An early epipalaeolithic sitting burial from the Azraq Oasis, Jordan.

Richter, T. ; Stock, Jay T. ; Maher, L. 等

[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]

Introduction

The rarity of human remains from late Upper Palaeolithic and Early Epipalaeolithic contexts in south-west Asia has, to date, prevented a fuller examination and discussion of human burial practices during the Final Pleistocene in the region. This is in marked contrast to the evidence from the Late Epipalaeolithic (Natufian), which has enabled the reconstruction of social organisation, status, identity, pathology and demography (e.g. Wright 1978; Belfer-Cohen 1988, 1995; Byrd & Monahan 1995; Boyd 2001; Peterson 2002; Eshed et al. 2004b; Stock et al. 2005; Bocquentin 2007). Grosman et al. (2008), for example, have recently reported the remains of an individual buried with multiple tortoise carapaces and other animal parts from Hilazon Tachtit, which the authors interpreted as the burial of a shaman. This rich record of human burials in the Natufian has been widely seen as an indicator of the emergent social and cultural complexity of Natufian gatherer-hunters (e.g. Bar-Yosef & Meadow 1995; Valla 1995; Bar-Yosef 1998; Bar-Yosef & Belfer-Cohen 2000). Natufian burial practices have therefore been variously described as means to establish strong inter-group identities and territories to alleviate various ecological risks and create strong social ties (Belfer-Cohen 1995; Grosman 2003). The comparatively large number of Late Epipalaeolithic burials from the Levant has also enabled more detailed discussions of diet, demography, health and biological diversity (e.g. Hassan 1981 ; Belfer-Cohen et al. 1991; Peterson 2002; Eshed et al. 2004a & b, 2006; Bocquentin 2007). While these studies vary in material and focus, they collectively illustrate a long continuity in the Late Pleistocene and Holocene population history of the Levant, while emphasising regional and temporal cultural, biological and behavioural variation.

By comparison, Late Upper Palaeolithic, as well as Early and Middle Epipalaeolithic burials are much rarer (Nadel 1994, 1995) with only about 17 burials excavated to date across the region (some of which include more than one individual). Only recently has the Middle Epipalaeolithic skeletal record been greatly expanded, as a result of the discovery of 13 individuals at the Geometric Kebaran site of 'Uyyun al-Hamam in the northern Jordan Valley (Maher 2005, 2007a & b). A variety of arguments have been put forward why Late Upper Palaeolithic, Early and Middle Epipalaeolithic burials appear to be rarer than Late Epipalaeolithic (Natufian) human remains, including low population density, poor preservation, a lack of research, the nature of Late Pleistocene burial practices or a combination of these factors (Nadel 1994, 1995).

In this paper we present evidence from the Early Epipalaeolithic site of 'Ayn Qasiyya, situated in eastern Transjordan, where excavations in 2007 recovered an articulated human burial found in a highly unusual burial position. Here we provide a report of the burial, discuss its taphonomy and offer an interpretation of its original burial position. These provide some new insights into our understanding of the Late Pleistocene burial record in south-west Asia.

Background

The Early Epipalaeolithic site of 'Ayn Qasiyya is located in the Azraq Oasis, a formerly lush wet- and marshland setting within the Irano-Tuhranian steppe and Saharo-Arabian desert of south-west Asia, situated c. 100km east of the Jordanian capital Amman. The region has a rich local sequence of prehistoric settlement, in which sites dating to the Early, Middle and Late Epipalaeolithic are well represented (Garrard et al. 1988, 1994; Muheisen 1988a & b; Byrd & Garrard 1989; Betts 1991, 1998; Garrard 1991, 1998; Garrard & Byrd 1992; Rollefson et al. 1997, 1999, 2001; Maher et al. 2007).

Site

The site is located immediately north of the 'Ayn Qasiyya pool, which was formerly a small pond associated with a copious spring (Figure 1). Excavations in four main trenches in 2005, 2006 and 2007 (Figure 2), as well as examination of exposed sections in the pool, showed dense concentrations of lithic artefacts and faunal remains situated within a dark-brown, highly organic buried marsh deposit (Richter et al. 2007, 2010; Richter & Rohl 2007). It is very comparable to modern day marsh sediments in the oasis, both in composition and colour and partially derives from decayed plant matter mixed with fine sand and silt particles.

