Frightful neighbourhood.
Thomas, Julian
The coast of France--the coast of France, how near! Drawn almost
into frightful neighbourhood.
William Wordsworth, 'Near Dover', September 1802.
Hugo Anderson-Whymark, Duncan Garrow and Fraser Sturt are to be
congratulated on an important find and a robust evaluation of its
significance. As they point out, it was Roger Jacobi who first
introduced the notion that Britain had been culturally isolated from the
continent following the flooding of the English Channel; this was on the
basis of stylistic differences between the microlithic assemblages found
in the two areas in the later Mesolithic. Equally, although
Villeneuve-Saint-Germain communities were established in Normandy early
in the fifth millennium BC, and Chassey/Michelsberg groups in the
Pas-de-Calais perhaps six hundred years later, the material evidence of
their cross-Channel relations with British and Irish hunter-gatherers is
limited. On this basis, the view has developed that indigenous people in
Britain would have been unaware of the developing Neolithic in France
and Belgium. Consequently, they would have had no familiarity with
domesticated plants and animals, polished stone tools, ceramics, large
timber buildings and mortuary monuments until such innovations were
brought to these islands by migrating agriculturalists at the end of the
millennium. If Mesolithic people played any part at all in the Neolithic
transition, it would only have been after the arrival of settlers on
these shores.
These arguments have always been less compelling than they
superficially appear however, for a series of reasons. Firstly, the
morphological contrast between later Mesolithic stone tools in Britain
and those on the continent is not an indication of any lack of contact,
as artefact style does not constitute an index of interaction. Indeed,
neighbouring human groups often adopt contrasting material assemblages
in order to emphasise their differences from each other. Secondly, it is
unwise to assume that a comparative absence of evidence for social
intercourse between two regions can be equated with evidence of absence,
especially if the contact involved is unlikely to generate a material
signature. As Anderson-Whymark, Garrow and Sturt note, any traces of
cross-Channel contact in the sixth and fifth millennia BC are likely to
be ephemeral in the extreme. The seagoing vessels used by Mesolithic and
Neolithic mariners were probably composed of animal hides stretched on
wooden frames, while the exchange of material goods might only have been
a minor motivation for their voyages. In northern latitudes,
hunter-gatherers in coastal areas invariably make use of boats and
maintain extensive networks of maritime contacts. They may sometimes
journey to access resources or exchange goods, but more often for the
non-economic reasons of acquiring information and gossip, maintaining
social ties and exchanging marriage partners (Ames 2002). British
Mesolithic people are known to have colonised the Outer Hebrides, Orkney
and Shetland by sea, and may have introduced deer to Scottish islands by
boat (Grigson & Mellars 1987; Tolan-Smith 2008: 152). It is
therefore barely conceivable that they would not also have navigated the
Channel, the North Sea and the Irish Sea. In any case, the flooding of
the Channel was a gradual process, and the use of boats in the expanding
estuary would initially have been merely a means of maintaining existing
social contacts.
Any positive indication of cross-Channel contact in the Mesolithic
and Early Neolithic is then likely to represent the tip of the iceberg.
In this connection, the authors mention the bones of domesticated cattle
from Ferriter's Cove, but their own evidence from Old Quay, St
Martin's, brings an important new dimension to the debate. The
group of microliths from the site suggests a connection between the
Isles of Scilly and the Rhine-Meuse-Scheldt area during the fifth
millennium BC. Anderson-Whymark, Garrow and Sturt argue that this
probably took the form of repeated seasonal visiting by maritime
hunter-gatherers, who might have arrived by a series of coastal
'hops' along the south of England. If so, it is likely that
they would have encountered other communities at various stages in this
process, and it is entirely possible that their activities in the
Scillies were a cooperative enterprise conducted alongside people from
less-distant regions, as the diagnostic microliths represent only a
small fraction of the lithic finds from Old Quay. It is particularly
striking that the putative visitors to the site had come from the
opposite end of the Channel, and this raises the possibility that the
waters around Britain were frequented by numerous groups of voyagers
from disparate points of origin during the fifth millennium BC.
The results from Old Quay are best considered alongside another
remarkable recent discovery, the DNA from ancient wheat recovered from
the submerged Mesolithic site of Bouldnor Cliff, off the coast of the
Isle of Wight (Smith et al. 2015: 1001). The site is a well-preserved
palaeosol containing Mesolithic artefacts, including organic remains,
sealed by a peat deposit and dating to shortly before 6000 BC. The DNA
of wheat was recovered from the palaeosol, along with that of numerous
other plants. The provenience appears to be irreproachable, as unusually
stringent measures were taken to guard against both contamination and
false positives (Larson 2015: 946). The astonishing implication is not
only that Britain was in maritime contact with the continent some while
before the microliths discussed in the present article were deposited at
Old Quay, but also that agricultural products had already arrived here
long before the establishment of Neolithic communities on the Channel
coast. In a way that effectively comments on the whole debate
surrounding the 'isolation' of Britain during the Mesolithic,
Greger Larson reflects that "the results highlight the pitfalls of
focusing on the visible remains in archaeological contexts" (Larson
2015: 946). If valuable and exotic foodstuffs could circulate amongst
hunter-gatherers remote from locations that were engaged in their
production, we urgently need to re-evaluate our perceptions of the
complex networks of both marine and terrestrial contacts that existed in
Mesolithic Europe.
The results from both Old Quay and Bouldnor Cliff support Garrow
and Sturt's (2011) assertion that British waters are likely to have
been well travelled in the period before 4000 BC, and that the mariners
involved would have been drawn from both 'Mesolithic' and
'Neolithic' communities. It follows that Mesolithic people in
Britain would have had ample opportunity to experience Neolithic foods,
artefacts and architecture. Merely having access to any of these things
is not the same as 'becoming Neolithic' however, which
arguably involves a fundamental social transformation (Thomas 2015). By
implication, British hunters and gatherers recognised this possibility,
and actively resisted it for centuries if not millennia. Our
explanations of how change did come about cannot now neglect the
'frightful neighbourhood' that existed between people on
either side of the Channel.
doi: 10.15184/aqy.2015.78
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Julian Thomas, School of Arts, Languages and Cultures, University
of Manchester, Oxford Road, Manchester M13 9PL, UK (Email:
julian.thomas@manchester.ac.uk)