Newborn twins from prehistoric mainland Southeast Asia: birth, death and personhood.
Halcrow, Sian ; Tayles, Nancy ; Inglis, Raelene 等
Introduction
Worldwide, twins have special social significance, and, as such,
are often integral to social and cultural systems of belief. This paper
outlines a method for identifying the occurrence of twin burials in
archaeological contexts, using an approach that incorporates both the
biological and archaeological evidence within a social theoretical
framework for understanding their significance in past societies. The
approach examines age-at-death using long bone lengths, archaeological
evidence for whether or not infants were buried simultaneously, and
mortuary ritual data to infer social information.
Using these methods we present evidence of the rare occurrence of
at least two, and possibly four, sets of burials containing newborn
twins from the prehistoric site of Khok Phanom Di in south-east
Thailand. Although the twins' burial rites were generally
consistent with the normal burial context for infants at this site,
their bodies were differently placed, indicating their special status in
the community.
Twins as a special category of being
Multiple births are significant to families and communities on a
number of levels. They entail additional physical care and subsistence
requirements from their families and the wider social group (Granzberg
1973; Ball & Hill 1996). Just as most societies have a social age
category for infants based, in part, on their fragility and
susceptibility to morbidity and death, especially around birth (Halcrow
& Tayles 2008, 2011), there is a heightened awareness of
vulnerability of multiple births to mortality and morbidity (Pector
2002). This greater vulnerability is documented in the medical
literature today (Kiely 1990; Martin & Park 1999). Monozygotic ('identical') twins also have a higher rate of congenital
abnormalities than singletons or dizygotic ('non-identical')
twins (Schinzel et al. 1979). Related to the recognition of the
vulnerability and their impact on caregivers, as well as the relative
rarity of human twins, cross-culturally multiple births are considered
as special, a class apart from the norm (Corney 1975; Stewart 2000).
There is a range of social and cultural responses to twin birth, from
being considered a misfortune or dangerous, or taboo, to being revered
and a sign of good fortune (Chappel 1974; Corney 1975; Ball & Hill
1996: 856; Stewart 2000; Pector 2002). These different social responses
are illustrated in the diverse birth rituals as well as burial and
mourning practices for twins observed among different cultures
(Goldschmidt 1973; Pector 2002). While there is diversity in responses
to human twins among different societies, one unifying factor is the
recognition of their special status, and central place in social and
cultural rituals and customs (Stewart 2000; Pector 2002). Consequently,
the recognition and interpretation of these burials may reveal factors
of social and cultural significance to past communities.
Archaeological background of Khok Phanom Di
The prehistoric site of Khok Phanom Di is a high mound that
dominates the flood plain of the Bang Pakong River in Chonburi province,
Thailand. Initially occupied in about 2000 cal BC, the site holds a
commanding position on the river estuary, with easy access to the rich
food resources of the mangrove shore, the river and the open sea.
However, rice cultivation was ruled out by the saline conditions, and
there is no evidence for agriculture or domestic animals. Seven mortuary
phases (MP) were identified during the excavation (Figure 1) (Higham
& Bannanurag 1990). It was during MP3B, when the sea level
temporarily fell, that several significant environmental and cultural
changes incorporating rice cultivation occurred (Mason 1991; Thompson
1996; Vincent 2004). At the same juncture, preserved human faeces and
stomach contents examined using micromorphological criteria were found
to contain the remains of cultivated rice (Thompson 1996), and the
artefacts now included granite hoes and shell reaping knives also
indicative of rice cultivation. This interval was however of relatively
brief duration, for by MP5 the sea level had risen and marine conditions
ruled out further rice cultivation (Mason 1991). Analysis of pottery
technology also indicates that there was a major socio-economic change
at the end of MP3B, during which time pottery manufacture almost
doubled. Vincent (2004: 702) argues that people immigrating into the
area, as evidenced by the presence of exotic burial jars and pottery
tools, may have stimulated this increased production. MP3B also
witnessed the immigration of some women as indicated by heterogeneity in
the female strontium values (Bentley et al. 2007).
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
For most of the mortuary sequence, there are few differences in
grave wealth among the individuals, which may indicate that wealth was
attained through personal attributes rather than through family lines
(Vincent 2004). Rather, wealth as represented by grave goods, seemed to
oscillate among the different grave clusters, purported to represent
kinship groups (Higham & Thosarat 1994:110).
