The marketing of an international match in Asia: the effects of sport commentary and nationalistic sentiments on framing, priming, and consumer behavior.
Lee, Minkyo ; Lim, Choong Hoon ; Yeo, In-Sung 等
Introduction
Sport has emerged as one of the critical components of marketing
strategies designed to promote national values during mega sporting
events (e.g., Chalip, Green, & Hill, 2003). It has also been
identified as playing an ambassadorial role in boosting a country's
perceived image (e.g., Kim & Chalip, 2010) and exposure to a popular
sports team in a country has an impact on foreigners' perceptions
of the country (White & Absher, 2013). Sport practitioners and
academicians believe that sport is a significant determinant in
constructing a strong country brand (e.g., Xing & Chalip, 2006;
Zhang & Zhao, 2009), which in turn, can contribute to international
tourism, business, and investments in the host country (e.g., Horne
& Manzenreiter, 2004; Lee & Taylor, 2005; White & Absher,
2013).
Media coverage amplifies these effects by providing sports
viewership with exposure to sports teams and sporting events. Most
people obtain information related to mega sporting events though media
coverage (White & Absher, 2013). The coverage around the globe often
displays national identities by expressing emotional responses (e.g.,
anger, joy) and national pride during sporting events (Billings, 2009;
Kosebalaban, 2004). Cross-cultural content analyses have reported that
such nationalistic message frames are often dominant in the media
coverage during mega sporting events such as the Olympic Games (e.g.,
Billings & Angelini, 2007), FIFA World Cup (e.g., Billings &
Tambosi, 2004), and other international sports matches (e.g., Woo, Kim,
Nichols, & Zheng, 2010). For example, Billings, Angelini, and Wu
(2011) found meaningful differences on how sports media commentaries
describe the home nation and the rival nation in Olympic broadcasts
between NBC (US) and CCTV (China). Perceptions of nationalistic framed
media coverage also have been considered one of the main culprits of
evoking nationalistic sentiments among sport viewers (e.g., Ha, 2004).
In addition to the framing effects of media coverage, media content
has priming effects on humans' subsequent behaviors or judgments
that are related to the media content processed by those consuming
(e.g., television viewers) the media coverage (RoskosEwoldsen,
Roskos-Ewoldsen, & Carpentier, 2009). For example, after a contested
win of Korea over the Italian team at the 2002 World Cup (Wilson, 2015),
the criticism of Italian fans led to a boycott of Italian products in
Korea. Perceptions derived from media coverage may act as the standards
by which people evaluate a country's products. In accordance with
this notion, Choi (2010) indicated that the distorted media coverage
regarding sports competitions negatively affects the perception of both
sports teams and countries. Research by Choi revealed that exposure to
negatively framed media contents regarding an opposing national team
leads to negative attitudes toward the opposing team's home
country. Additionally, Watson (2011) found that how message producers
characterize Olympic events (i.e., nationalism and internationalism) has
a priming effect on participants' national pride as well as their
attitudes related to political issues. Accordingly, it is plausible to
expect that distorted media content associated with nationalistic
sentiments affect perceptions regarding a country, its sports team, and
even purchasing behavior. Therefore, the current study focused on
addressing the predominant issues in international sporting events
regarding nationalistic sentiments, distorted media coverage, and their
potential effects.
The aim of the current study is to provide several theoretical and
practical implications by investigating the effect of distorted media
coverage and nationalistic sentiments on consumers' responses.
Although previous literature offered insights on how sports media
coverage across nations depicts their perceived reality during mega
sporting events (e.g., Billings, 2009; Billings et al., 2011; Woo et
al., 2010), research as of yet has not answered the question as to how
actual media consumers are affected by nationalistic message framing and
sentiments. Thus, the current study may be the first known attempt to
experimentally test how message framing influences consumers'
responses as moderating functions of individual differences (i.e.,
nationalistic sentiments). Also, the current study investigated how
framed messages have a priming impact on consumers' purchasing
behaviors via a sport team. As such, the study connects fundamental
theories and marketing practices by providing a deeper understanding of
East Asia sports media consumers.
