Not just a party in the parking lot: an exploratory investigation of the motives underlying the ritual commitment of football tailgaters.
Drenten, Jenna ; Peters, Cara Okleshen ; Leigh, Thomas 等
Introduction
In 1869 in New Brunswick, New Jersey, the first intercollegiate
American football game occurred between Rutgers and Princeton.
A cold wind was blowing that frosty afternoon as Princeton kicked
off. There were some two hundred spectators, some watching from their
buckboards, others perched on a board fence. During the game two players
ran into the frail fence full tilt in pursuit of the ball, and it
crashed, spilling the people to the ground. (Danzig, 1956, p. 8)
Before the inaugural game, the crowd of enthusiasts gathered to
drink, eat, and socialize in what many consider the first tailgate party
in America (Drozda, 1996). Since then, the ritual of tailgating has
become a mainstay of college football.
Considerable focus has been placed on identifying factors that
motivate consumers to attend sporting events (Caro & Garcia, 2007;
James & Ross, 2004; Koo & Hardin, 2008; McDonald, Milne, &
Hong, 2002; Swanson, Gwinner, Larson, & Janda, 2003; Wann, Grieve,
Zapalac, & Pease, 2008); however, only one study to date has
specifically examined the motives and culture of social pre-game rituals
surrounding sporting events. In a two-stage study at the University of
Illinois, James, Breezeel, & Ross (2001) identified two primary
motives that individuals continue tailgating: 1) to escape their normal
routines and 2) to enjoy social interaction. Although important, the
work of James et al. (2001) is limited because it focuses more on the
act of tailgating as a leisure activity and less on the enduring and
meaningful importance of the ritual. The present study takes a different
approach toward the examination of tailgating in that it seeks to unpack
the deeper, theoretical motivations of such a consumption ritual.
Consistent with Rook's (1985) definition of ritual, football
tailgating is a consumption driven ritual in that it is "a type of
symbolic, expressive activity constructed of multiple behaviors that
occur in a fixed, episodic sequence, and that tend to be repeated over
time. Ritual behavior is dramatically scripted and acted out and is
performed with formality, seriousness, and inner intensity" (p.
251). Football fans strongly identify with the ritual of tailgating. For
example, in January 2007, NFL officials announced that tailgating within
a one-mile radius of Dolphins Stadium would be prohibited at Super Bowl
XLI. Upon realization of the ban, avid fans posted quotes on the AOL
Sports FanHouse Blog, offering evidence of the ritualistic nature of
tailgating.
Posted at 10:38PM on Jan 26th 2007 by Brian: We spend our weeks
from September through December configuring menus, showing up before 8
a.m. (at least for a 1 p.m. game), to get ready for the big game every
Sunday, not just Super Sunday. The coals go on by 8:30 a.m., with eggs
and sausage, and by 10 a.m. the steaks, brats, chicken, and adult
beverages are being served. Man, I am already missing it! Let them
tailgate!
This quote is just one example of an individual's commitment
and connection to the ritual of tailgating. The purpose of this paper is
to examine the tailgating culture from the consumer's perspective,
revealing underlying motives with a dual nature that drives ritual
commitment. First, we review the conceptual foundation for the study,
grounded in ritual commitment and the duality of motives. To explore the
tailgating ritual,
the authors adapt Apter's (1982, 2002) reversal theory, which
suggests that an individual's experience is a product of sets of
contradictory fundamental motive states. Second, we describe the
interpretive qualitative method used to investigate the tailgating
ritual. Third, the authors propose and provide support for a framework
of four basic motivations with yin-yang type features that drive
performance of the tailgating ritual over time: involvement (preparation
and participation), social interaction (camaraderie and competition),
intertemporal sentiment (retrospection and prospection), and identity
(collectivism and individualism). Fourth, we discuss theoretical
implications and specific sport marketing strategies. Finally, we
provide directions for future research. Overall, the primary
contribution of this paper lies in providing a framework of interactive
and iterative motivational states which extends beyond past studies that
look at individual motives in isolation, independent of one another.
Conceptual Foundation
Ritual Commitment
Tailgating offers marketers an established setting to gain insight
about the enduring nature of rituals. Just because a person begins
tailgating does not mean that he or she tailgates over a long period of
time or with continuing fervor. Rook's (1985) seminal research
shows that by definition ritual necessitates repetition over time. In
the case of collective ritual behavior, repetition is just one part of
the attitudinal and behavioral commitment attached to an act (Boyer
& Lienard, 2006). For example, a recent study of consumer devotion
of sports fans presents evidence of desacralization, or the decline of
previously associated sacredness and commitment to a sports team
(Pimentel & Reynolds, 2004, p. 42). Arguably, this desacralization
could also diffuse into the pre-game rituals of tailgating; however,
James et al. (2001) found that 66% of the tailgaters they interviewed
had been tailgating for more than 10 years, while 54% reported that they
tailgated at all home games. Unraveling what differentiates a life-time
tailgater from a fair-weather fan is certainly of interest to marketers
as it relates to the overall commitment of the consumer to the ritual
and offers insight into other sport-related rituals.
Just as sport consumers display varying levels of commitment with
particular teams (Mullin, Hardy, & Sutton, 1993) and consumers
develop varying levels of relationships with brands (Fournier, 1998),
tailgaters differ in their levels of commitment to the ritual of
tailgating. The present study is primarily interested in examining
highly committed tailgaters, in order to better understand what
motivates their behavior over time. By identifying the underlying
motives of long-term ritual commitment, we can begin to develop more
effective marketing strategies to foster such loyalty behavior in
tailgaters and other sports fans.
Reversal Theory and the Duality of Motives
This paper aims to expand the view of ritual consumption motives
from a sociological perspective by examining tailgating through the lens
of Apter's (1982; 2001) reversal theory. Reversal theory suggests
that as individuals interpret their experiences, their motivation
continually oscillates between sets of contradictory states. In other
words, people reverse back and forth between dual motivational states.