This deposit is situated in most places above a sterile, greenish-grey silty clay of lacustrine origin, and is capped by a topsoil of carbonate concretions with a fine silt matrix. While excavations in Area C revealed a channel fill containing a mixed lithic assemblage, consisting of Early Epipalaeolithic, Natufian and PPNB diagnostic chipped stone artefacts, Areas A, B and D revealed exclusively Early Epipalaeolithic artefacts (Richter et al. 2007, 2010). Seven AMS dates on charcoal have now been obtained from the buried marsh deposit in Areas A, B and D. Section 1 and Area A produced a tightly clustered series of four dates: OXA-18829: 17 550+75 (21 072-20 440 cal BP INTCal04), OXA-18831:17 555+75 (21 004-20 389 cal BP INTCal04), OxA-18832: 17 495 [+ or -] 70 (21 003-20 399 cal BP INTCal04), and Poz-33101 19 690 [+ or -] 150 (22 864-24 004 cal BP INTCal04). Two individual dates are available from the same horizon in Areas B and D respectively; Area B: Poz-33103, 16 960 [+ or -] 110 (19 875-20 337 cal BP INTCal04); Area D: Poz-33106, 16 080 [+ or -] 100 (19 035-19 453 cal BP INTCal04). Two distinct lithic industries were recognised in the three principal excavation areas (Richter et al. 2007, 2010): Areas A and B are characterised by abundant obliquely truncated and backed bladelets amongst the retouched microlithic tool spectrum, which were produced without the use of the microburin technique. Area D on the other hand produced an assemblage containing piquant triedre and arched-backed bladelets. These assemblages fall within the spectrum of other known Early Epipalaeolithic chipped stone industries known from the Azraq Basin and the Levant in general (Bar-Yosef & Vogel 1987; Bar-Yosef 1989; Hours 1992; Byrd 1994; Goring-Morris 1995; Schyle & Uerpmann 1996; Olszewski 2001, 2006; Stutz & Estabrook 2004). In addition, the site has produced a sizeable faunal assemblage, which has to date only been preliminarily examined (Richter et al. 2010).

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]

The burial: context and date

Within Area B the semi-articulated remains of an individual were first partially exposed during the 2006 season (Richter et al. 2007, 2010). An extension of the trench in 2007 fully exposed the remains, which we named 'Ayn Qasiyya 1 (Figures 3 & 4). The remains were found within the marsh deposit just beneath the carbonate concreted topsoil, which caps the site. The stratigraphic succession was undisturbed by later intrusions so that the burial is dearly associated with the Epipalaeolithic deposits. Early Epipalaeolithic chipped stone (Kebaran) is the only material culture associated with this marsh deposit in Area B. Field observations and examination of the stratigraphy have not provided any evidence for a burial pit. Study of the formation processes of the buried marsh deposit, as well as a series of seven highly correlated AMS dates, provide evidence that the burial dates to somewhere between 19 800 and 20 400 cal BE To date, this makes 'Ayn Qasiyya 1 the oldest securely dated human remains found in Jordan. A previous attempt to date the human skeletal remains directly using AMS failed, as the collagen preservation in the bone is too poor to yield a reliable result (T. Higham pets. comm.).

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Anatomy

Preserved skeletal elements of 'Ayn Qasiyya 1 include a fragmentary cranial vault, including portions of the frontal, occipital, left and right parietal and temporal bones, maxillae, mandible and a partial dentition, a partial right clavicle, right and left humeri, diaphyses of the left radius and ulna, left and right femora, tibiae and fibulae. Little was preserved of the thorax and pelvis, apart from fragmentary left and right mid-thoracic ribs, fragments of the right and left sacral alae, the right acetabulum and a few fragments of vertebral bodies. The bones of the right foot are better preserved than the left, with most elements represented, while the left consists of a partial calcaneus and metatarsal fragments.