Literature Review
Sport and Nationalistic Sentiments in Sport Broadcasting
Sports within the context of international competitions (e.g.,
Olympic Games, FIFA World Cup) exist within national, ideological, and
ethical boundaries (Kim & Kim, 2010; Lee, 2007). According to
Guttmann (1988), the Olympic Games have been used as a political tool to
showcase and promote the superiority of ideologies. Flag raising and
playing the national anthem during Olympic Games are both examples of
this sort of strategy (Billings, 2009). Identity issues related to
nationality and ethnicity also play a significant role in international
sporting events. For instance, Hogan (2003) compared three Olympic Games
(i.e., Nagano, 1998; Sydney, 2000; and Salt Lake City, 2002), and found
that--through the display of national characteristics such as power and
pride--the Olympic ceremony often strengthened social imbalances as
opposed to enhancing the goals of the Olympic movement (e.g., peace,
internationalism, freedom, fairness).
The sports media are often involved in this, as their coverage at
times includes expressions of sports nationalism in an effort to attract
an audience (Kim & Kim, 2010). Desmarais and Bruce (2009), Li en and
Topi (2008), and other scholars have reported that nationalistic biases
have been found in the coverage provided by sports media in various
locations around the world. Several media coverage studies have found
that the sportscasts of a given country are likely to describe players
and teams from their nations in positive and favorable ways and terms
and are likely to describe the opponents in negative or unfavorable ways
(e.g., Billings & Tambosi, 2004; Li en & Topi). Further, other
political, historical, or national rivalries, which are irrelevant to
the playing field, are often brought up during mega sporting events
(e.g., Sack & Suster, 2000).
Additionally, specific situations of the games are delivered to the
viewership through sports commentators' nationalistic biased
justifications or interpretations. Analyses of commentaries during
televised hallmark events have found that the sports commentators most
frequently mention their affiliated nation's team and often display
favoritism toward their affiliated nation's team, whereas they
expressed criticism and denunciation toward opponents (e.g., Billings,
2009; Billings & Angelini, 2007). In accordance with this notion,
for example, Billings and Tambosi (2004) found that the broadcasters
from the United States during the 2002 FIFA World Cup attributed their
national soccer team's failure to bad luck rather than to a poor
performance related to issues such as lack of skill, teamwork, etc.
Subsequent research conducted by Li en and Topi (2008) showed that
commentators often depict their nation's team (in this case,
Slovenia) as their own by using terms like "us,"
"we," and "ours" during international basketball
matches. Further, a comparative analysis conducted by Woo and colleagues
(2010) reported that commentators from different countries (i.e., the
United States, Chinese Taipei, and South Korea) frame the same game
differently based on their respective nation's dispositional
tendency. They found that commentators from East Asia (i.e., Chinese
Taipei and South Korea) are more likely than commentators from the
United States to provide biased commentary.
While several studies of nationalism in sports media context (e.g.,
Billings, 2009; Billings & Angelini, 2007; Watanabe, Nie, & Yan,
2013) were discussed above, the current study explores nationalistic
sentiments, which can be referred as emotional moods generated from
shared belief, knowledge, national identity, or individual ideology
(Billig, 1995). There are some reasons to utilize the concept of
nationalistic sentiments rather than nationalism. Billig argues that
"ideological habits (i.e., banal nationalism) are not removed from
everyday life" (p. 6). As such, while "nationalism has deeply
affected contemporary ways of thinking" (p. 37), it is hard to
conceptualize because it involves how people unconsciously feel, think,
judge, and behave based on naturally equipped beliefs within their own
communities. Because the current study dealt with a historically unique
case (i.e., an international soccer match between South Korea and
Japan), it would be problematic to appropriately capture the nationalism
involved, as this might manifest itself differently in each nation.
Furthermore, Billig (1995) suggests that because of the unique,
habitual, and complex nature of nationalism the concept cannot be
understood through quantitative methodology. On the other hand,
nationalistic sentiments--which are conceptualized as the psychological
expression by identifying national superiority through national sport
team (Billings, Brown, & Brown, 2013; Billings, Brown, Brown et al.,
2013; Kosterman & Feshbach, 1989)--can be quantitatively measured.
Therefore, the quantitative evaluation of nationalistic sentiments can
be used to better understand nationalism within sports media coverage.