For instance, a skydiver may shift between the motive of playfulness
(e.g., need for excitement, moment driven) and the motive of seriousness
(e.g., need for achievement, goal driven; Celsi, Rose, & Leigh,
1993). According to reversal theory, people seek to balance the two ends
of each motivating spectrum, in a yin-yang type negotiation.
The role of duality and contradictions are relatively new to the
marketing literature. For instance, Rose and Wood (2005) argue that
viewers who delighted in the contradictory nature of reality television
were most likely to identify with and be engaged in the experience
itself. Mick and Fournier (1998) suggest that consumers learn to cope
with contradictions in technology (e.g., control v. chaos, freedom v.
enslavement) through confrontative mechanisms such as negotiation. The
authors of the present study propose a similar process for the duality
of motives which lie beneath the tailgating ritual. Commitment to the
ritual of tailgating is driven by motives that consist of yin-yang type
contradictions which tailgaters negotiate and attempt to balance over
time. Hence, the authors of the present study propose that the
tailgating ritual is not driven by single motives but rather by the
process of negotiating the related contradictions (e.g., camaraderie and
competition) that embody particular basic motives (e.g., social
interaction). These dualities are negotiated over time and form the
meaning underlying the tailgating experiences.
Method
The present study employs a qualitative ethnographic approach
through observations and depth interviews. Few studies to date have
specifically unpacked the meaningful consumption rituals in football
tailgating. This study explores the motivational factors that are
present in ritual of football tailgating. The ethnographic approach, as
described by Wolcott (1994), guided data collection, analysis, and
interpretation because it allows the authors to delve deeply into the
richness of the tailgating culture, capturing the meaningful nature of
the actions, language, and experiences of tailgaters. Methods include
participant observation, informal conversations, and formal interviews.
Data were recorded via field notes, audiotape, photographs, and
videotape.
Following the ethnographic observations and informal interviews,
the authors sampled the cultural frame of tailgating. The researchers
began by immersing themselves in the culture, observing, participating,
and informally interviewing as many individuals as possible.
Observations and informal interviews took place on six separate
tailgating occasions. At various tailgating venues, individuals were
informally interviewed with respect to their tailgating experiences.
These observations and conversations were documented via field notes and
subsequently transcribed into electronic journals.
As the authors became more involved in various tailgating
experiences, interviewing became more systematic. At the informal
tailgates, the researchers asked veteran tailgaters if they would be
willing to participate in a formal interview related to their tailgating
experiences. Informants were selected for their extensive experience and
long-term participation in tailgating. A total of 32 depth interviews
(from one to three hours each) were conducted with tailgaters (11
females and 21 males) over a one year time frame.
The 32 informants were all fans of a large Southeastern University.
They ranged in age from 23 to 88. Consistency in tailgating is a key
factor in the present study as we aim to better understand tailgating
from a ritualistic perspective, which implies repetition and commitment
over time. The informants had been tailgating consistently an average of
19 years each, with 68 years as the longest span and five years as the
shortest. Table 1 presents the demographic information of the
interviewees. To protect the privacy of the respondents, all data are
reported using pseudonyms and references to specific universities or
team mascots have been amended.
The semi-structured interview protocol is presented in Table 2. It
should be noted that the interviewer generally followed the protocol and
made sure that each question was asked at some point in the interview;
however, the structure was also free-flowing and conversational in
nature to improve the richness of the data. The informant was probed
where appropriate and was encouraged to elaborate whenever he/she was
discussing his/her tailgating experiences.
With respect to analysis and interpretation, the authors followed
Wolcott's (1994) ethnographic conventions, continually moving among
specific transcripts, artifacts, and the evolving data set. Relying on
inferences from the data and using reversal theory as a guide, the
authors iteratively developed patterned regularities in the data and a
thick description of tailgating culture and rituals (Creswell, 1998;
Wolcott, 1994). Two methods of validation were used to ensure accurate
representation and reliability of the data and analysis, triangulation
and respondent validation. Investigator triangulation was incorporated
throughout the research process by using three experienced investigators
to validate the findings. To achieve respondent validation, one author
went back to several subjects with tentative results to refine and
confirm the findings.
Findings
During the process of aggregating and interpreting the data, four
basic tailgating motivations and their dual natures emerged: involvement
(preparation and participation), social interaction (camaraderie and
competition), inter-temporal sentiment (retrospection and prospection),
and identity (collectivism and individualism). Table 3 provides a
framework outlining the basic motivational factors and underlying
dualities of the tailgating ritual. The data reveal that the negotiation
of these contradictory states underlies an individual's commitment
to the ritual of tailgating. The present article provides support for
the proposed framework with illustrative examples from selected depth
interviews; furthermore, Table 4 provides short quotes that corroborate
the findings across the interviews.
Involvement: The Duality of Preparation and Participation
Research shows that involvement is an important factor influencing
commitment (Coulter, Price, & Feick, 2003). Simply being present at
a tailgating event can imply that one is involved to some extent. For
instance, rookie tailgaters may be involved by just taking part in the
day of festivities, whereas seasoned tailgaters often considered
tailgating a year-round process. However, this study is less concerned
with an individual's level of involvement (i.e., high, low) and
more concerned with an individual's type of involvement. Committed
tailgaters appear to be involved in two primary aspects of the
tailgating ritual. The data reveal two underlying dualities of
involvement: preparation and participation.
Preparation was a key part of the respondents' involvement in
the tailgating process. Respondents planned their tailgates in advance,
down to the last detail, in an effort to enhance their actual
participation on game day.
Many of the informants went through great lengths to efficiently
prepare for their tailgating excursions. For example, Richard (age 58)
described in detail the painstaking process of figuring out and
practicing how to load and unload his tailgating supplies (e.g., chairs,
tables, pop-up tent) into and out of his vehicle, in order to be
prepared for the fall football season. The effort invested in preparing
for the tailgate reaps its benefit in making the tailgating experience
itself easier and less problematic. In previous research, escapism, or
the process of relieving daily stress through entertainment or leisure,
has been cited as a motivation for individuals to participate in
sports-related consumption activities (James et al., 2001; Wann et al.,
2004). Likewise, respondents in the present study often referred to
their participation in tailgating as an escape from their stressful work
week.