All visible long bone epiphyses are fused, and the dentition is characterised by extremely heavy tooth wear, with significant exposure of dentine on most molars, which suggests either that the individual is an adult of middle to older age or that tooth wear was particularly rapid. While the state of preservation precludes observation of many typically sexually dimorphic traits, several characteristics of the skull and mandible suggest that this skeleton is that of a male. An estimate of the length of the fragmentary right femur taken with the bones in situ indicates a maximum length of approximately 431 mm, which suggests a relatively small adult stature of approximately 161cm, using a regression equation developed for ancient Egyptians (Raxter et al. 2008). The diameter of the better preserved left femoral head was 44.9mm, suggesting a body mass of approximately 62.4kg, using the mean of three regression equations published by Ruff et al. (1997). While the estimated body mass is slightly below the mean of later Natufian males, it is comparable to the Early and Middle Epipalaeolithic skeletons from Kharanneh IV and Wadi Mataha, but contrasts with the large body size of Ohalo II H2 (Hershkovitz et al. 1995; Stock et al. 2005). This, in combination with the relatively small stature of 'Ayn Qasiyya 1, is consistent with a pattern of morphological heterogeneity in the Levant prior to the Natufian (Stock et al. 2005).

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Taphonomy

Although the body was lying on its back, the burial position was unusual (Figures 3 & 4). The knees were tightly flexed, with the calcanei relatively close to the proximal femora, and the femoral shafts extending laterally in opposing directions away from the midline of the body. The better preserved left arm passed over the anterior side of the pelvic region, with the palmar surface facing towards the body. Three metacarpal shafts discovered between the pelvic region and the calcanei, suggest that the left hand extended towards the feet, with the palmar surface facing the body. The lack of right forearm elements leaves their orientation unknown. The thorax and upper body angle somewhat laterally from the lower limbs, towards the left side. The skull was situated above the left ribs, facing superiorly across the region of the left shoulder. This suggests that it had rotated post-depositionally towards the superior side of the left shoulder. The orientation of pedal elements may shed some light on post-depositional taphonomic movement of the skeleton. The fifth metatarsals on each side are oriented with their proximal ends towards the midline of the body. Other metatarsals of both feet were oriented with the proximal ends towards the lateral sides of the burial with the distal ends extending medially. This suggests that there was lateral rotation of the legs post-depositionally, probably shortly after interment, with the toes maintaining the original orientation. This is also supported by the position of the fibulae, which were situated below but proximal to the tibiae relative to the rest of the body. If the legs had been placed in the position as found, the fibulae would be expected to be directly underneath the tibiae. While the orientation of metatarsals could have been achieved through compression of the pedal elements in situ, the evidence for movement and rotation of the cranium may be more easily explained if the legs moved laterally post-depositionally, allowing the skull to shift forwards and rotate laterally as the thorax compressed. When the sum of these factors is considered, the original burial position was likely 'sitting' with the thorax close to the femora.

Discussion

The burial position of 'Ayn Qasiyya 1 is highly unusual and has no direct parallels in the Levant from the same broad chronological horizon. We argue here that a number of taphonomic indicators suggest that the body was originally interred in an upright, seated position. At the time of burial the marsh deposit was very soft, muddy and wet, i.e. a highly permeable environment. This is analogous to modern conditions in many wet- and marshland settings, as they can be observed in the Azraq Wetlands Reserve today. The position of some skeletal elements shows that the lower limbs rotated outwards post-deposition. The position of the metatarsals, and possibly of the fibulae, indicates this outward rotational movement of the lower limbs. We therefore suggest that the lower limbs were originally positioned upright and tightly flexed. The collapsed state of the torso and the rotation of the skull further suggest that the body was originally in an upright, sitting position, with the lower limbs flexed tightly towards the torso and the skull leaning forward and resting on the knees. Such a tightly flexed position would most likely be achieved if the body was either bound or otherwise contained (e.g. wrapped in some kind of cloth). Given the lack of evidence for a burial pit the body would have been placed into the permeable marshland soil in a bound state. Figure 5 shows a reconstruction of the original burial position and the gradual decay of the body. If this hypothesis is correct, the present position of 'Ayn Qasiyya 1 has to be understood as a result of post-depositional processes in which bodily decay played a major role.