The Korean View on Japan and the Role of Sport
The background pertaining to sports nationalism and anti-Japanese
sentiments has been discussed in many studies. Lee (2005) noted that the
viewpoints of most Koreans are not favorable toward Japan, owing to
historical reasons, such as the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, the
annexation of Korea under Japanese rule for 36 years (from 1910 to
1945), and the Liancourt Rocks territorial dispute. In addition to such
significant historical incidents between the two countries, Koreans have
condemned the Japanese government's attitude toward the Japanese
colonization of Korea (Yan & Watanabe, 2014). The various political
and historical disagreements and conflicts that have influenced the
relationship between the two countries for centuries continue to
contribute to some of the nationalistic sentiments in South Korea (Yan
& Watanabe, 2014).
According to Yan and Watanabe (2014), these conflicts also have a
meaningful impact on sports media coverage in both countries. For
instance, when there was an incident where a Korean soccer player ran
around the stadium with a banner displaying "Dokdo (the Liancourt
Rocks) is our land," the discourse in Korea and Japan media were
quite different. The Korea media treated this event with a strong
emotional voice and enacted memories from Japan's colonial period,
while the Japanese media were relatively disengaged regarding this same
event.
Framing and Sports Commentary
One of the unique and powerful aspects of sports commentaries is
their ability to shape viewer perceptions. By delivering unscripted
messages directly to audiences in real time, the sports commentators are
able to first set and subsequently carry out an agenda (Comisky, Bryant,
& Zillmann, 1977; Frederick, Lim, Chung, & Clavio, 2013). During
live broadcasts sports commentators insert additional values into
mediated competitions by using subjective perspectives to interpret
various situations involving the sporting events (e.g., Frederick et
al., 2013; Rose & Friedman, 1997). Consequently, sports commentators
have tremendous influence on audiences' perceptions when they
choose how they will narrate the goings on of a game and when they
underscore what they believe are the important messages (Sullivan,
1991).
The theoretical perspective of framing has provided a useful
framework to understand commentary effects (Parker & Fink, 2008),
which basically assume that how the message producer characterizes an
issue has an impact on how audiences perceive it (Entman 1993; Scheufele
& Tewksbury, 2007). Over the last few decades, scholars have
examined how sports commentators describe issues such as gender,
nationality, and race (e.g., Billings & Tambosi 2004; Li en &
Topi, 2008; Woo et al., 2010) and how audiences perceive the messages
conveyed by commentators (e.g., Beentjes, Van Oordt, & Van Der
Voort, 2002; Bryant, Brown, Comisky, & Zillmann, 1982; Lee &Yeo,
2011; Sullivan, 1991).
Consistent with this notion are the many experimental studies that
have provided evidence for the effects of framed commentary on
viewers' perceptions. For example, Comisky et al. (1977) examined
the effects of commentary stressing violent actions on audiences'
perceptions of roughness and found that audiences' perceptions were
significantly affected by commentary conditions. Moreover, it has been
revealed that commentary can influence audiences' perceptions with
regard to the fairness of plays, and this perception of fairness goes
beyond national allegiance (Beentjes et al., 2002). Beentjes and
colleagues found that participants perceived foreign players' fouls
as fair, whereas they rejected their own team's fouls and were thus
persuaded by the commentator's justification. This demonstrates
that commentators' interpretations trigger viewers to shape a
certain impression of plays, players, and even games. Furthermore, a
study by Lee and Yeo (2011) advanced previous research by assessing the
effects of color commentary (i.e., home team biased commentary) on
perception of a sports team. The scholars found that there were greater
changes in the evaluation of the home team for those participants who
were exposed to favoritism toward their team in the commentary. Taken
together, the experimental investigations above found that the
stimulation of commentary hypes viewers to believe something mentioned
by the commentator more than what the audiences may have actually been
seeing. According to previous studies, it is firmly believed that the
impact of commentary can alter viewers' perceptions regarding
mediated sports contests.
Although previous research in this area has attempted to test the
moderating effects of psychological attachments--such as levels of
fanship (Sullivan, 1991) and national allegiance (Beentjes et al.,
2002)--on the relationship between commentary and cognitive responses,
the findings of these studies were limited to empirical support of the
role of individual differences in mediated sporting event context.
