Large-scale storage of grain surplus in the sixth millennium BC: the silos of Tel Tsaf.
Garfinkel, Yosef ; Ben-Shlomo, David ; Kuperman, Tali 等
Introduction
Silos for the storage of grain have been an essential aspect of all
agricultural communities throughout the ages. Harvested crops need to be
kept for at least a year until the next harvest. When the amount of
stored grain is larger than that necessary for the consumption of the
people harvesting it, a surplus is created. This surplus can become a
commodity, which can be exchanged for other products. In human history,
the first stage in the accumulation of wealth was the production of
agricultural surpluses, in the form of grain and livestock. Surplus
accumulation facilitated the development of full-time craft
specialisation and socioeconomic distinctions, the rise of urbanism and
state formation. These aspects were already discussed by Gordon Childe
in his groundbreaking essay The Urban Revolution (1950). The importance
of silos has been noted in various case studies, usually associated with
urban and state-level societies (Currid 1985: 98-100; Mazar 2001;
Pfalzner 2002).
In the past, as wdl as today, several universal principles have
guided the construction of silos worldwide (Currid 1985: 104-9; Beedle
2001). These principles can be seen on different scales, from the
individual far to that stores a few tons of grain to large harbour
installations that handle millions of tons each year:
1. A cylindrical shape, which better withstands the pressure of the
grain, distributed evenly onto the sides of the silo and does not create
stress on the base or corners of a rectilinear shape. A rounded wall
requires less building material than rectilinear walls confining an
equal space.
2. A number of silos are built in close proximity. It is easier to
handle storage in a number of smaller silos than in one large
installation, making it possible to store grain of different years, or
different crops, separately. In the case of spoilage by fire, humidity,
rodents or insects, not all the stored material will be affected.
3. Organisation in rows, adjacent to each other, optimising their
arrangement within a confined space.
Tel Tsaf indicates that such silos were built in the ancient Near
East as early as the late sixth millennium BC. In addition to their
importance in the history of storage, they shed light on surplus
accumulation and concentration of wealth on a scale never before
reported from the Proto-historic Near East. Their location not in
Greater Mesopotamia but in the southern Levant is surprising, as this
area has not previously revealed evidence of economic and social
complexity at such an early date.
Tel Tsaf
Tel Tsaf is located in the central Jordan Valley near Beth Shean
(Israel new grid map reference 2015.2024; Figure 1). In 2004-2007 four
excavation seasons were conducted by Y. Garfinkel on behalf of the
Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Nearly
800[m.sup.2] were opened and a densely built-up settlement has been
unearthed (Garfinkel et al. 2007a & b). The site was occupied only
during the Middle Chalcolithic period and a date of 5200-4600 cal BC has
been established on the basis of eight recently obtained radiometric
dates (Figure 2).
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Large-scale excavations exposed a composite array of courtyard
buildings combining rectilinear rooms, rounded rooms and 19 rounded
silos (Figures 35). The silos, which vary in number and size, are
located within large open courtyards. They are well-built mud-brick
installations, 1-4m in diameter, with thick paved floors and rounded
plastered walls (Figures 6-8). These silos conform with the three
principles mentioned above: they are rounded, built in groups and
arranged in straight lines.
Several aspects of the material culture of Tel Tsaf indicate the
importance of this site. The basic dwelling unit was a large (over
250[m.sup.2]) courtyard structure. The site has an important assemblage,
including an elaborate type of pottery, not found in any other site in
Israel (Garfinkel 1999:186-8), four sherds of Ubaid pottery (Garfinkel
et al. 2007a: Figure 13) imported from either North Syria or
Mesopotamia--such pottery has not previously been found in the southern
Levant; a Nilotic shell together with a large number of Mediterranean
shells (D. Bar-Yosef Mayer, pers. catam.); over 2500 beads made from
ostrich egg shell, in two concentrations, one of c. 900 beads in a
courtyard and the second of 1668 beads in a single grave; about 100
stone beads were made from various green, red and black minerals; a
number of greenstone chunks, imported to the site as raw 140 clay
sealings and one stone seal. Obsidian, which was exported to the
southern Levant from Turkey during the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic
periods, stopped circulating during the Middle Chalcolithic period.