Margaret: I work pretty hard and have a pretty hectic schedule and
job, so I never usually just sit down at home. I'm usually always
washing clothes, washing dishes, paying the bills, you know, and taking
work home. So, rarely do I just sit. This is one of the times that I
just don't do anything. Just relax. Such escape from the day-to-day
routines and stresses involves a trade-off. Although Margaret looks
forward to relaxing and recognizes tailgating as a break from her
"hectic schedule," she later comments that the extra energy
required to prepare the tailgate was sometimes daunting. Even so, she
would never consider giving up her role as a tailgate hostess.
Margaret: I guess the part that gets frustrating to me is when we
get home and we have to unload everything. I usually get stuck cleaning
everything up and putting up and getting ready for next time. It gets a
little old, but it's still fun. Besides, I think my husband would
just die if we didn't host our own tailgate.
In contrast to the escapist nature of participating in tailgating
itself, the extensive preparation process that many respondents spoke of
can create even more hassle in their lives; yet they continue
tailgating. Many of the respondents spoke of the balance that they had
found between preparation and participation with almost bittersweet
affection. They agreed that just showing up to participate in a tailgate
would be hassle-free, but they were not willing to sacrifice their
involvement in the preparation process. However, hosting a tailgate can
create more stress in one's life.
James: I'm happy when the season's over. I enjoy it, but
I really don't look forward to it that much. Once I get here,
it's a lot like going to the dentist for me. You know, have you
ever walked out of the dental office and said, "That wasn't so
bad." Well, that's kind of the way I feel sometimes.
Although James clearly gets frustrated with tailgating, he
continues to participate. When his wife, Nancy, was asked about their
typical tailgating activities, she explained that her husband travels
all week so he usually just sits at their tailgating spot to relax. All
tailgaters in attendance could be considered participants in the
tailgating culture; however, Richard (age 58) would disagree. He and his
wife host a tailgate at all home games, except for one each year. He
said, "Usually one game a year, we don't tailgate. We just
visit people around the stadium." Interestingly, Richard does not
consider it tailgating unless he hosts his own site.
Ritualistic tailgating participation involves deeper meaning.
Respondents in the present study described tailgating as a flow-type
activity (Csikszentmihalyi, 1990), in which they simply enjoy each
other's company and live in the moment. The liberating quality that
tailgating seemed to have was appealing to tailgaters. Participation in
tailgating offered spontaneity and freedom from the controlled,
conformity of everyday life. Other escapist activities, such as
over-indulgence, were prevalent. For instance, Nancy (age 59) mentioned
that her tailgate always prepares a full buffet of food, which is
consumed both before and after the game. The indulgent culture of
tailgating allows some to feel a sense of freedoms from dietary concerns
or weight loss efforts that they may uphold throughout the rest of the
week or year. Later in Nancy's interview, she indicated that during
the week preceding her Saturday tailgating ritual, she would be careful
to make healthy food choices in anticipation of indulging on game day.
Thus, she prepared herself to participate in the indulgent day of
tailgating. Throughout the depth interviews, this constant negotiation
between preparatory involvement and participatory involvement was
prevalent. The respondents recognized the organizational work required
to tailgate, yet considered tailgating a relaxing experience to take a
break from their regular work routines. Thus, tailgating as a
consumption ritual is seen as liberating in participation yet laborious
in preparation.
Social Interaction: The Duality of Camaraderie and Competition
The present study identifies social interaction as a basic motive
for remaining committed to the ritual of tailgating. Previous studies
substantiate social interaction as a motive in attending sporting events
(James & Ross, 2004; Wann et al., 2008); however, findings from the
current study extend beyond the basic motive of social interaction and
reveal the underlying dualities driving social interaction: camaraderie
and competition.
Overwhelmingly, respondents demonstrated a welcoming and hospitable
nature, juxtaposed with innate rivalry. In fact, during the ethnographic
inquiries into the field, many tailgaters invited the researchers of the
present study to join them for food and drinks. One respondent, Nancy
(age 59), mentioned that she often extended impromptu invitations to
fellow fans, law enforcement officers, and other tailgaters that she met
throughout the day.
Most of the respondents expressed enjoyment in meeting new people
and inviting strangers to join their tailgate. Even fans of opposing
teams were seen tailgating together. Most of the respondents described
tailgating as a social activity for friends, family, acquaintances, and
even strangers to share.
Fred: It's about meeting your friends and the camaraderie that
you have. Then, you meet even more people. You just look for people
wearing the school colors and start talking to them. If [fan from the
other team] walked by right now, I would speak to them too. We make lots
of unofficial friends.
"Unofficial" friendships seem to build camaraderie, which
is an important aspect of hospitality (Dickson & Huyton, 2008).
Hospitality is an innate part of tailgating, as it is with any festive
ritual. Participants in the present study showed uninhibited generosity
toward others without boundaries or discrimination. Many respondents
went out of their way to provide food, drinks, and other comforts to
their fellow tailgaters. For example, Mitch (age 50) commented that he
does not mind hosting a tailgate each week because "it's
convenient for everybody else" and "makes the atmosphere a
little better." Mitch paints a picture of togetherness and unity in
his hospitality toward fellow tailgaters. He gladly puts forth extra
effort to ensure his tailgate meets others' expectations and
provides a social atmosphere. Juxtaposed with the cordial nature of
tailgating are its competitive characteristics. Rivalry is an inherent
feature of tailgating, as it is directly related to competitive sports
(Mahony & Howard, 2001). Some symbolically demonstrate their
competitive natures through the food that they prepare. For example,
Margaret (age 47) explained that her site's menu may change per
game. When playing the Arkansas Razorbacks, her husband prepared pork
barbeque. When playing the South Carolina Gamecocks, she provides fried
chicken. These subtle cues, denigrating the opposing team, contribute to
the competitive nature of tailgating. Many tailgaters thrive on publicly
antagonizing fans for the opposition. One man, Steve (age 38), who was
tailgating for one of the biggest rivalry games of the year attached a
noose to a stuffed alligator, the rival team's mascot, and hung it
from the front post of his tent.