However, investigations in other fields (e.g., politics, business,
sociology) suggest that individual ideology or psychological attachments
serves as a moderating function when people deal with issues involving
international relations (e.g., conflict, trade, ethnicity; e.g.,
Federico, Golec, & Dial, 2005; Rawwas, Rajendran, & Wuehrer,
1996). Based on the prior literature, it can be argued that exposure to
the commentary does not affect all audiences in the same way. The impact
of sports commentary would vary based on audiences' personal and
psychological traits such as nationalistic sentiments. Citizens with
higher nationalistic sentiments would be more vulnerable to be shaped by
the nationalistically biased commentary (i.e., color commentary). Given
the fact that national sentiment is one of the main contributors for the
consumption of international sporting events (Billings, Brown, &
Brown, 2013; Billings, Brown, & Brown et al., 2013), exploring the
relationship between the exposure to color commentary and viewers'
perceptions as a function of individual differences would be beneficial
for a better understanding of the nature of international sporting
events. Thus this study proposes the following hypotheses:
H1 a: Commentary will have an impact on team image.
H1 b: Nationalistic sentiments will moderate the effect of
commentary on team image.
H2a: Commentary will have an impact on hostility toward the country
of the opposing team.
H2b: Nationalistic sentiments will moderate the effect of sports
commentary on hostility.
Priming and Purchasing Intention
Priming theory is based on the assumption that humans utilize
information that is easily accessible or available in their minds when
they make decisions (Krosnick & Kinder, 1990). It suggests that the
media have the ability to stimulate pre-existing thoughts, which are
utilized as standards to evaluate subsequent objects or events
(Ansolabehere, Behr, & Iyengar, 1993). According to Roskos-Ewoldsen
et al. (2009), priming refers to the effect of media content on an
individual's subsequent judgmental or behavioral intentions related
to the stimulation. It has been well documented that media have a
priming ability to initiate or trigger the associated nodes in memory,
which leads to subsequent evaluation of products related to the stimuli
being affected (Srull & Wyer, 1980; Yi, 1990). When it comes to the
realm of sports, few studies have empirically tested priming, the second
level of agenda setting. One of the few studies in this area was
conducted by Watson (2011), who examined the message frame (i.e.,
nationalism or internationalism with mega sporting event) on emotional
responses (i.e., national pride) and explicit attitudes (i.e., political
issues). Participants were randomly exposed to various video
stimulations, and Watson found that those exposed to nationalist framing
showed greater increases in national pride. Also, the effect of frame on
political attitudes was significantly mediated by national pride. These
findings firmly support the notion that media have a first-order
cognitive effect and second-level agenda setting effects.
On the other hand, the country of origin (COO) is one of the
determinant factors for consumers when they consider buying certain
products. Anderson and Cunningham (1972) noted that COO effects can be
conceptualized as formerly shaped prejudices or stereotypical attitudes
toward the quality of the products or services in some countries. The
important role of a country's image in consumer behavior has been
revealed in business literature (e.g., Loureiro & Umberger, 2007;
Pappu, Quester, & Cooksey, 2006). A meta-analysis conducted by
Laroche, Papadopoulos, Heslop, and Mourali (2005) revealed that the
extensive literature regarding the effect of COO on consumer product
evaluations and consumer choices supports evidence that COO is a leading
indicator in consumer behavior.
In line with this notion and nationalistic sentiments, Choi (2010)
found that exposure to the distorted media in South Korea, which
expressed anti-Japanese sentiments regarding the Japanese baseball team
during a World Baseball Classic, resulted in audiences forming negative
perceptions with regard to the Japanese baseball team and products made
in Japan. The greater the exposure to the distorted media, the more
negatively the Japanese team and products made in Japan were evaluated.
As mentioned above, sports media coverage clearly has the power to
create or change certain images of a country. One can assume that if
sports commentary has an impact on a national's team images and
even those nations themselves, then such an impact would influence
subsequent evaluations and purchase decisions regarding products made in
specific countries. It can be anticipated that the commentators would
stimulate certain beliefs (i.e., team image) and such stimulations would
have an impact on attitudes as they pertain to products made in opposing
team's country. Thus the following hypotheses are proposed:
H3a: Commentary will have an impact on attitude toward products
from the opposing team's country.
H3b: Team image will mediate the effect of sports commentary on
attitude toward products from the opposing team's country.
