The depiction of the individual in prehistory: human representations in Magdalenian societies.

Fuentes, Oscar

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Introduction

The depiction of human figures in Palaeolithic art has been relatively neglected as a subject of analysis. It is less common than the depiction of animals, and must reflect the way in which societies represented themselves, and hence how they thought of themselves. Such images are a notable feature of the Magdalenian period (late Upper Palaeolithic, 18 000-11 000 BP) in south-western France. During this period the human theme took on a new significance not only in the quantity of images, but also in their technical and formal variety, across both parietal and portable art. Magdalenian groups explored an iconography that was already present in earlier periods, but diversified the ways of 'seeing oneself'. Hence in the Magdalenian, the appearance of novel features, for example the depiction of the head in isolation from the rest of the body, signifies a new desire by individuals to control their own image, and to trace the outlines of the body. What are the implications of this self-depiction? What factors lay behind the choices taken in these human depictions at the social and territorial level?

Human representations can be studied through both morphological and anatomical criteria (formal choices) and extrinsic data (associations and technique). This combination of approaches has been applied to analysis of the Magdalenian depictions in south-western France (Vienne, Aquitaine and the Pyrenees). The aim of this formal analysis is to determine whether the modes of depiction reveal anything of the ways in which these people thought of themselves, and hence how they expressed identities. The human outline might be seen, like a kind of avatar, as a marker of identity for these societies. Within their fluctuating territorial contexts, these images probably reveal social geographies of the Magdalenian period.

Different families of outlines have been identified which seem to map on to particular territories. A high concentration of highly expressive and detailed silhouettes can be associated with the pursuit of a degree of realism in the Middle Magdalenian sites of eastern Vienne, such as Le Roc-aux-Sorciers, La Marche and Les Fadets. Geometric and highly stereotyped outlines, drawn full-face and in a stylised fashion, come from sites in the Indre and Charente (La Garenne, Le Placard). The Perigord sites such as Les Combarelles present a diversity of forms and exhibit great variability in the ways chosen by these societies for depicting themselves. Further south, the Magdalenian sites of the Pyrenean periphery (for example Marsoulas, Bedeilhac and Isturitz) display a strongly imaginative mode of expression in which humans and animals are mingled.

This model requires better definition and a more accurate archaeological and chronological foundation, since the level of resolution currently available for a study spanning such a lengthy period of time does not allow a precise framework for territorial connections to be established. Nevertheless, Magdalenian methods of self-depiction provide considerable potential for reflection on the social complexities that were being expressed through these images. Depicting oneself implies a wish to take an interest in one's outline and its peculiarities, but it also reveals a desire to compare and conform, to explore how one sees oneself both as an individual and as a member of a group.

The human form and its definition

Depiction of the human body takes several forms during the Magdalenian, and it is essential therefore to develop a methodological approach capable of capturing this diversity in order to identify its key characteristics.

When we describe an image--in this case, a Palaeolithic figure--we embark upon an intellectual process through which we seek to identify (or recognise) the form that we perceive. This process depends heavily on the view and context of the observer. It highlights the subjectivity of the viewer, who in the act of describing is also transmitting his or her own subjective observation of the figure. A tension or dialectic emerges from the encounter between the mental image generated by the observer and the observed image itself. The interpretation of the image hence derives part of its essence from the subjectivity of the observer. As Clottes has stated, "the immediate characterisation [of the image by the observer] is thus an instinctive process with a truly relative quality" (Clottes 1998:175).

This presents us with our first methodological limitation, that is, the subjectivity of recognising a human image and the way it is described. A second question that followed from this first limitation concerns the fundamental definition of what a human body is considered to be. From what point can we describe an image as representing or indicating the human body? Numerous authors have tackled the challenge of constructing a definition (Ucko & Rosenfeld 1972; Pales & Tassin de Saint Pereuse 1976; Delporte 1989; Corchon Rodriguez 1990; Duhard 1996; Vialou 1981, 1985, 1997). My proposition is that an image depicts a human body when its posture indicates a human attitude and when it comprises at least one specific anatomical characteristic. These I have called 'identification markers' and they can be listed as follows:

* arms and legs placed alongside the body;

* presence of a neck attached to a head-like extremity;

* circular form of the cranial contour;

* straight cervico-dorsal line whatever the position of the figure.

To these identification markers are added a series of 'basic' and 'complementary' anatomical criteria which contribute to the construction of the human image but which also enable us to analyse the specific treatment of the human form that has been chosen (through the manner in which details are depicted, or through distortions that may have been applied) (Table 1).

The basic criteria establish the fundamental structure of the human image, while the complementary criteria contribute degrees of detail, complexity and transformation. Deconstruction of the image in this way makes it possible to create a typological model that can accommodate the distortions to which the human forms have been subjected. The typological model can then be combined with other information about the image, including the technique of execution, and the iconographic, archaeological and territorial context.