[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]

Our argument for a rotational movement of the legs is based on the position of tarsals and metatarsals in the pedal elements, and the position of the fibulae. There is a possibility that both of these could have occurred as part of other post-depositional displacement of skeletal parts. If this was the case, the legs of the individual may have been laid out in the current tightly flexed position. However, the position of the skull is best explained if the torso was originally upright, with the skull rotating and collapsing as the thorax and connective tissue broke down. Dirkmaat and Sienicki (Dirkmaat & Sienicki 1995; Roksandic 2002) observed that in the sequence of bodily decay the cranium is most often the first body part to become dislocated, while the legs remain the last part to become displaced as decomposition proceeds. This lends credence to our suggestion outlined above since 'Ayn Qasiyya 1's cranium is the most severely dislocated element, while the legs remain in close anatomical articulation. In the absence of a burial pit there would, however, have been no physical feature to initially support the torso: hence our suggestion that the body may have been interred in a bound state. We infer from the body's position that there was sufficient space for the body to expand and move as it decayed. At the same time, there appears to have been little resistance to the movement of the body's parts as the legs rotated outwards and the torso collapsed (Duday 1987, 1990; Duday & Masset 1987; Duday et al. 1990; Roksandic 2002).

We are not aware of any directly comparable instances of an Early Epipalaeolithic sitting burial in the region, although the burial of an adult male at Ohalo II was also found in a position with tightly flexed lower limbs (Nadel 1994, 1995; Hershkovitz et al. 1995). Burial positions in the Late Epipalaeolithic Natufian--from which the largest sample of human burials of any of the Epipalaeolithic phases is known--tend toward flexed or semi-flexed positions (Belfer-Cohen 1988, 1991; Byrd & Monahan 1995). However, Garrod (1932; Weinstein-Evron 2003) reported one half-upright, sitting burial from layer B at Shukhba, as well as a number of sitting burials from el-Wad terrace (Garrod & Bate 1937; Mastin 1964; Boyd 2001). Perrot and Ladiray (Perrot et al. 1988) reported one sitting burial from Ayn Mallaha (Eynan). In the Early Natufian phase Homo 19 was found with the legs tightly flexed, but splayed outward very similarly to 'Ayn Qasiyya 1 (Perrot et al. 1988: Plate V). Generally speaking, however, these appear to be exceptions to the norm.

'Ayn Qasiyya 1 and the Early Epipalaeolithic burial record in the Levant

In addition to the binding or containment of bodies in cloth, we argue here that 'Ayn Qasiyya 1 provides evidence for a hitherto not fully recognised burial practice in the Early Epipalaeolithic Levant: exposure or placement of dead corpses in open, unaltered surroundings. Nadel (1994, 1995) has argued that the lack of Late Upper Palaeolithic, Early and Middle Epipalaeolithic burials may relate to taphonomic and preservational factors which may in turn be related to burial practices. He noted that burial in shallow pits, which are liable to be affected by erosion and later disturbances (Nadel 1994: 119), were a distinct possibility that could account for this lack of preservation. In addition, he pointed out that disarticulated human remains were a common occurrence in settlement deposits during the Late Upper Palaeolithic to Middle Epipalaeolithic. This suggests that burials were either disturbed by later settlement activity or that corpses did not receive formal burial, but may have been left exposed to the elements for the purpose of excarnation. As Henderson has argued (1987), the relative lack of human burials in the archaeological record and the presence of disarticulated remains in settlement deposits make exposure a distinct possibility. Exposure of corpses is a relatively common ethnographically and archaeologically documented practice amongst many societies around the world (e.g. Kroeber 1927; Ucko 1969; Parker Pearson 1999: 131-2).

We argue that 'Ayn Qasiyya l's deposition in the Azraq wetlands is analogous to the exposure of corpses and practices of excarnating human remains. The bound body of the individual was placed in the soft, permeable soil of the Azraq marsh without making provisions for a more permanent installation (e.g. a burial pit). This practice has a number of implications for our understanding of Early Epipalaeolithic burial practices as a whole. It provides a potential explanation for the lack of human remains in the archaeological record for this time period. Although it is important to recognise that comparatively more Late Epipalaeolithic sites have been excavated and larger areas at Natufian sites have been exposed, we would still expect to find more human remains from the Early and Middle Epipalaeolithic. The burial of an adult male at Ohalo II (Hershkovitz et al. 1995), as well as the case of 'Ayn Qasiyya show that only rapid burial by fine-grained sediments facilitated the preservation of these remains. At Kharaneh IV the two human burials found at the site were situated beneath an occupation surface, indicating that here also, burials were initially relatively shallow (Rolston 1982; Muheisen 1983, 1988a). This contrasts somewhat with the burial of a female from Ein Gev I, which was found buried in a pit underneath a floor densely packed with animal bone (Arensburg & Bar-Yosef 1973). At Wadi Mataha the remains of a tightly flexed individual were also situated in a shallow pit relatively close to the surface (Johnson et al. 1999; Stock et al. 2005). This strongly suggests that site formation and taphonomic factors are the prime factors affecting the preservation of human burials from the Late Upper Palaeolithic to Middle Epipalaeolithic time frame in the Levant.