Steve: We just use [the stuffed animal] as a thing to relieve
pressure. If we've got frustration, then we'll just slap it
around. I've had drinks and cups of ice thrown at me at [a
conference rivalry] game. It can get pretty bad. You'll have a
little back and forth. The worst fans I've ever seen were at [a
rival school]. They are a rough crowd. But at the same time, the rivalry
is all in good fun.
Although Steve noted some instances where rivalry may have gotten
out of hand, most of the respondents agreed that the rivalry was
"all in good fun" and heckling was part of the common cultural
experience. Because it is generally considered taboo to physically
attack a fan of the opposing team, fans showed their superiority
symbolically (e.g., cooking rival themed foods, beating up stuffed
mascots). The researchers observed similar displays of public mockery
and symbolic competition flooding various tailgating venues. Much of the
rivalry that takes place in the tailgating culture appears to be a
battle of wits, such as the case above; however, some respondents
indicated that more grave acts of retaliation (e.g., stealing material
goods, vandalizing property, physical violence) can occur.
Competition not only occurs between fans of opposing teams, but
also between tailgaters of the same team as they compete for tailgating
territory. All of the interviewed tailgaters agreed that staking claim
on their physical tailgating sites was crucial. In fact, most of the
tailgaters had been tailgating consistently in the same geographical
location for years.
Margaret: We tailgate in the same old spot, by the same old tree.
We've probably been there almost twenty years. My husband gets
really panicky on big weekends. You know, he worries that somebody will
get our spot. Honestly I don't know what we would do if somebody
did. He would probably just die. I think he feels personally responsible
for the spot. He thinks, "If the spot is gone, how will everyone
find us and where will we go?" Even though there's lots of
other good spots, that's just where we've been for so long.
Fighting for ownership of land shows the primitive territorial
competition that takes place prior to tailgating. It is interesting that
tailgaters willingly extend hospitality to strangers; however, if a
stranger "steals" a spot that another tailgater identifies as
his own, hostility arises. Furthermore, the tailgaters symbolically
marked their territory with such things as tents, flags, vehicles, and
chairs, creating a visual and physical barricade demarcating ownership
of a physical tailgating location.
On the one hand, football tailgating appears to be innately
competitive in and of itself. On the other hand, its festive, social
atmosphere seems to promote harmony and togetherness in contrast to the
hostility that could accompany such sports rivalry. The data show that
the ritual of tailgating epitomizes friendly competition in that
tailgaters are dually motivated by camaraderie and competition.
Inter-Temporal Sentiment: The Duality of Retrospection and
Prospection
Throughout the observations and depth interviews, respondents
consistently characterized their motivation for tailgating as a
nostalgic quest to connect with their past. In the marketing literature,
nostalgia for things past has been shown to influence consumers'
experiences and decisions (Holbrook, 1993; Schindler & Holbrook,
2003), especially with regard to sporting events (Fairley, 2003).
Despite their attachment to the past, all of the respondents also
embraced the progressive nature of tailgating over the years. Thus, the
present study identifies inter-temporal sentiment as basic motive for
tailgating. Underlying this factor, the data show that tailgaters are
dually motivated by their retrospective sentiment for things past and
their prospective sentiment for the future.
Respondents in the present study were often motivated by their
longing for the past. For example, Richard (age 58) commented that the
tailgating ritual allows participants "get back the feeling of
schools days from long ago." Beyond reuniting with college friends,
many of the respondents indicated a lifelong connection with tailgating
and supporting the football team. The interviewees indicated that they
had been raised in the culture of tailgating and sports fanaticism. In
fact, one individual, Fred (age 82) had not pursued his education at his
favorite team's University but had been attending this team's
football games since 1928, when he was just 10 years old.
Fred: My football memories go way back. Post '29 was
prohibition, and most refreshments consisted of concealed flasks. They
were really popular back then. During the early '30s, tailgating
mainly involved box lunches, and a large coca-cola that was spiked. For
the game, tailgating really had its own start sometime in the 1950s, but
as far back as there has been college football, people from out of town
brought box lunches. It wasn't as complex as it is now though. All
I can remember is bringing some box lunches and going to the game.
Fred remembers his childhood tailgating experiences, but he
recognizes that modern tailgating did not emerge until the mid-20th
Century. He indicates that tailgating has progressively changed over the
years. Fred's wife, Patsy (age 72) also began following her
favorite football team at a very young age and strongly associates
tailgating with family tradition.
Patsy: It's just an excitement that you have to be there to
understand. I can't explain it. It's just that feeling.
It's a tradition. It's like going to your grandmother's
house on Thanksgiving or going to church on Christmas Eve. I mean, this
is a big part of your life like any family tradition.
Patsy equates tailgating with traditional holidays that previous
studies have shown to be highly ritualized and sacred (Etzioni &
Bloom, 2004). In the marketing literature, research indicates that
traditional rituals are intrinsically sacred and performed with
seriousness (Belk, Wallendorf, & Sherry, 1989; Wallendorf &
Arnould, 1991). The interview data offer evidence of the seriousness
with which participants performed their tailgating rituals.
Mitch: To me, you can't go to the game unless you tailgate.
It's just the way it is in the south. It's part of life down
here. We take football seriously and this is part of football. It's
part of the game. In fact, it is sometimes more fun than the game.
Consistently, respondents like Mitch spoke of their reverence
toward the game of football as well as the sacredness of the tailgating
experience. The previous statements show the importance of retrospective
sentiment as an influential motive in commitment to tailgating; however,
respondents indicated that prospective sentiment also serves as a motive
for tailgating. In other words, the tailgating ritual is just as much
about the past as it is about the future.