In total, 154 individuals were uncovered, including 86 infants
(defined as younger than one year old) and children (from one to younger
than 15 years old), of which newborn babies (birth to less than one
month old) comprise over 70%. Tayles (1999) has produced a comprehensive
study of the health and disease of the human remains, which were
interpreted in the context of a changing environment. A detailed
palaeopathological analysis of the sample found evidence of
thalassaemia, indicating a long-term adaptation to a malarial
environment, but at the expense of anaemia (Tayles 1996, 1999). The
children who lived beyond infancy at Khok Phanom Di showed evidence of a
high rate of skeletal pathology compared with other Southeast Asian
sites, also indicating higher levels of infection and biological stress
(Halcrow 2006). Growth disruption, in the form of deciduous dental
hypomineralisation defects, was relatively low compared with other sites
from mainland Southeast Asia, with 43.8% of teeth (n = 78/178) and 57.1%
of individuals (n = 12/21) affected, and there is evidence of moderate
levels of growth disruption in the children in the form of linear enamel
hypoplasia, where 43.8% of teeth (n = 78/178) and 57.1% of individuals
(n = 12/21) were affected (Halcrow 2006). However, the prevalence of
linear enamel hypoplasia was extremely high in the adults (survivors)
compared with other sites in mainland Southeast Asia, where 14.7% of
teeth (n = 28/191) and 86.5% of individuals (n = 45/52) were affected
(Tayles 1999). Although the comparative levels of developmental enamel
defects may appear contradictory, it shows that the stronger
individuals, who were able to survive past the vulnerable childhood
period, were subject to high levels of stress (Halcrow 2006).
Potential twin burials: archaeological evidence
There were four double burials of infants that were identified as
potential twins. Burials 5 (a & b) belong to MP6 (Figure 2). The
babies were buried in a shallow scoop forming part of a row with eight
other individuals (Figures 3 & 4), including adults, one infant and
one child burial. Burial 5 had no grave goods, which is consistent with
the burial group and for the general mortuary ritual at the site,
whereby mortuary offerings placed with young infants were very rare
(Higham & Bannanurag 1990). The preservation of burials 5a and 5b is
very good, with most surviving bones complete. However, burial 5a was
disturbed in prehistory, resulting in the loss of most of the skull and
thorax. Observation of the grave in situ shows that, although there is
disturbance of burial 5a, the legs of 5a and arms of 5b are entwined
indicating that they were interred simultaneously and as an inverted
mirror image. Burial 5b was placed in a crouched or foetal position with
the head directed east-north-east, similar to the orientation of all the
other individuals in this phase. The ages of burials 5a and 5b were 35
weeks gestation (see online supplement, Table 1).
Burials 80 and 81 belong to MP3 and were buried in a shallow grave
alongside an adult male (Figure 5). They had no grave goods and their
heads point north-east, similar to the adult male (Figure 6). The legs
of the burials are flexed with the right leg of burial 81 and the left
leg of burial 82 entwined. Burials 81 and 82 were about 38 weeks
gestation, or full-term.
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
There are a further two sets of possible twins from MP3, burials 51
and 52 and burials 65 and 66 (Figure 5). Burials 51 and 52 are not
interred close to any other burials. However, because they were near the
eastern edge of the excavation square, it is not possible to tell
whether or not they were buried as part of a mortuary cluster or row
located beyond the excavation area. Each newborn was buried in an
individual shallow scoop containing no grave goods, with their heads
oriented north (Figure 7). Burial 52 is flexed at the hip, but burial 53
is disturbed from the pelvis down, so its position cannot be determined.
Burials 65 and 66 are within a cluster of other burials, including two
adults and another infant. They were buried in the same small pit
(Figure 8), covered in red ochre, with their legs flexed and heads
oriented to the east. The ages of the burials 51 and 52 were about 36
weeks, and burials 65 and 66 were 38-39 weeks gestation.
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 4 OMITTED]
Biological analysis
Estimates of age using long bone lengths, with the methods
detailed, are given in the online supplement. Although long bone growth
is considered more variable in relation to chronological age than dental
formation, the forming deciduous teeth in newborns are tiny and often
not recovered in archaeological contexts, as was the case with one of
the babies from burial 5 (5a). The estimation of dental age using
standards that have categorical age stages (e.g. Moorrees et al. 1963)
results in less precise age estimations compared with long bone lengths
in infancy. The use of long bone lengths for the estimation of age is
advantageous because bone growth and development is very rapid at this
time, which results in large differences in bone length between age
categories (Jeanty & Romero 1984).
[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]
It is also recognised that a valuable contribution to confirmation
of the identification of these infants as twins could come from aDNA
analysis, as twins share the same mtDNA, and monozygotic twins would
share identical nuclear DNA. Unfortunately efforts to recover DNA from
the burials at this site so far have been unsuccessful (Pearson 1998).
[FIGURE 6 OMITTED]
Interpretation
Both burials 5a and 5b and burials 81 and 82 were interred
simultaneously and are of nearly identical size, which supports the
argument that they are twins who died during or soon after birth.