Method
Participants and Experimental Procedure Before conducting the
experiment, G*Power3 was utilized in order to quote a required sample
size with desired statistical power ([alpha] = .05, 1 - [beta] = .80,
[f.sup.2] = .15) (Faul, Erdfelder, Buchner, & Lang, 2009); this
indicated that 55 subjects would be enough to get the desired
statistical power. Eighty participants (i.e., 30 female and 50 male) who
were recruited through the convenient sampling method from a large
private university located in South Korea (the nation of the home team)
were randomly exposed to one of the two versions of a video. Some of the
participants (n = 39) were exposed to the video version that included an
objective commentary while the other participants (n = 41) were exposed
to the color commentary version of the video. Then, they were asked to
complete a questionnaire regarding demographic characteristics, team
image, hostility, and purchasing intentions related to the away
team--the national soccer team from Japan and nationalistic sentiments.
According to Kang (2008), compared to other generations, Korean
college students had more favorable attitudes toward Japan, which
enabled the experiments to avoid the ceiling effect. Also, the subjects
were psychologically affiliated with the Korean national soccer team (M
= 5.10, SD = 1.07). Thus, college students were considered an
appropriate sample for the current study. Additionally, in order to
ensure the procedure of random assignment of subjects, i-tests were
conducted, and the results indicated that participants' personal
characteristics such as level of experience (e.g., time spent on
national soccer match) and demographic variables (e.g., gender), which
could possibly influence the treatment effect, did not show significant
differences across the two groups.
Stimulus Material
A video clip taken from the 2011 Asian Cup, which showed a soccer
match involving South Korea (home team) versus Japan (away team), was
edited down to 22 minutes; the clip included the opening ceremony (4
minutes) and meaningful action (18 minutes) such as close-ups and
replays of various specific game situations (e.g., fouls, penalty kicks,
shots, scorings, vague referees' decisions). Moreover, this video
clip provided an equal number of plays (e.g., fouls, shots, scoring)
from both teams. Also, the game outcome (i.e., penalty shoot-out) was
excluded in the clip in order to prevent possible biased responses.
After editing the video clip, the original commentary was erased. The
editing procedure, nature of game (i.e., semifinal), and relationship
between the teams (i.e., arch-rival) encouraged the participants to
concentrate on the game.
Using the edited video clip, two different versions of commentary
treatments (i.e., color commentary and objective commentary) were
created. After comparing the commentaries broadcast by the Korean (SBS)
and Japanese (KBC) channels, the descriptions of objective commentary,
which just deliver information regarding the specific situations without
any blatant exaggeration or biased comments regarding either team, were
developed. Thus, the objective commentary was not biased for either
team. Also, the created description was acoustically inserted into the
video clip by a semiprofessional commentator. Similarly, the description
of color commentary was developed based on the description aired by SBS.
The same commentator was also guided to record the created description
into the edited video clip. The commentator, in addition to describing
the home team as a desirable team and the away team as the enemy,
frequently demonstrated favoritism toward the home team's plays and
criticized the away team's plays (e.g., aggressive actions) as
being unfavorable to the home team. Thus, the color commentary shared
biased and exaggerated interpretations with the home team audience.
Measures
Nationalistic Sentiments. To measure this variable, Lee's
(2005) scale, which was translated and modified from Kosterman and
Feshbach's (1989) work, with seven-point Likert-type responses
(e.g., superiority in sports, supremacy of victory, relative
superiority), anchored by "strongly disagree" and
"strongly agree" (1 = strongly agree, 7 = strongly disagree),
was modified and adopted. For instance, scale items included statements
such as "It is important that my country wins in international
sporting competitions" and "Our country should be number one
in whatever it does." Furthermore, the five items that measured
nationalistic sentiments were externally validated by two sport
management professors. The scale showed an acceptable level of
reliability ([alpha] = .82). This scale has been widely used to capture
nationalistic sentiments in sports media context (Billings, Brown, &
Brown, 2013; Billings, Brown, Brown et al., 2013; Lee, 2007).
Team Image. To assess this variable, a seven-point Likert-type
response scale (1 = strongly disagree, 7 = strongly agree) was adopted
from Lee and Yeo's (2011) work and consisted of six items:
credible, desirable, favorable, luxurious, interesting, and elegant
impressions of the Japanese national soccer team. The scale reached a
satisfactory level of reliability ([alpha] = .90).
Hostility. This variable was operationalized by using Choi's
(2010) scale with five items (e.g., unfavorable, distrustful, immoral).
A seven-point Likert-type response scale was anchored by "strongly
disagree" and "strongly agree" (1 = strongly disagree, 7
= strongly agree). Cronbach's Alpha value was .90.