Besides the growth in tailgating popularity, innovations appear to
have drastically changed the tailgating culture. Observational data show
that many of the tailgating sites featured technological advancements
such as satellite televisions and motor homes. While respondents
indicated a nostalgic longing for the past, they simultaneously enhanced
their tailgating traditions with modern innovations. With multi-million
motor homes, flat screen televisions, and satellite dishes, modern
tailgating does not require its participants to sacrifice on comfort.
Not all tailgates are quite so elaborate, but many enjoy at least a few
creature comforts. Despite claiming that being outdoors is an attractive
characteristic of tailgating, most tailgate participants essentially
transfer their indoor lifestyle to the outdoor setting. They establish a
makeshift home from protective shelters to on-site meal preparation. For
instance, Richard's (age 58) tailgating set up included an
eight-foot tall pop-up shelter, more than a dozen chairs, some tables,
and a brand new gas grill and stove combination appliance. Unlike the
pioneering tailgaters of the mid-20th Century, Richard and others use
innovation to enhance their tailgating experiences. These tailgaters
simultaneously partake in a nostalgic tradition while joining the quest
for progression. If these tailgaters were truly nostalgic, they may have
tried to replicate the original tailgating experiences of their
childhoods or of their predecessors; however, none of the respondents
did this. Nonetheless, not all alterations in the tailgating ritual are
welcomed. For example, Mitch (age 50) and his fellow tailgaters had
occupied the same site for nearly 30 years, since attending the
University as undergraduates. When asked about the future of his
tailgate, Mitch expressed reluctant acceptance of inevitable changes in
his tailgating future as a result of University expansion.
Mitch: The long-range plan of the University is to build a dorm
right here [on my tailgating spot], so I'm going to lose this
place. That's going to be hard. It'll be sad, but life has to
go on. We'll find another place and we'll continue.
Mitch's ability to strike a balance between his retrospective
sentiment for his traditional tailgating and acceptance of the
prospective future of the University presents evidence for his enduring
commitment to the ritual of tailgating. Committed tailgaters are dually
motivated by the past (e.g., childhood memories, University history,
back to nature) and the future (e.g., creating new memories, University
advancement, technological innovation). Loyal tailgaters are both
resistant to change and flexible. They are committed to the tailgating
ritual as a way to connect with their own personal histories and the
history of the University. Yet, even with their strong retrospective
connections, they recognize and embrace (or in some cases tolerate)
prospective changes within the tailgating ritual.
Identity: The Duality of Collectivism and Individualism
Identity is a key factor in motivating ritual behavior (Otnes &
Lowrey, 2004). The present study substantiates that identity motivates
the ritual of tailgating and extends the literature by suggesting that
the tailgating ritual is characterized by two underlying dualities:
collectivism and individualism.
The respondents in the present study exhibited a strong sense of
community, not only through their interviews, but also symbolically in
their actions. During field observations, tailgaters predominantly wore
their team colors and decorated their sites with team related
paraphernalia, such as banners and flags. Clothing and site adornments
(e.g., flagpoles, magnets, tablecloths) were key markers of a collective
identity. For instance, Richard (age 58) indicated that his tailgating
site decor was important because it represented the colors of the
University and signaled his team identity to others.
While tailgaters seek to connect with their fellow tailgating
community, they also show evidence of their quest for self-identity
through individuality. For instance, the researchers inquired about some
unique items seen at tailgating sites, and found that one tailgater had
ordered his vintage pants covered in his favorite team's logo from
a seller on eBay. Another man had a sign custom-made for his tailgating
site. Within the collective confines of the representative team colors
and logos, some fans emphasized their individuality. However, all of the
respondents simultaneously emphasized the importance of collectivism and
unity in remaining committed to their respective teams and to the ritual
of tailgating in general.
John: I think tailgating is exactly what it is: people getting
together, your friends, for a common reason. You want your team to do
good, and I think all over the country it's done for the same
reason. It goes to different degrees in different places, but I'm
sure everybody does it for the same reason. It's everywhere. To a
degree, it's different. But it's everywhere.
John's quote suggests that the universalism of tailgating
offers people a collective identity beyond their team affiliations, a
bond with football tailgaters across the country. Later in his
interview, John mentioned that he even tailgates for baseball and
basketball games with a different group of people, suggesting that the
collective tailgating identity transcends a specific sport or social
network. Still, the data show that tailgaters who are extremely
committed to the ritual derive their identity on an individualistic
level and recognize themselves as "die-hard" fans.
Margaret: We're pretty much die-hards at my house. My husband
only missed one game in the '90s. We go to all the home and away
games. He missed one away game in the '90s. I really don't
remember why. I don't think that everyone is as hard core as us.
This concept of die-hard tailgating contributes to the theme of
individualism. Throughout the interviews, respondents took great pride
in their near perfect records of tailgating attendance and suggested
that not all tailgaters were so devoutly committed to the ritual. In
other words, the die-hard nature of their commitment appeared to be a
factor of their individual identity, rather than their collective
identity. Their self-identities lie in not just being fans, but rather
being what they consider a "true fan," one that made
tailgating an integral part of their lives. For instance, Richard's
(age 58) description of his most memorable tailgating experience
demonstrates his identity as a true fan.
Richard: I had woken up that morning with a fever of approximately
102. It was raining outside, just a tremendous rain. I said, "I
don't care. I'm going to the game." It was raining so bad
that you couldn't even enjoy the tailgate, and [our team] lost at
the last second. That was even more disheartening--the last-second loss.
It took about two or three months to completely get over that flu.
It just would not go away. I probably had walking pneumonia and
didn't even know it. But, if I had to do it all over again, I
would. Absolutely, I'm a fan. True fans do that. You suffer the
consequences later.
Richard recognizes himself as a true fan, and thus, fulfills his
duty as such, regardless of the circumstances. His story shows evidence
of the personal responsibility that he feels he has to perform his role
as a tailgater and supporter. For some, this personal responsibility
even extends into the game itself. Several respondents superstitiously
suggested that their performance of tailgating rituals influences their
teams' victory on the field. For instance, Patsy (age 72) explained
that her pre-game superstitions included parking in the same spot and
being careful to walk on the same side of a tree as her husband. George
(age 88) had been tailgating since he was 20 years old, and indicated
that regardless of his team's performance on the field each week,
his individual commitment to the tailgating ritual itself remained
constant.