Within this small data set there is variation. While exposure and excarnation of bodies appears to have been one practice, some individuals were buried in more formal graves (e.g. Ein Gev I, Ohalo II, Khareneh IV). This may suggest that certain individuals received a different treatment than others. Due to a lack of available data it is very difficult to ascertain why these differences may have existed. It is interesting, however, that the majority of formal burials found to date are male and, more often than not, are of an advanced age at death. If we accept that exposure of corpses was a common occurrence in the Early Epipalaeolithic, the burial of certain individuals would seem to indicate some kind of differentiation that was drawn between these and other members of the community. This does not necessarily imply a social differentiation in terms of emergent status or hierarchy, however. Individuals could have been singled out for special treatment for a large variety of reasons.

Exposure and excarnation of the dead also provides evidence for how the process of death may have been understood and dealt with by Epipalaeolithic communities. In contrast to many later burials, where the construction of graves and grave goods are evident, exposure of the dead could indicate a sense of transience. In many cases there seems to have been no obvious concern for maintaining the integrity of the graves, dead bodies or making specific reference to the memory of the deceased within the burial context. The places at which excarnations were made have often been identified as localities where the worlds of the living and the dead intersect (Parker Pearson 1999: 131). In the case of 'Ayn Qasiyya, it would seem possible to make a connection between the significance of the Azraq wetland springs and their copious supply of water, and the deposition of dead bodies in the marshland. Water was undoubtedly an essential feature of life in this environment, so that this location likely held some significance. This significance may have been reinforced, heightened or concreted by making connections between the worlds of the living and the dead in which the bodies of the dead served as critical media.

Although the available evidence is sparse, the 'Ayn Qasiyya burial may suggest that there are perceivable differences in the manner in which people treated the bodies of the deceased when we compare the Early with the Middle and Late Epipalaeolithic. Although there are clear differences between the Early and the Late Natufian in the type of interment and treatment of the bodies (Belfer-Cohen 1991, 1995; Byrd & Monahan 1995; Bar-Yosef & Belfer-Cohen 2000), these burials share the fact that time and resources were invested in their deposition. Pits for graves were excavated, and in some cases embellished with stones, grave goods were prepared and placed with the dead. Secondary burials, more common in the Late Natufian, reflect even more elaborate processes of re-opening graves and involving dead bodies in likely ceremonial practices. It is tempting to understand this kind of personal and material investment to reflect a sense of permanency and of fixing relations with the dead amongst the living. In contrast, the lack of such practices in the Early Epipalaeolithic could be understood as a more fluid and flexible structure of how the living perceived their dead. Leaving the bodies of the dead in open settings, relatively unprotected, for the elements to take hold, such as in the case of 'Ayn Qasiyya, suggests a perception of dead bodies as malleable, mobile and non-fixed. Decay and fluidity may have been accepted, rather than sought to be prevented or held-up through constructing specific, fixed and permanent memories through the physical and social construction of graves.

Acknowledgements

We are grateful to Gary Rollefson, Leslie Quintero and Philip Wilke for giving their permission to work at 'Ayn Qasiyya and their continued support and encouragement. We are also grateful to the Department of Antiquities of Jordan and the Royal Society for the Conservation of Nature for research permissions and support. Fieldwork at 'Ayn Qasiyya has been sponsored by grants from the Arts and Humanities Research Council (doctoral award and via the Epipalaeolithic Foragers in Azraq Project), the Palestine Exploration Fund, the Institute of Archaeology at University College London, UCL Graduate School, and the University of London's Central Research Fund.

We are also grateful for comments provided by four reviewers.

Received: 28 July 2009; Accepted: 25 September 2009; Revised: 20 November 2009

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T. Richter (1) *, Jay T. Stock(1), L. Maher (1) & C. Hebron (2)

(1) Leverhulme Centre for Human Evolutionary Studies, The Henry Wellcome Building, University of Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Street, Cambridge CB2 1QH, UK

(2) 5b Friar's Stile Road, Richmond Hill, London TW10 6NM, UK

* Author for correspondence (Email: t.richter@gmx.com)