The Magdalenian corpus

I have examined 413 human figures attributed to the Magdalenian in both portable and parietal art. Within the context of the Magdalenian iconographic corpus as a whole, human representations remain a marginal phenomenon, as previous commentators have observed (Tosello & Fritz 2005).

The study focused on three geographical zones, each of which contains numerous human depictions. The first of these is the Central zone (Poitou-Charentes and Indre) with 135 human images spread over seven sites. The most important of these in terms of quantity are La Marche with 103 figures and Le Roc-aux-Sorciers with 21 figures. These two sites have highly detailed human outlines (Figure la & b), as has Les Fadets (Figure 1c). The second geographical zone is Aquitaine (Dordogne, Lot and Tam). This contains about 167 human images spread over 30 sites, the most important being the cave of Les Combarelles (38 figures) in Dordogne (Figure 1f). The caves of Saint-Cirq and Sous-Grand-Lac have also yielded complete human outlines (Figure le & g). Finally, the third geographical zone comprises the periphery of the Pyrenees (Pyrenees-Atlantiques, Hautes-Pyrenees, Haute-Garonne and Ariege). This zone has 109 human outlines at 14 sites, the principal locales being Marsoulas (Haute-Garonne) with 13 figures and Isturitz (Pyrenees-Atlantiques) with 14 figures (Figure 2). Other sites such as Bedeilhac or Arancou have also yielded engravings depicting human bodies (Figure 1d & h).

Typology of human outlines

The anatomical criteria listed above and the manner in which they have been incorporated within the image have enabled seven types of iconographic treatment to be identified (Figure 3) (Fuentes 2013). This division is based both on direct observations and on the typological schemes developed by previous prehistorians (Saccasyn della Santa 1947; Pales & Tassin de Saint Pereuse 1976; Archambeau 1984; Archambeau & Archambeau 1991; Vialou 1981, 1985; Corchen Rodriguez 1990; Leroi-Gourhan 1992). The typological families will here be structured with reference to the term 'figurative' proposed by Leroi-Gourhan (1992: 218). The point of reference is the 'ideal' representation of the human body, i.e. the body represented in a photographic manner, or what we might term 'iconographic realism'. Such realism does not exist in Upper Palaeolithic iconography, and so in this instance the relevant concept is that of a 'figurative ideal' against which distortions of the human form can be assessed. The sequence hence proceeds from realism to non-realism, and from accuracy to abstraction, and the human outlines have been grouped in relation to these dynamic processes of distortion. Through this model I aim, among other things, to standardise the manner of describing the iconographic corpus, and overcome the problems arising from the current profusion of different terms.

Territorial analysis

Analysis of human outlines shows that during the Magdalenian there was great diversity in the manner of self-depiction, and that territorial and chronological factors both played a part in structuring this diversity. The typological model makes it possible to analyse this (Figure 4).

Within the Magdalenian as a whole, human outlines are realistic rather than non-realistic. The Simple Figurative type is the dominant form. This is characterised by a realistic approach to the construction of the image, but the inclusion of very little detail. This absence of detail leads in one direction towards the Schematic Figurative style, and at the other extreme, to the non-realistic outlines represented by the Caricatural Figurative type. Thus during the Magdalenian, non-realistic human forms are generally distorted in ways that do not require the amalgamation of human and animal characteristics in the images.

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The least common forms are those of the Expressive Figurative and Composite Figurative types. These typological families stand in contrast to each other and offer alternative ways of marking the human body with striking characteristics that could provide markers of group identity and social territories.

Central zone

Realistic human outlines of the Expressive Figurative and Simple Figurative types are most characteristic of the Central zone, especially eastern Vienne and most notably at La Marche and Le Roc-aux-Sorciers (Figure 5). Realism in the depiction of the human outline is a feature of this zone from the early stages of the Magdalenian, and is already present in the Middle Magdalenian.

Aquitaine

Aquitaine by contrast offers a more balanced range of typological forms. The Composite Figurative (found at Le Gabillou, Figure 6i) appears in this zone during the early phases of the Magdalenian, in contrast to the Central zone where it is absent from the Middle Magdalenian of eastern Vienne. Aquitaine also shows the development of the Schematic Figurative (Figure 1i) and the Bestialised Figurative (Figure 6e). Across this vast territory, it is human forms stripped of anatomical detail that dominate, notably the Schematic Figurative and the Geometric Figurative (Figure 7).