The tailgaters interviewed were often emotionally invested in their
teams' successes and failures. When respondents spoke of the team
they supported, they often used the first-person plural pronoun
"we" (i.e., "we lost" instead of "they
lost"). While this shows tailgaters' strong identification
with the football team, it also shows evidence that they, in some way,
feel that the team's loss is equivalent to their own personal loss.
Consistently, the data show that tailgaters possess strong personal
connections to tailgating through their collective identity that
simultaneously interacts with their individual identities as they
participated in and continued to enact the tailgating ritual over time.
Discussion
The findings of this study make both theoretical and practical
contributions to the existing literature. Within the field of marketing,
the literature on rituals is steadily growing and making important
contributions, but few studies to date have examined consumers'
long-term commitment to rituals and what motivates such behavior. This
study unpacks the factors that contribute to consumers' ritual
commitment. Drawing from theory on ritual commitment and reversal
synergy, the findings show that motives with a dual nature and the
negotiation processes that accompany these factors influence a
tailgater's commitment to the ritual over time.
While several studies examine fan and spectator motives (James
& Ross, 2004; McDonald et al., 2002), few have examined the motives
underlying the pregame rituals of tailgating. The present study builds
upon and extends the previous research of James et al. (2001) by
identifying a richer, more meaningful set of sociological factors that
motivate tailgating. The data from this study reveal four motivations
with a dual nature that motivate long-term tailgating behavior:
involvement (preparation and participation), social interaction
(camaraderie and competition), inter-temporal sentiment (retrospection
and prospection), and identity (collectivism and individualism). The
present study also extends the literature by finding that it is not just
individual motives that underlie ritualistic consumer behavior. The
findings of this study identify a deeper and wider process at work with
respect to the perpetuation of the tailgating ritual over time. For
instance, it is not simply social interaction that drives tailgating
commitment. It is the underlying negotiation of camaraderie and
competition that fosters commitment to the tailgating ritual. The
existence, interaction, and negotiation between the dualities that make
up the motives are key to understanding the tailgating ritual.
Implications for Marketing Theory
Arguably, the most important theoretical contribution made by this
paper is not the identification of a richer set of variables that
represent motivating sociological factors underlying the tailgating
experience. The primary contribution lies in taking a more holistic view
of the overall tailgating experience. The individual themes identified
in the paper, such as camaraderie and nostalgia, while important, do not
complete the theoretical picture with respect to the consumer's
commitment to ritual over time. Rather, the constant negotiation due to
the dual nature of the motives is essential to ritual commitment. The
findings of this study show that it is the overall experience itself
that is important, not an individual act or individual motivating
factor. The process by which the dual themes interact and are negotiated
creates meaning and motivates the consumer to perpetuate and commit to
the ritual over time.
Theoretically, this study also sheds light on the growing marketing
literature on authenticity (Leigh, Peters, & Shelton, 2006; Rose
& Wood, 2005). The informants in this study indicated that their
commitment to the ritual over time made them "true,"
"die-hard" fans, implying superiority over less committed
fans. The implication of this comparison is that the committed fan is
more "authentic" in his/her actions, when compared to others
who are also enacting the ritual. This finding suggests that recognizing
and embracing the duality of motives in rituals and experiencing the
related negotiation process is what characterizes a committed consumer.
Thus, ritual commitment serves as a demarcation for some members of the
subculture who are able to identify and exhibit legitimate cultural
capital; however, it does not appear that fans are explicitly aware of
this fact.
Implications for Sport Marketing
Practically speaking, the findings of this study are important for
universities, sports leagues (e.g., NASCAR, NFL), and businesses (e.g.,
corporate sponsors, athletic brands) that would like to create and
capitalize on rituals to which consumers are committed over time. The
dualities underlying consumption rituals may be transferred into
specific marketing strategies to create a more involved and loyal fan
base for various sports (e.g., baseball, basketball) and events (e.g.,
festivals, tournaments). Table 5 outlines key insights and preliminary
strategic recommendations regarding sport marketing initiatives based on
the framework of motives in ritual commitment.
By focusing marketing efforts on reflecting the underlying
dualities of sport-related rituals, rather than only promoting the
ritual itself, marketers can use these latent motives to foster ritual
commitment. For example, the duality of retrospection and prospection
that underlies inter-temporal sentiment suggests that feelings toward
both the past and the future enhance ritual commitment. Marketers can
integrate the past (e.g., nostalgia, history) and the future (e.g.,
progress, innovation) to better reach sport fans. Specifically, fans
could receive mobile text updates with historical facts relating to
tailgating or the team. On-site televisions showing highlights from
historic games could be set up around high-traffic tailgating areas.
Marketing efforts that reflect a collection of dualities are likely to
be more effective than those that focus on individual motives. For
example, marketing efforts that place camaraderie alongside competition
can simultaneously promote rivalry and unity, thus, embodying the basic
motivation of social interaction more fully.
Furthermore, findings from this study suggest that universities and
sponsor organizations should support the subculture already created by
the tailgaters. Contrary the old adage, "If you build it, they will
come," tailgating provides an opportunity for fans to come and
build "it" themselves. Tailgating allows fans to co-create
their experience and offers a consumer-created venue for brands to reach
their markets. The sport venue may provide the physical setting for
tailgating, but fans create the ambiance and features. Although it seems
inherently obvious, universities, sport leagues, and businesses should
support tailgating activities and attempt to foster positive experiences
(e.g., provide adequate space, transportation to the stadium, and
electricity for equipment or appliances). Such support should garner
economic benefit. For instance, universities will likely reap long-term
benefits in ticket sales, alumni support, and athletic associations.
Lodging locations and local restaurants and bars within the surrounding
communities also stand to benefit from tailgating.