Clinical research shows that approximately 80% of twins are the same
size, and that twins of discordant weight (more than 15% difference in
weight) have higher mortality rates in utero, so would not necessarily
be represented in the archaeological record (Branum & Schoendorf
2003). Burials 5a and 5b are aged less than 36 weeks gestation. The Khok
Phanom Di mortuary sample had a very high, narrow peak of death around
full-term (Halcrow et al. 2008). A large proportion (n = 38/49, 77.6% of
the perinates from Khok Phanom Di with measurable long bone lengths)
were aged as full-term (between 38 and 41.99 weeks gestation), with only
three individuals aged less than 36 gestational weeks (Halcrow et al.
2008). The burial 5 babies were among the youngest and smallest of the
sample, which also supports the argument that they are twins. Twins are
generally smaller for gestational age than singletons (Kilpatrick et al.
1996) and/or born at a younger gestational age (Alexander & Salihu
2005). There is no evidence of congenital abnormalities from the
skeletal remains of any of the twins. However, many of these
abnormalities involve only the soft tissue (Layde et al. 1980), so would
leave no evidence in the skeletal remains of the infants. One of the
other possible sets of twins (burials 51 and 52) are also small and
young compared to the other perinate sample, which also supports the
argument that these may be twins.
[FIGURE 7 OMITTED]
Given the close proximity of the skeletons of burials 5a and 5b,
the possibility of a case of conjoined twins needs to be considered. The
incidence of conjoined twins is extremely rare and reported to be in the
range of 1 in 50 000 to 1 in 100 000 births (Spitz & Kiely 2003).
Furthermore, given that conjoined twins are almost always mirror images
to each other (Spitz & Kiely 2003), it is extremely unlikely that
burials 5a and 5b, which are orientated as an inverted mirror image to
one another, are a type of conjoined twin.
Discussion
Human twins are rare compared with singleton births, with
approximately one occurrence for every 100 births (Ball & Hill
1996), although birth rates vary between different cultures (Nylander
1969; Madrigal et al. 2001) and throughout history (Stewart 2000). For
example, while some African populations have very high frequencies of
twin births (Nylander 1969; Hall 2003), the figure is low in Asian
populations (Shek et al. 1997). For instance, in Japan only 1 in 250
live births are twins, whereas in Nigeria the figure is 1 in 11 (Hall
2003) (see online supplement, Table 2).
[FIGURE 8 OMITTED]
Identification of twins from archaeological contexts is rare. For
example, Crespo et al. (2011) discuss reports of possible multiple
births from archaeological sites in Spain, but these were interpreted as
non-twin burials due to a lack of stratigraphic details and burial
placement information. Given the rarity of twins in the archaeological
record, it is extraordinary that there are two sets of twins, and
potentially another two, from one archaeological site. This could mean
that there was a high rate of twinning in this population. It is
difficult to estimate the rate of twins per number of births, partly
because it is more likely that twins will die than singletons and
therefore enter the mortuary record as perinates (Martin & Park
1999; Alexander & Salihu 2005). However, even if we assume that the
total number of births of the Khok Phanom Di population is that of the
total excavated cemetery sample (n = 154), the presence of two sets of
twins (four individuals), means that the estimated rate of twinning is
at least four out of 154 births or 2.6-5.2 for every 100 births. The
rate could be even higher as we cannot account for any adult twins in
the population, and have not included burials 51 and 52 and 65 and 66 in
this estimation. An estimated rate of 2.6 per 100 births is
significantly higher than the rate of spontaneous twinning in
present-day Asian populations, which is low compared with other
populations (Shek et al. 1997) (see online supplement, Table 2).
Although there is a lot of variation in the twinning rates among Asian
populations (Shek et al. 1997), the rates are lower than for African and
Euro-American ones.
There are many factors that may influence the spontaneous
generation of twins (Campbell 1998). Genetics plays a role in dizygotic
twinning, but there are also regional and temporal trends in dizygotic
twinning (Bortolus et al. 1999). There is a debate as to whether or not
there is a genetic component to monozygotic twinning (Campbell 1998).
High twinning rates have been documented in small communities, which
could result from successive inbreeding (Campbell 1998). Maternal
factors have also been shown to have a relationship with twinning rates
including parity, age, nutrition and fecundity (Campbell 1998).
It is interesting that three of the four sets of twins at Khok
Phanom Di are from MP3B. As mentioned, Bentley et al.'s (2007)
isotopic analysis indicated female immigration during this phase. They
note that the most significant pattern is that certain females from MP3
comprise most of the non-local strontium signatures, with a transition
to predominantly local signatures in MP4. It could be tentatively
suggested that there was a genetic component to the high twinning rate
as influenced by maternal immigration. However, it could also be argued
that it would be more likely for small populations with successive
inbreeding, without immigrants widening the gene pool, to have high
twinning rates (Matte et al. 1996; Campbell 1998).