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Outlines of Geometric Figurative type (bodies of women in profile, of the Lalinde/Gonnersdorf type; Bosinski 1970) are common in Aquitaine, and primarily constitute a Late Magdalenian tradition (Figure 6a-d). The cave of Les Combarelles, which is attributed to the Middle Magdalenian, contains the greatest concentration of human outlines on cave walls, and it is interesting to note the range of methods that have been used, albeit with a dominance of the Simple Figurative and Geometric Figurative types (Figure 8). A better understanding of the archaeological context in which the figures were produced would make it easier to place these depictions in a chronological and cultural context.

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Pyrenees

Magdalenian sites of the Pyrenees display distortion of the human body and the expression of a fertile imagination. The perception of the human body as distorted is one of the key characteristics of this geographical zone (Figure 9).

Human images in the Pyrenean zone have similar characteristics to those of Aquitaine, especially in the frequencies of Composite Figurative and Schematic Figurative forms. Nevertheless, some regional differences are to be noted. Firstly, in the Pyrenean zone nonrealistic human outlines are more prominent, especially in images of Caricatural Figurative and Bestialised Figurative type, for example at Isturitz (Figure 6f) and Massat (Figure 6g). At the same time, human outlines of Expressive Figurative and Schematic Figurative type are much rarer than in Aquitaine. Finally, Composite Figurative forms make an appearance, the most famous example being the 'sorcerer' of Les Trois-Freres (Figure 6h). The Middle and Late Magdalenian of the Pyrenees are hence associated with a preference for the non-realistic distortion of the human body, a feature that differentiates this zone quite markedly from the Central zone.

Hence in a shared Magdalenian context, and within a cultural exchange network that linked the separate populations, it can be seen that methods of depicting the human form differed both through time and space. Certain iconographic traditions persisted and spread (notably naturalism in the depiction of animal forms). Human outlines were, by contrast, subject to selection in a manner that enables them to be viewed as identity markers. We propose, therefore, that a series of Magdalenian territories can be identified through the different methods of depicting and representing the individual. Overall, the Middle Magdalenian of the Central zone (eastern Vienne) is characterised by a preference for individual realism; Aquitaine by a trend towards anonymity and schematisation, especially in the Late Magdalenian; and the Middle and Late Magdalenian of the Pyrenees by non-realism and distortion of the human form (Figure 10).

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Change through time

A territorial approach to depictions may identify cultural, social, symbolic or geographical territories (Fritz et al. 2007), but the chronological framework must also be taken into account. It is often difficult to determine the chronological and cultural context of the specific human outlines that are being studied. A few important sites like La Marche (Lussac-les-Chateaux, Vienne), La Garenne (Saint-Marcel, Indre) or Le Roc-aux-Sorciers (Angles-sur-l'Anglin, Vienne) provide detailed archaeological contexts. In the most notable instance an association with occupation deposits makes it possible to attribute the art to Middle Magdalenian III, as for example at rock shelters such as Le Roc-aux-Sorciers (Iakovleva & Pincon 1997; Pincon 2010). Given the variable degrees of chronological precision, it is difficult to speak of contemporaneity between sites, and hence to establish synchronous territorial models.

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The question of chronology is also important when considering the methods of self-depiction employed during the Magdalenian. Human outlines of Geometric Figurative type, for example, notably comprising schematic female outlines, characterise late phases of the Magdalenian, and probably had their origin in the Perigord region (e.g. Les Combarelles I). Human outlines of Expressive Figurative type in eastern Vienne belong to the Middle Magdalenian and are associated with the Lussac-Angles phase. At that same period, around 15 000 BP, human outlines of Geometric Figurative type (isolated human heads) at the site of La Garenne (Saint-Marcel, Indre) are associated with a Middle Magdalenian of Navettes facies (Magdalenian a Navettes) (Allain & Trotignon 1973; Allain et. al. 1985; Fuentes 2009) (Figure 11).

Finally, the Composite Figurative type probably originated in the Early Magdalenian (when it is present, for example, at the site of Gabillou) and saw its maximum expansion during the Magdalenian IV stage in the Pyrenees (at Les Trois-Freres, Ariege).

The changing nature of Magdalenian human outlines through time illustrates the varying ways in which the human figure was used to express cultural identities in different territories. But this changing nature also shows the great diversity of the wide variety of distribution of the images in time and space.

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Realism and human depictions: the arrival of the individual in the Magdalenian

The term 'realism' has often been used in prehistoric research to describe particular images. Among human outlines, those of Le Roc-aux-Sorciers (de Saint-Mathurin 1973) and above all the human figures from La Marche (Pales & Tassin de Saint Pereuse 1976) can be cited in this regard (Figure 12). In my model, realism comprises the Expressive Figurative and the Simple Figurative styles. These two families express a striving for realism and detail unaccompanied by any wish to distort the outline, but driven rather by a desire to evoke the human.