Overall, marketers should view tailgating as a consumer-created
ritual, laden with underlying dualities. Although fans cannot control
the quality of the game or team, they can, to an extent, control the
success of their tailgate and the satisfaction of their tailgating
experience. Consistent with Oliver's (1999) traditional view of
consumer loyalty, tailgaters that are continually satisfied with the
quality of their tailgating experiences remain committed to the ritual
of tailgating.
Conclusion and Future Research Avenues
For loyal tailgaters, the tailgating subculture transcends beer,
burgers, and a ballgame. Tailgating is a year-round event. Fans prepare
for weeks or even months in order to ensure a successful tailgating
experience. By identifying the deeper meanings underlying the tailgating
ritual, this study extends the present conceptualization of ritual
commitment and motivation. Future research should examine and compare
underlying motives among different segments of tailgaters, for instance,
based on university affiliation (e.g., alumni v. non-alumni) or
geographical origin (e.g., north v. south). Furthermore, in the present
study, non-tailgaters did not have the opportunity to respond. Future
research should investigate reasons why some people choose to only
attend the game and not tailgate prior to it. Or perhaps more
interestingly, why some individuals choose to only tailgate and not
attend the game.
In addition to highlighting the need for more studies on tailgating
itself, the findings should be validated on a larger sample. More
qualitative research should be conducted as well as large-scale survey
research. A large quantitative study may allow researchers to make a
direct comparison between new tailgaters who are younger in age (e.g.,
current college students) and older, more experienced tailgaters to
examine potential generational differences with respect to ritual and
commitment. A researcher may wonder, "Are the somewhat
contradictory contents of motives the same for young versus old?
Furthermore, are the contradictions and related negotiations the same
for different generational cohorts?" The present study of ritual
commitment in the context of tailgating identifies motives with a dual
nature that could be further expanded in future research across a
variety of contexts that would contribute to both theory and practice in
the field of sport marketing.
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Jenna Drenten is a doctoral student in the Department of Marketing
and Distribution at the University of Georgia. Her research interests
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goal directed behavior, and consumer culture.
Cara Okleshen Peters, PhD, is an associate professor of marketing
at Winthrop University. Her research interests include e-commerce,
consumer behavior, and qualitative research.
Thomas Leigh, D.B.A., is a full professor of marketing and the
Tanner Chair of Sales Management at the University of Georgia. His
research interests include marketing and sales strategy, customer
relationship management, and advertising management.
Candice R. Hollenbeck, PhD, is a visiting assistant professor in
the Department of Marketing and Distribution at the University of
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communities, communal behavior, consumer activism and social movements,
technology, and branding.
Table 1.
Interview Demographics
Years
Respondent Tailgating
Name Age Gender Occupation Consistently
Ellen 23 Female Registered Nurse 5
Ashley 25 Female Middle School Teacher 5
Anna 25 Female (Not Specified) 5
Brad 26 Male Lawyer 5
Doug 27 Male Salesperson 5
Paul 48 Male Sanitation Engineer 5
Greg 36 Male (Not Specified) 5
Diane 48 Female Homemaker 6
Nancy 59 Female Homemaker 6
James 61 Male (Not Specified) 6
Joe 39 Male (Not Specified) 9
Keith 39 Male Artist 10
Debbie 34 Female (Not Specified) 11
Brent 37 Male State Hospital Director 11
Scott 28 Male (Not Specified) 11
Janice 41 Female (Not Specified) 14
Rodney 52 Male Social Worker 15
Steve 38 Male (Not Specified) 20
Beverly 55 Female Elementary School Teacher 21
Ray 79 Male Retired 21
Alan 40 Male College Professor 22
Ruth 56 Female Dental Assistant 26
Danny 57 Male Baking Chef 26
Margaret 47 Female County Coordinator 30
Mitch 50 Male (Not Specified) 30
John 64 Male Law Enforcement Officer 30
Bill 61 Male Alcohol Distributor 30
Terry 60 Male (Not Specified) 32
Richard 58 Male Management Consultant 34
Patsy 72 Female Civic Volunteer 40
Fred 82 Male Retired Navy Captain 40
George 88 Male Retired 68
Table 2.
Semi-Structured Interview Questions
General Topic Semi-Structured Interview Questions
Tailgating What is your relationship with the University (e.g.,
Connection alum, local resident)?
How connected do you feel to the tailgating ritual?
How do you demonstrate your connection with
tailgating and with the team?
Tailgating When did you first start tailgating?
Memories How do you think tailgating has changed of the
years?
What is your most memorable tailgating experience?
What is your worst tailgating experience?
What are some of your tailgating traditions?
Tailgating When do you start preparing for tailgating season?
Preparation How do you get ready for tailgating?
Where do you tailgate?
Describe the set-up of your tailgate site (e.g.,
decor, organization).
Tailgating Who tailgates with you (e.g., friends, family,
Relationships coworkers)?
Why do you choose to tailgate with these people?
Describe your interaction with tailgaters from the
opposing team.
Describe your interaction with fellow tailgaters
from your team.
Tailgating Describe a typical tailgate. What kinds of things go
Experience on?
Why do you enjoy tailgating?
How long do you normally spend tailgating?
How often do you attend tailgates?
Why do you feel it's important to tailgate?
How does tailgating influence your enjoyment of the
game?
Tailgating How do you feel once the football season is over?
Reflections What do you think you gain from tailgating?
Why do you continue tailgating each year?
How long do you think you will continue tailgating?
Table 3.
Framework of Motives in the Tailgating Ritual
Basic Motives Brief Description
Involvement This motive concerns an individual's type of
involvement in the tailgating ritual rather than
his/her level of involvement (i.e., high v. low).
Social This motive concerns the role of other people in
Interaction value creation within the tailgating ritual.
Inter-Temporal This motive concerns the affective influence of past
Sentiment experiences and future expectations on tailgaters'
present behaviors.
Identity This motive concerns the process by which an
individual's identity is formed in relation to the
tailgating ritual.