Attitude. To measure this variable, five seven-point Likert-type
scale items were adopted from Choi's (2010) work. These items
included the measures of credible, affable, and positive thinking,
intention to buy, and recommendation (1 = strongly disagree, 7 =
strongly agree). The Cronbach's Alpha value reached an acceptable
level of reliability ([alpha] = .92).
Demographic and Individual Characteristics. Gender, age, and prior
soccer watching experiences (e.g., times on watching and visiting) were
included in the questionnaire.
Data Analysis
First, Cronbach's Alpha was assessed to test the reliability
of the variables of nationalistic sentiments, team image, hostility, and
attitude. Basic assumptions of regression (e.g., normality, linearity,
homoscedasticity of residuals) were confirmed by observing residual
plot, kurtosis, and skewness scores. No univariate or multivariate
outliers were detected.
To test the moderating effects of nationalistic sentiments on the
commentary and perception relationship, a series of multiple moderated
regressions (MMR) was conducted. MMR analysis helps to increase greater
statistical power and avoid spurious conclusions regarding interaction
effects (West, Aiken, & Krull, 1996). West and colleagues further
note that when it comes to a model that has one categorical moderator
and a continuous predictor, the effect is statistically powerful. Using
median split, the high nationalistic sentiments group and the low
nationalistic sentiments group were divided. Centering processes were
conducted to avoid muticollinearity and the unweighted effects codes
(color commentary = -1, objective commentary = +1) were utilized (West
et al., 1996). Further, the Sobel test with the bootstrapping technique
(Preacher & Hayes, 2008) was performed to explore the indirect
effect of commentary on attitudes toward products through
treatment-induced perception (i.e., team images). According to
MacKinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, and Sheets (2002), the Sobel test
provides superior statistical power in order to test the indirect
effects of a predictor on criteria variables through the mediator.
Results
Manipulation Checks
In order to check manipulation, after the main experiment the
respondents were asked to answer a questionnaire that included the
following statements-as-questions: "I think that the commentators
were concentrating more on one of the two teams," "I think
that the commentators were more biased toward one of the two
teams," and "I think the commentators favored one of the two
teams," anchored by "Japan (1)" and "Korea
(7)." As expected, the color commentary was perceived to be more
concentrated ([M.sub.Color] = 6.58 vs. [M.sub.Objective] = 4.49, p <
.001) biased ([M.sub.Color] 6.43 vs. [M.sub.Objective] 4-54, p <
.001), and favorable ([M.sub.color] = 6.65 vs. [M.sub.Objective] = 4.54,
p < .001) to the home team than the objective commentary. The results
suggest that the objective commentary was not biased toward either team.
Moreover, the color commentary was found to be biased toward the home
team. Thus, manipulation was successfully checked.
Framing Effect (H1a & H2a) and Moderating Effect (H1b &
H2b)
Moderated multiple regression was conducted to investigate the
effect of commentary and nationalistic sentiments on team image. After
controlling for nationalistic sentiments, the second model fit of
regression with the addition of commentary was significant [P (2, 77) =
10.05, p <.001]. Commentary ([beta] = .41, p < .001) was a
significant predictor for team image (H1a). The [beta] coefficient
revealed that those who were exposed to objective commentary were more
likely to evaluate counter-team images favorably. After the interaction
effects were added to the third step, the final model fit was
significant [P (3, 76) = 7.89, p < .001]. However, interaction effect
did not significantly increase additional variance explanation ([beta] =
.15, p = .086; H1b).
Similar to previous processes, after controlling for nationalistic
sentiments, one predictor (i.e., commentary) and interaction effect
between commentary and nationalistic sentiments were entered into a
hierarchical regression model to examine the effect of commentary and
nationalistic sentiments on hostility. Results indicated that commentary
effect was not statistically significant (H2a). However, with the
addition of interaction term ([beta] = -.29, p < .05), the variance
explained final models were improved by 7% [P (3, 76) = 3.73, p <
.05]. Thus, the moderating role of nationalistic sentiments was found to
be significant (H2b).