Anthropological twin studies have focused on the evocative topic of
'twin infanticide' in societies around the world (e.g. Ford
1945; Granzberg 1973; Ball & Hill 1996) and structuralist research
on 'incestuous twins', where beliefs around the birth of twins
are symbolic of marriage systems and kinship in insular Southeast Asia
(Errington 1987; Boon 1990). However, no research to date has
investigated the potential they have for contributing to understanding
past societies through evidence for their interment.
Although a high peak of mortality around the time of birth, similar
to what occurred at Khok Phanom Di, has been interpreted by some to be
the result of infanticide (e.g. Mays 1993), this does not take into
account the normal high death rate around this age in prehistoric
societies (Angel 1971; Boric & Stefanovic 2004; Halcrow et al.
2008). Rather, given that the Khok Phanom Di perinates were interred in
the normal burial context, it seems unlikely that they were either
unwanted or killed (Halcrow et al. 2008).
In addition, twins have higher morbidity and mortality than
singletons (Martin & Park 1999). In the medical literature preterm fetuses are defined as younger than 37 weeks gestation (McIntosh et al.
2003). This is especially relevant to the twin burials 5a and 5b and 51
and 52, as these are preterm (at least in size), so would have probably
died at birth as a consequence of their small-for-gestational age, or as
a result of their prematurity. There was a very high rate of death of
infants at Khok Phanom Di compared with several archaeological sites in
north-east Thailand (Halcrow 2006), which has been interpreted as
related to the possibility of higher levels of infectious disease, such
as outbreaks of malaria, and in particular the effect that this had on
pregnant women and their babies in utero (Tayles 1999; Halcrow 2006;
Halcrow et al. 2008). The higher burden of stress supporting twins in
utero would probably have had deleterious effects on the mother and
fetuses.
Burials 5a and 5b and 80 and 81 were crouched, as were burials 51
and 52 and 65 and 66. This is unusual because most (n = 23/26) of the
other newborns which could be observed for lower limb positioning were
in an extended position. Given that other newborn babies were not
usually in a crouched position, this could indeed be related to
purposeful positioning. The twins were also buried with some type of
symmetry to one another, facing towards each other, which may illustrate
the perceived connectedness between them. It could be speculated that
they resemble the normal positioning of twins within the mother's
womb.
This differentiation in mortuary treatment of the very young has
been shown in various studies. For example, Murail et al. (2004: 275-76)
noted that at a cemetery site on the Island of Sai in the Sudan the
biological age of the subadults was closely related to their social age
as inferred through mortuary treatment. As at Khok Phanom Di, they did
not receive similar burial treatment as the adults received until a
later stage in infancy (Higham & Thosarat 2004). Similar findings
have been observed at the site of Vlasac in south-east Europe where far
more elaborate burial rituals were carried out for older infants
compared with full-term perinates (Boric & Stefanovic 2004). This
was interpreted as differing stages of social embodiment being connected
to biological age. This appears to be a universal phenomenon in human
societies where different cultural divisions are recognised and linked
to different physiological stages (Gilchrist 2000; Kamp 2001; Halcrow
& Tayles 2008).
Conclusion
Twins were identified at Khok Phanom Di through a combination of
archaeological and biological analysis. There was a high incidence of
twin burials in a phase coincident with possible immigrant females. The
babies appear to have died at or soon after childbirth, but seem to have
attracted special treatment in the cemetery.
Acknowledgements
Thank you to Martin Carver and the two reviewers for strengthening
this paper. Mary E. Lewis and Nathan Harris also commented on a previous
version of this paper. We thank the Thai Fine Arts Department and the
Thai National Research Council for allowing the investigation of the
site of Khok Phanom Di. Robbie McPhee is thanked for his assistance with
the illustrations. The drawings by Les O'Neill were originally
produced for a monograph by C.EW. Higham and R. Bannanurag (Thosarat)
published by the Society of Antiquaries of London.
Received: 4 April 2011; Revised: 25 July 2011; Accepted: 7 October
2011
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Sign Halcrow (1), Nancy Tayles (1), Raelene Inglis (2) &
Charles Higham (3)
(1) Department of Anatomy, Otago School of Medical Sciences, P.O.
Box 913, University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 9054 (Email:
sian.halcrow@otago.ac.nz; nancy.tayles@otago.ac.nz)
(2) Independent researcher, Wellington, New Zealand (Email:
ringlis@gmail.com)
(3) Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, P.O. Box 56,
University of Otago, Dunedin, New Zealand, 9054 (Email:
charles.higham@otago.ac.nz)