Basic Motives Underlying Dualities
Involvement PREPARATION PARTICIPATION
* Tedious planning; * All about the game day
takes weeks or even & on-site experience
months
* A lot of organization; * Escape from the
requires a routine organized, "routine"
daily life
* Stressful and hectic * Stress-free and
relaxing
* Restrictive * Indulgent
* Laborious; burdensome * Privilege; it's all
"worth it"
Social CAMARADERIE COMPETITION
Interaction * Symbolic unity * Symbolic rivalry
* Welcoming and * Territorial and
hospitable possessive
* Meet new people; * Exclusivity; "Us-them"
"unofficial friends" mentality
Inter-Temporal RETROSPECTION PROSPECTION
Sentiment
* Nostalgia * Progression
* Longing for the past * Making new memories;
(e.g., childhood, embracing change
college); tradition
* Sacred, simplistic * Materialistic
* "Old school"; back to * Technological
basics innovation
* Reflective * Anticipatory
Identity COLLECTIVISM INDIVIDUALISM
* Unifying school * Standing out from the
clothing, colors, site crowd through clothes
decor and site decor
* Emphasis on community * Recognition of
(e.g. team, tailgaters individuality
nationwide)
* Sense of superiority
* Communal-identity; * Die-hard fans or true
"We" are all one with fans; authentic fans
the team
Table 4.
Selected Supporting Evidence from Depth Interviews
Motives Quotations from Depth Interviews
Involvement
Participation "We're usually pretty relieved when football
season is over. It's just a lot of work." "I'm a
very organized person, and everything I do is
planned weeks and months ahead." "As soon as one
game is over, we start preparing for the
next-coordinating menus, planning decorations,
that kind of stuff."
Preparation "It's probably one of the few times where I
actually sit down and stop without feeling like
I've got to be doing something work related."
"We eat all day and drink all day. Every Saturday,
we just eat, drink, and talk. It doesn't get much
better."
"Tailgating is just an evolution of what goes on.
No set things-just whatever happens."
Social
Interaction
Competition "We've been tailgating together for so long now,
all our friends here are just like family to us
now." "This game used to be a heated rivalry. It's
matured over the years to become a giant party. We
don't give a damn about the game. We're here to
enjoy each others' company."
"Everybody pitches in. It's not the material
things that are out here. It's the people-just
visiting with them."
Camaraderie "You can get away with just about
anything-taunting, throwing stuff-you just can't
touch. If you take a swing, you're in big
trouble."
"It's wild. There's a real hatred between the two
teams here. You just have to be able to take what
they give you."
Inter-Temporal
Sentiment
Prospection "I love tailgating because it puts me right back
in the college atmosphere." "When we first started
coming, everyone would dress up in their Sunday
best. We still do. I guess we're old-fashioned in
that way."
"I've been watching [my team] since I was about
five. It's just something we've always done in my
family."
Retrospection "I love having my kids and grandkids out here.
It's like handing down a tailgating legacy to
them." "Tailgating just gets more elaborate every
year-bigger trucks, bigger TVs, more food. It's
all about putting on a bigger and better show than
you did the year before."
"We've already scouted out another spot, looking
toward the future, but we really don't want to
change."
Identity
Individualism "You come out here and see everyone in red and
black. It reminds you that your part of some-
thing bigger. We're all here for a common cause--to
enjoy tailgating and to see the ballgame." "When
we're here, we feel like we're part of it, part of
the team and part of the group. We won--not just
they won.
Collectivism "I think I'll tailgate as long as I'm breathing.
It's just part of who I am."
"I'm a true, die-hard fan. I really can't explain
it. It's just that feeling, just part of my life."
"It's hard to comprehend, you know. It's is just
born in you."
"We're true tailgaters. It's something that the
people who just bring coleslaw and the buns will
never understand. We've probably never even gone
to anyone else's tailgate."
Table 5.
Framework of Motives in Ritual Commitment and Corresponding
Strategic Sport Marketing Initiatives
Motivation Key Insight
Involvement Tailgating requires days, weeks
(Preparation/ and even months of stressful
Participation) planning, just to enjoy a single
day of stress free fun.
Social Interaction Tailgating rivalry is all in good
(Camaraderie/ fun and serves to unite people
Competition) while innately pitting them
against one another.
Inter-Temporal Tailgating thrives on the
Sentiment intersection between the past
(Retrospection/ and the future, between nostalgia
Prospection) and progression.
Identity Tailgating is a definitive part of
(Collectivism/ the self-concept for those who
Individualism) see themselves as true fans in the
larger sport fan community.
Motivation Specific Strategic Sport Marketing Initiatives
Involvement * Develop products that simplify the planning
(Preparation/ process (e.g., tailgating kits)
Participation)
* Create a yearly promotional calendar (i.e.,
countdown to tailgating season)
* Send electronic newsletter about tailgating
throughout the year to fans (e.g., alumni,
season ticket holders)
* Interactive tailgating website to virtually
recreate the tailgating experience
* Provide text message number to allow
tailgaters to send mobile photos of their
tailgating experience
Social Interaction * Organize contest between tailgaters of the
(Camaraderie/ same team with the prize being the "best"
Competition) tailgating location on campus
* Host on-site friendly competitions between
tailgaters of opposing teams
* Corporate sponsorship of a "Friends and Foes"
tailgate for close rivalry matches (e.g.,
Georgia v. Florida; Michigan v. Ohio State)
Inter-Temporal * Marketing promotions emphasizing historical
Sentiment basis of tailgating ritual
(Retrospection/
Prospection) * Create mentoring program-a big brother, big
sister of tailgating-for veteran tailgaters to
host current students at their tailgates
* Create a website for fans to scan and upload
past and current tailgating photos and
memorable stories
Identity * Create online interactive community of
(Collectivism/ tailgaters (e.g., fans can post advice,
Individualism) stories, pictures)
* Provide loyalty program, rewarding consistent
tailgaters
* Create competition (e.g., Most Valuable
Tailgater)
* Emphasize marketing of the universalism of
tailgating