The genre of the portrait must not be reduced to a single category. In each period, in every culture in which it appears and which it helps to create, the portrait takes on a variety of functions. Its nature changes in accordance with the social milieux it serves. But despite the differences associated with social context, there are features common to the portrait genre as a whole, and above all its association with the concept of death and survival. The portrait may be considered a mechanism for the transmission of memory. It involves no loss of identity, but indicates rather a desire to leave these traits for posterity, and in so doing to transcend the ephemeral quality of life (Fuentes 2010). Moreover, social concepts such as hierarchy and status govern all representations, and human portraits inevitably reveal the different conceptualisations that representatives of different social layers had of themselves. The portrait--like a mirror--reflects social complexities.

It is certainly possible to apply the notion of portrait to some Magdalenian human figures. The realistic figures, especially those from La Marche and Le Roc-aux-Sorciers, touch us very profoundly. In complete contrast to the highly distorted figures that make us ill at ease when we view them, these realistic figures comfort us with their air of normality, recalling our own appearance, our postures, our smiles, our movements.

These are not distorted images. Such figures illustrate one way that self-depiction can be used to signify identity. The Expressive Figurative style highlights differences within cultural contexts that can sometimes be very close to each other in locational terms. The Middle Magdalenian contexts to the east of the Vienne and the Creuse show very clearly how one variable (the method of depiction) can be used in choosing how to express identity. In this region that expression of identity is achieved by depicting the human outline in a manner that departs from the general principles exemplified by the Schematic Figurative style that is dominant in regions further to the west.

Raphael has noted that to depict one's image is also, to some extent, to place the internal equilibrium of the group in danger (Raphael 1986: 31). Humans organise themselves into groups where tasks may be distributed according to gender, but where each element depends on the other, on social solidarity, on equality. The predominance of anonymous, schematic figures thus displays a desire to avoid depicting the individual, and instead to preserve the identity of the group. It is possible that at Le Roc-aux-Sorciers, La Marche and Les Fadets, (Magdalenian sites in the eastern Vienne) human depictions were seen as identity markers, materialising social structure. But how can the arrival of the individual in human depiction be explained?

As Todorov has observed, the birth of representational art corresponds to the age of the individual (Todorov 2004). This movement is characterised by the introduction of the individual into the image, into human depiction. Figurative art is always the eulogy of what it depicts. So to depict is to take an interest in the 'human', to take an interest in its outline. This is infrequent in pre-Magdalenian periods but, during the Magdalenian, subjects are individualised in a way that is far removed from stereotyped images. The arrival of human depictions represents the positioning of the image both as the object and the subject of the representation.

The introduction of the individual in depictions is an innovation that gave new structure to the populations of the eastern Vienne, allowing them to express their identity in new ways. Furthermore, it was the cause of these changes, not the consequence.

Conclusion

This paper has put forward a theoretical model for the analysis of Magdalenian human depictions. But it also proposes a method for reading human images and analysing their meaning for societies.

During the Magdalenian, a major development is witnessed with the appearance of human depiction in art. The corpus is characterised by considerable diversity in the form of the human representations, yet in terms of Magdalenian art as a whole, human imagery is limited and marginal. This in itself illustrates its importance and its special character. It represents a major interaction between self-depiction, self awareness, and the expression of identity. The gradual establishment of Magdalenian societies in Europe is accompanied by an emphasis on the human outline and, in the eastern Vienne, by the arrival of the individual in art. The arrival of the individual creates a new demand for self-depiction (the individual as an active member of the community), but also turns human outlines into expressions of identity, and offers opportunities to differentiate oneself from others. The study of these human depictions and their extensive formal variability may provide new insights into the complexity of Magdalenian societies, the linkages between them, and the modes of change and interpenetration that govern populations.

Acknowledgements

I wish to thank Dr Paul G. Bahn for his help with the translation into English of this paper.

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Received: 17 August 2012; Accepted: 8 January 2013; Revised: 12 March 2013

Oscar Fuentes, ArScAn Ethnologie Prehistorique, UMR7041, Universite Paris 1 Pantheon-Sorbonne, Centre Pierre Mendes France, 90 Rue de Tolbiac, 75013 Paris, France (Email: oscar.fuentes@roc-aux-sorciers.com)

Table 1. Basic and complementary anatomical criteria employed in
the analysis of human outlines.

Basic anatomical criteria Complementary anatomical criteria

Trunk thighs, chest, breast, penis, vulva,
 shoulders, haunches, navel
Upper extremities (arms) elbow, wrist, hand, fingers
Lower extremities (legs) knees, calves, ankles, feet, toes
Cranial curvature neck, nape, hair, frontal lock of hair
Fronto-nasal line
Curvature of the nose nasal wings, nasal septum
Face mouth, moustache
Chin beard
Eye eyebrows, lashes, lachrymal caruncle,
 pupils