Priming Effect (H3a & H3b)
Multiple regression analyses were conducted to test the priming
effect. The proposed mediation model showed significant regression fit,
when controlling for nationalistic sentiments [P (3, 76) = 2.81, p
<.05]. First, it was found that team image was significantly
influenced by treatment ([beta] = .41, p < .001). It was also shown
that team image was significantly associated with product-purchasing
attitudes ([beta] = .37, p < .01). However, commentary itself had no
direct impact on attitudes toward products (H3a). Considering these
results, team image could be considered a significant mediator. Also
mediation analyses via the bootstrapping method (Preacher & Hayes,
2008) showed that indirect effect commentary on purchasing attitudes
through team images was found to be significant ([beta] = .37, 95% CI
[.03, .30]; H3b), which suggests the full mediating role of team image
in the relationship between commentary and purchasing intention.
Discussion
The findings of this study extend previous research that examined
the cognitive responses of consumers to the commentary in televised
sports. Based on the results, the way sports commentators describe
specific game situations (e.g., fouls and scorings) has an impact on how
audiences perceive more than just those specific situations. Further,
the formerly framed agenda influences subsequent evaluation. It should
also be noted that nationalistic sentiments plays a significant role of
moderator between commentary and audiences' cognitive responses
regarding international sport competitions.
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The results of this study revealed that color commentary has at
least some measureable impact on viewers' cognitive responses. The
types of sports commentary were shown to be a significant predictor of
perceptions regarding images of an opposing team (H1a), but were not
shown to be a good predictor of hostility toward the opposing team
(H2a). A prediction regarding the relationship between commentary and
perception of hostility was somewhat mixed. However, when considering
the results shown in Table 1, which indicates that nationalistic
sentiments has a significant impact on hostility, it may be assumed that
a single incident or treatment is insufficient to alter
participants' pre-existing beliefs regarding the country of the
opposing country. This is one possible explanation for the unexpected
result. On the other hand, participants exposed to biased color
commentary were more likely to perceive counter teams' images
negatively than participants who were exposed to objective commentary.
The finding indicates that sports viewers' perceptions are based on
commentators' interpretations and justifications as opposed to what
they are actually watching. This result firmly supports previous
research regarding the framing effect of commentary on viewer
perceptions (e.g., Bryant et al., 1982; Frederick et al., 2013;
Sullivan, 1991). The current study's findings advance the previous
research of Lee and Yeo (2011), which demonstrated an impact of home
team biased commentary on perception of the home team. It should be
noted that the biased commentary has a significant impact not only on
attitudes toward the home team image but also on attitudes toward the
opposing team.
Nationalistic sentiments moderated the effect of commentary on
audiences' cognitive responses. Although the interaction effect
between commentary and nationalistic sentiments was marginally
significant (p = .086; H1b), the directionality of the slope shown in
Figure 1 indicates that nationalistic sentiments enhance the effect of
color commentary on perceived team images for participants who possess
higher nationalistic sentiments scores. It also indeed plays a
moderating role in the relationship between commentary and hostility.
The interaction effect between nationalistic sentiments and commentary
was significant to predict hostility toward the opposing country (H3b).
To be specific, the relationship between commentary and hostility was
stronger for high nationalistic sentiments groups. As shown in Figure 2,
the high nationalistic sentiments group was more vulnerably incited by
color commentary and more likely to report greater hostility toward the
opposing country. This is consistent with research (Heere & James,
2007) that indicates that external group identities, such as national
identity, would be a potential moderator between commentary and
audiences' responses in the context of international sport
competition. This result sheds light on a scholarly area (e.g., Funk
& Pritchard, 2005; Kwak, Kim, & Zimmerman, 2010) that has dealt
with the moderating role of psychological attachment (e.g.,
identification, loyalty) in the relationships between the team-related
stimuli and sports consumers' reactions.
Consistent with findings regarding the paradigm of priming effect
(e.g., Roskos-Ewoldsen et al., 2009; Yi, 1990), the indirect effects of
commentary on attitudes toward products through sport team image was
significant. In other words, the treatment of a team's image was a
significant predictor of attitudes toward products. Participants who
were exposed to objective commentary (as opposed to color commentary)
reported greater evaluations of the other country's team, which led
to an increased likelihood that those participants would buy products
made in the opponent's country. This result indicates that
particular attitudes and beliefs stimulated by framed messages are more
easily accessible and affects the standards people apply when they
evaluate something that is relevant to the message. Thereby, the
findings from the current investigation provide additional evidence
regarding the framework of priming effect and suggest that the media
have an ability to initiate or change certain attitudes as they pertain
to a given issue, which, in turn, influences subsequent judgments
related to the issue.
