mr.
Morgan was State Secretary of the Niagara Movement; the election was
necessarily in his hands. Mrs. Morgan is at the head of all Niagara
Movement women. The election as far as the women were concerned was
necessarily largely in her hands. I could not have usurped the place of
these secretaries in conducting the elections even if I wanted to and I
did not want to. I could see that the vote was fair and this I
did." (31) The last sentence is an addition to the typed version
made by DuBois in his own handwriting. The elections were voted as fair
and valid.
Mrs. Gertrude Morgan continued to enlist Black women into the
movement, thereby greatly helping in the proliferation of the membership
and the movement itself. Under her efforts the Massachusetts branch of
the Niagara Movement's third meeting at Boston had a total of 38
women members out of 91. Though a list of the total members of the
Niagara Movement is not available, 1909 records are available of
payments made as dues by the members. From these it is known that 38
female members paid their dues out of a total number (men and women) of
74. Another list of members that paid money for the special Jim Crow Fund shows that out of the total of 17 members that paid, nine were
women (32) Mrs. Morgan's selection by DuBois for the position of
Secretary of Women created a wedge between the Morgans and Trotters.
This added pressure on an already weak movement that had been
handicapped from the beginning by lack of funds and infighting between
its members.
MEMBERSHIP LISTS
Besides information available on Talbert, Clifford and Morgan, a
study of the limited sources available on membership records of the
various NM meetings from 1905-1909 reveals a growing interest of Black
women in the movement. During the second meeting at Harper's Ferry,
the Niagara Movement began to open its doors to female members. This was
indeed a landmark decision considering that in the original 29 members
there were no women members and that the Declaration of the Principals
stressed on Black male membership. In the minutes of the second meeting,
it was stated that, "properly qualified persons may be admitted to
the Niagara Movement without distinctions of sex ... " (33) Two
types of membership existed; full and associate and women were allowed
in both. In a member list dated August 15, 1906, there were four women
members and they had all paid their dues. In another list dated August
18, 1906, two more women are mentioned who had paid their dues. Another
list gives the names of the associate members (those who did not have
the right to vote at the annual meetings and hold office), who were
primarily women--39 out of 51 listed and all had paid their dues. (34)
These lists are useful in collating the number of African-American women
that were involving themselves in the activities of the Niagara Movement
as membership opened up to them.
One very important document that supports the inclusion of women to
the Niagara Movement is a paper dated 1906 (no month is mentioned)
entitled, "Women and the Niagara Movement." (35) This paper
offered three types of membership to women. These included, "Full
Membership: The Niagara Movement welcomes to full membership on
invitation both men and women ... Associate Membership: Women who
sympathize with the Niagara Movement ... Affiliated Membership; Any
women's club may as a club become affiliated with the Niagara
Movement ... " (36) The change in DuBois's decision to include
women members may have resulted from either the realization that Black
women were essential for race reform or that they were short of members.
Perhaps it was a combination of the two.
In this paper it is also mentioned that Mrs. Gertrude Morgan had
been appointed as the National Secretary for Women. (37) The paper also
had the names of the various other secretaries and the committees. In
the women's committee there were six members besides the secretary
and they were all women. In the other committees except for the Arts
Committee there were no women! The other committees consisted of Legal,
Army and Navy, Crime, Health, education, The Press, Pan-African,
Students, Suffrage, Civil Rights, Economics and Ethics. Presence of
women in these committees might have held a more significant meaning.
The Arts Committee was the only other one that had a woman member, Mrs.
M. A. McAdoo, who in 1907 became the chairperson of the committee, as
the minutes of the third NM meeting noted on August 27, 1907 in Boston.
(38) The minutes of the third meeting also noted that the group did not
feel that women were doing "a great deal of work." (39) What
is the precise implication of this sentence it is not clear. For women
had begun to join the movement only a year earlier. It could mean that
not much work was done for the women, or that women in the NM had not
done much work for its cause or that not too many women members as yet
had been enrolled in the Niagara Movement.
The lists of members available for 1907 are not complete. For
Baltimore, the list shows twenty members, however, there were no
indications of how many in this group were women. From New Bedford, 18
members are listed, again not indicating how many of the members were
female. And the District of Columbia branch showed two full women
members out of a total of 14 and 57 Associate members out of a total of
68. (40)
Contemporary newspapers carried news about the NM from its
inception. Though nothing substantial can be gained about the role of
women, snippets about the presence of women and some of their work are
available. For example the Boston Guardian reported in its August 25,
1906 issue about the women in the Second NM meeting at Harper's
Ferry. A picture of seven women is given with their names, specifying in
some the work or the place they came from. And they have been referred
to as, " ... pioneer women members." The picture and the
statement indicate the media's acknowledgement of the presence and
specific roles of the Niagara women. However, this was the only paper
that carried this news item. And the owner of the newspaper was Mr.
