Response to Goonatilake.
Coningham, R.A.E. ; Gunawardhama, P. ; Manuel, M.J. 等
We welcome this opportunity to respond to Goonatilake, a
sociologist, who questions the conclusions of our earlier paper. That
five-year-old article presented our working hypotheses at the beginning
of phase II of the Anuradhapura Project. Three further seasons are now
complete and our developed models will be presented to Antiquity next
year. As a result, we will focus on three issues: 'theocratic
landscapes', the archaeological focus of our evidence, and the
validity of drawing parallels with other tropical landscapes. Before
commencing, we should like to correct Goonatilake's citation of a
single researcher as our original paper was a collaborative effort drawn
from different countries and different disciplines.
We interpreted the absence of towns in the hinterland as indicative
of 'a theocratic landscape, where monastic centres played the dual
role of religious and secular administrators' (Coningham et al.
2007:717). We did not state that they 'were a means of social
control by an elite', as Goonatilake suggests, bur reiterate our
statement that monasteries 'remain a focal point in the religious
life of people living within its hinterland and that 'festivais....
strengthen the urban-rural bond bur also act as a means to redistribute
produce through the population' (Coningham et al. 2007:716). We
also note that others have drawn similar interpretations, with Dias
suggesting that 'monastic institutions became the landed
intermediary between the central political authority and the
people' (2001:115), Bandaranayake that 'monasteries were
clearly principle foci of social organisation in the countryside'
(1994:16) and Gunawardana that 'it was also the venue for
congregations of the lay community for educational purposes, for
religious discussions and for the performance of ceremonial' (1979:
137).
We also carefully added the statement ' These models are, of
course, working hypotheses and much work still remains' (Coningham
et al. 2007: 717). That work is completed and we are now aware of
multiple hierarchies, as anticipated in 2007 (Coningham et al. 2007:
715). Indeed, Gunawardana has also identified dichotomies of authority,
stating 'an examination of the immunity grants of this period
[shows] that considerable powers were transferred to the monastic
administration by withholding the authority of government officials to
intervene in their affairs' (1979: 190). The presence of these
heterarchies has led us to seek an equally sophisticated expression to
describe the authority and function of hinterland monasteries and we now
use 'Buddhist Temporalities'. Whilst acknowledging its
Abrahamic origins, we note that 'Temporality' has been
utilised within Sri Lanka legal contexts for over 100 years and is
commonly used to describe the distinct nature of Buddhist monastic
property and the limitations of secular jurisdiction over such
properties (de Silva 1998; Karunananda 2006).
Our second point concerns Goonatilake's inconsistent approach
to texts as he appears unhappy with the use of the Arthasastra to
present settlement hierarchies within Early Historic South Asia on
account of its uncertain link to the fourth century BC whilst
criticising our lack of reference to the Mahavamsa's description of
Anuradhapura's urban plan. However, both sources share
uncertainties of date and we carefully stated that 'most scholars
would agree that it [Arthasastra] serves as a useful insight into the
administrative framework of the Early Historic world' (Coningham et
al. 2007: 700). In terms of the latter, we would argue that there is no
physical archaeological evidence for such a plan bur, in any case, we
focused our paper on the presentation of new archaeological data from
the hinterland for an archaeological journal. Moreover, we were aware of
Bandaranayake's challenge that ancient Sri Lankan
'socio-political and socio-economic functions are well known and
have been well researched but as yet mainly from literary and
epigraphical sources' (1994: 16) and we share his desire to
readdress that balance.
Our third point is that Goonatilake misunderstands the purpose of
drawing parallels between Anuradhapura's stupas, Mayan plazas and
Angkor. We drew parallels by noting that each provided open spaces for
communal activity which maintained links between urban and rural, and
elites and non-elites. Our purpose here was to stress that central hubs,
both urban and hinterland monasteries, played crucial roles in
integrating the dispersed communities of the tropical hinterland of
Anuradhapura, both socially and economically, and we firmly believe that
we can learn from broader analogies and parallels as well as from
comparative methodologies (Fletcher 2009). We reject Goonatilake's
accusation that we drew simple similarities between Buddhist and
Christian monasteries as we made no such claims in our 2007 paper but
note that former Archaeological Commissioner Roland Silva equated
Mahavihara-type monasteries with the Benedictine order, Vanavasa with
Carthusian and Panchavasa with Cistercian institutions (Silva 2004:
256-7). We are similarly confused by his citation of Alexander
Cunningham as a counter to eurocentrism as Cunningham pursued analogies
between 'the horse-shoe temples of Ajanta and Sanchi ... [and] the
form of the inner colonnade at Stonehenge' (1854: v).
We are not the first academics to face this sociologist's
convictions (Lynch 2002; Bass 2003); bur we do note with disappointment
that he has failed to engage with the archaeological analysis itself as
we firmly believe that our multidisciplinary team has presented an
invaluable Sri Lankan dataset for future generations of researchers to
study and debate.
Website: http://www.dur.ac.uk/arch.projects/anuradhapura/.
References
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BASS, D. 2003. Review of S. Goonatilake "Athropologising Sri
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CONINGHAM, R.A.E., E GUNAWARDHANA, M.J. MANUEL, G. ADIKAR1, M.
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FLETCHER, R. 2009. Low-density, agrarian-based urbanism: a
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GUNAWARDANA, R.A.L.H. 1979. Robe and plough: monasticism and
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KARUNANANDA, U.B. 2006. Nuwarakalawiya and the North Central
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LYNCH, C. 2002. Review of S. Goonatilake 'Anthropologising Sri
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R.A.E. Coningham (1), P. Gunawardhama (2), M.J. Manuel (1), G.
Adikari (3), R.L. Young (4), A. Schmidt (5), K. Krishnan (6), I. Simpson
(7), C.E. Davis (1) & C.M. Batt (5)
(1) Department of Archaeology, Durham University, South Road,
Durham DH1 3LE, UK (Email: r.a.e.coningham@dur.ac.uk;
m.j.manuel@dur.ac.uk; christopher.davis@dur.ac.uk)
(2) Department of Archaeology, University of Kelaniya, Kelaniya
11600, Sri Lanka (Email: prishantagunawardhana@yahoo.com)
(3) Post-Graduate Institute of Archaeological Research, University
of Kelaniya, 407, Bauddhaloka Mawatha, Colombo Z Sri Lanka (Email:
osteologypgiar@yahoo.com)
(4) School of Archaeology and Ancient History, University of
Leicester, University Road, Leicester LEI 7RH, UK (Email: Rly3 @le.ac.
uk)
(5) Archaeological Sciences, University of Bradford, Bradford BD7
1DP, UK (Email: Armin.R.Schmidt@Gmail.com; c.m.batt@bradford.ac.uk)
(6) Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Faculty of Arts,
The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Vadodara 390 002, Gujarat,
India (Email: krishnan_msu@yahoo.com)
(7) Biological & Environmental Sciences, University of
Stirling, Stirling FK94LA, UK (Email: i.a.simpson@stir.ac.uk)