Implications and Limitations
This study both advances the body of knowledge in this area (e.g.,
application of framing and priming theory, application of the analysis
of nationalistic sentiments and attitudes toward products) and can
assist sport practitioners (e.g., sport marketers, broadcasting
executives). First, nationalistic sentiments embedded in sports
commentaries affect viewers' perceptions of sport teams.
Broadcasting networks should be aware of the roles sports commentators
play as professional gatekeepers. Sports media coverage can provide
opportunities to change audiences' world views (e.g., images of
countries, relationship between nations). Moreover, when audiences watch
a sporting event, their attitudes regarding the opposing nation and
their inclinations to purchase products made in the opposing county can
be affected. The results indicate that sports fans may evaluate other
countries based on their attitudes towards their own nation's
sports teams. A sports team can be a useful strategic tool when a
foreigner wants to build a strong brand as it related to the foreign
nation, a notion that is consistent with the arguments put forth by
White and Absher (2013).
Furthermore, from a sport marketing perspective, it could be argued
that nationalistic sentiments could be utilized in various sport
industry activities (e.g., broadcasting commercials, marketing
strategies, ticket sales promotions, sport viewership analyses). For
example, during the 2002 FIFA World Cup, a mobile telecommunication
company (i.e., KTF) in South Korea garnered considerable success through
an advertising campaign (i.e., Korea Team Fighting) that reflected
nationalistic sentiments using their initial characters (Hong, 2013).
Because this study is the first known attempt to experimentally
test the framing and priming effects of distorted media coverage in
conjunction with nationalistic sentiments on sport viewership, the
findings are somewhat limited. Future research in this area should
involve examining this issue with different sports, or by looking at
soccer matches between other countries mainly because Korea and Japan
have a unique background in terms of their historical, territorial,
political, etc. interactions. It should be re-examined in other cultural
contexts. The findings of the current study are not generalizable to
different contexts. Furthermore, it could be a weakness of the current
study that it employed limited constructs (i.e., team image and attitude
toward products) and manipulation (i.e., commentary) when considering
marketing and managerial implications. Therefore, it is expected that
extending the role of nationalistic sentiments into other sport
marketing areas (e.g., advertisements, athlete endorsements, sport
sponsorships) would provide an opportunity to create additional
scholarly work (e.g., nationalistic sentiments as a marketing strategy
for a team or league) within sport marketing. Despite the current
study's limitations, it should be noted that this work contributes
to the sport marketing body of knowledge as it investigates the role of
nationalistic sentiments and the consumer behavior effects of media
coverage in live sports broadcasting settings.
Minkyo Lee, Choong Hoon Lim, In-Sung Yeo, and Paul M. Pedersen
Minkyo Lee, MS, is a doctoral student in the sport management
program at Indiana University. His research interests include sport
communication, sport consumer behavior, and sport consumer psychology.
Choong Hoon Lim, PhD, is an associate professor of global sport
management and institute of sport science in the Department of Physical
Education at Seoul National University. His research interests include
sport consumer behavior and sport marketing.
In-Sung Yeo, PhD, is a professor in the Department of Sport and
Leisure Studies at Yonsei University. His research interests include
sport history and sport philosophy.
Paul M. Pedersen, PhD, is a professor and director of the sport
management program in the Department of Kinesiology at Indiana
University. His research interests include sport communication and sport
management.
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Table 1
Influence of Nationalistic Sentiments, Commentary,
and Interaction on Criteria Variables
Variable Team Image
1 2 3
Step1
Nationalistic 0.13 0.11 0.13
Sentiments (NS)
Step2
Commentary .41 *** .41 ***
Step3 .15 (+)
Commentary x NS
[DELTA]R2 0.23 0.18 0.03
[DELTA]F 1.85 17.84 *** 3.03 (+)
Adjusted R2 0.01 0.19 0.21
F 1.85 10.05 *** 7.89 ***
Variable Hostility
1 2 3
Step1
Nationalistic 0.25 * 0.25 * 0.21
Sentiments (NS)
Step2
Commentary 0.04 0.05
Step3
Commentary x NS -.29 *
[DELTA]R2 0.05 0 0.07
[DELTA]F 4.47 * 0.1 6.37 *
Adjusted R2 0.04 0.03 0.09
F 4.47 * 2.26 3.73 *
Note: (+) p < .10, * p < .05, ** p < .01, *** p < .001