Monroe Trotter, who was a member of the NM. W. E. B. DuBois papers
include two pictures--one of the second NM meeting in 1906 and the other
of the third meeting in 1907. (photos #4 and #5) The first does not show
women, while the second does. This was because though the NM encouraged
women to join the movement, they were officially recognized as members
only from the third meeting. It needs to be mentioned here that Mary
White Ovington, a journalist and a socialist became the first white
member and first white women to be invited by DuBois to join the NM in
1908. She played a very important role in the founding of the NAACP.
This paper addresses only the role of Black women in the Niagara
Movement.
Thus the above lists and the minutes of the NM meetings, the few
primary sources that exist and the sparse newspaper accounts, are
witness to the role of the African-American women in the Niagara
Movement. From no women members in 1905 when it started, to women as
members and as chairpersons of some committees, Black women played a
significant role in the growth of this new radical Black movement at the
turn of the twentieth century.
Desirous of achieving primary race status, Black men have tended to
ignore the role of Black women in race movements, with the emphasis
being on the contributions of Black men. Further the struggle for gender
parity within the Black community was submerged in the larger interests
of the race. As such the actual goals, programs, policies and agendas of
race movements have centered on the role and encouragement of Black men.
Yet when given a role, Black women fulfilled it with enthusiasm and
commitment, for they too viewed it as their contribution to race reform.
Their aim was to seek empowerment for the race and in the process if
they had to neglect their own needs as women, so be it. From the
churches to schools, to factories, to women's clubs, to their own
national women's movement, to finally race movements like the
Niagara Movement, Black women gave quietly and strongly. The above
article is an example of their important role that few know about, but
history records.
Anita Nahal and Lopez D. Matthews Jr. (1)
(1) Anita Nahal is former Reader (Associate Professor) of History,
Sri Venkateswara College, University of Delhi, India and is currently
Director of International Affairs and Women's Studies Programs,
Graduate School, Howard University, Washington DC. Lopez D. Matthews Jr.
has just completed his Master's in History, at Howard University,
Washington DC. He started in the doctoral program in History in fall
2006 as a McNair Fellow at Howard University.
(2) Lillian S. Williams, And Still I Rise: Black Women and Reform,
Buffalo, New York, 1900- 1940 in Darlene Clark Hine, Wilma King and
Linda Reed (eds.), We Specialize in the Wholly Impossible (New York:
Carlson Publishing Inc., 1998) p. 523.
(3) Cynthia Neverdon-Morton, Afro-American Women of the South and
the Advancement of the Race 1895-1925 (Knoxville: The University of
Tennessee Press, 1989), 226.
(4) Louis R. Harlan, Raymond W. Smock (eds.) The Booker T.
Washington Papers, Vol. 8, 1904-6 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press,
1979), 321.
(5) Ibid.
(6) Ibid.
(7) Buffalo Enquirer, 12 July 1905.
(8) Ibid.
(9) Buffalo Commercial, 12 July 1905.
(10) W.E.B. Du Bois Papers, Reel 2, Frame 853, State University of
New York at Binghamton Library, Binghamton, New York. Henceforth
referred to as WEBDB, R, F.
(11) W.E.B. Du Bois, Correspondence of Du Bois, Vol. 11. Herbert
Aptheker, ed. (Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 1973).
(12) WEBDB, R2,F 1037.
(13) Jessie Carney Smith, (ed.), Notable Black American Women, Book
II (New York: Gale Research Inc., 1996), 105 - 108.
(14) WEBDB, R 2, F 979.
(15) Elliot M. Rudwick, The Niagara Movement Journal of Negro
History, Vol. XLII, 1957, 188.
(16) Ibid.
(17) P. Jane Splawn, Writings of Carrie Williams Clifford and
Carrie Law Morgan Figgs (New York: G.K. Hall & Co., 1997), 14.
(18) Ibid.
(19) Ibid.
(20) WEBDB, R 2, F 979.
(21) Stephen R. Fox, The Guardian of Boston, William Monroe Trotter (New York: Atheneum, 1970), 103.
(22) Kathryn Kish Sklar, Gender and the Color Line in the Founding
of the NAACP, paper read at the Berkshire Conference in Women's
History, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, June 1996, 6. and David Levering
Lewis, W.E.B. Du Bois: Biography of a Race, 1868-1919 (New York: Henry
Holt, 1993).
(23) Fox, 103-105.
(24) Ibid.
(25) WEBDB, R 2, F 962.
(26) Ibid.
(27) Ibid.
(28) Ibid.
(29) Ibid.
(30) Ibid.
(31) WEBDB, R 2, F962.
(32) WEBDB, R 2, F969, 1004-1005.
(33) WEBDB, R 2, F 872
(34) WEBDB, R 2, F 874, 883 and 884.
(35) WEBDB, R2, F 893.
(36) Ibid.
(37) WEBDB, R 2, F 893.
(38) WEBDB, R 2, F 911.
(39) WEBDB, R 2, F 913.
(40) WEBDB, R 2, F 922.