However, at Tel Tsaf nearly 15 obsidian items have been unearthed.
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
This evidence of an intensive exchange network and accumulation of
wealth during the Middle Chalcolithic is known so far only from Tel Tsaf
(Garfinkel et al. 2007a: 28-30).
The silos
The basic information on the architecture of Tel Tsaf is presented
in Tables 1 and 2 and Figures 4 and 5. The large horizontal exposure
unearthed four major architectural units. Each of these units contained
rounded silos:
Building I (Figure 5): a large open courtyard includes a large
rectangular room (10 x 5m), rounded silos and many cooking installations
(hearths, ovens and roasting pits). These installations measure roughly
1.5 x 0.8m and are filled with burnt stones and very large quantities of
animal bones. It appears that feasts were held in the courtyard of the
building from time to time.
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
Although two main stratigraphic phases were discerned here, the
general plan did not change. In the lower phase (Figure 4) there are
four equidistant silos of the same size and oriented on the same axis,
with a cobbled floor of medium-sized angular pebbles between them (Table
1). This floor was covered by burnt debris containing large patches of
charred wood and two anthropomorphic female figurines. An additional
silo contained charred cereal seeds. In the south-west corner of the
courtyard, adjacent to a silo, Burial C98 was found.
[FIGURE 4 OMITTED]
In the upper phase (Figure 3) the courtyards contained four silos,
which were larger than the earlier silos, reaching a diameter of 3.5m;
however, they did not maintain the aligned orientation of the previous
phase. In the centre of one of these silos a concentration of large
stones covered Burial C555 (Figures 6 and 9).
[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]
Building II: a large open courtyard (the eastern part has been
eroded away) with two rounded rooms in its upper phase and three rounded
rooms in its lower phase. These rounded rooms were residential units, as
indicated by living floors, cooking installations, pottery, flints and
grinding stones (Figure 10). Unlike the silos, which were built on a
podium, the lower parts of the rounded rooms were sunken below the
courtyard floor level.
Three rounded silos were built here. One of them has three main
phases. Its size was largest (4m in diameter) in the lowest phase and
diminished as it was rebuilt (Figure 7; Silo C568, see Table 2). During
the intermediate stage of this silo Burial C518 was inserted in the
floor of the earlier silo (Figure 11). During the upper stage Jar Burial
C310 was deposited next to the silo's eastern side (Figure 12).
Building III: only a small part of this structure has been
excavated, and one silo was found in an open courtyard.
Building IV: this structure is located under Building II having a
similar outline but different interior arrangement (Figure 4). Here
large rectangular rooms were constructed, as well as three rounded silos
and cooking installations.
The construction techniques of the silos are apparent from the
field observations. The base comprised of one or two courses of bricks
created a podium, probably to protect the grain from rodents and
humidity. While the bases were relatively well preserved, the walls of
the silos had usually not survived, and consequently their height is not
known. The outer wall of the silo was thin and built on top of the
podium, with elongated bricks laid on their narrow end. When preserved
to a height of about 0.3m (Figure 6) it indicates a cylindrical,
barrel-shaped structure. According to ethnographic parallels (e.g.
Aurenche 1981: Figure 207; Pfalzner 2002), as well as depictions on
somewhat later cylinder seals (Figure 13), that show such structures
accessed by ladders, (Amiet 1972: 652: Plate 16, 658-63), a total height
of around 2m is estimated (Figure 14). This height seems a conservative
approximation, as it is not likely that the height of such thick-floored
structures would have been smaller than their diameter. This height is
used for the reconstructed storage capacities given in Table 2 (the
volume is calculated assuming a cylindrical shape).
[FIGURE 6 OMITTED]
The interpretation of these structures as silos is based on their
cylindrical barrel shape and their spatial organisation, the thick base
which protected the grains, and the large quantities of charred seeds
found in one of them. On the outer walls of two of the silos, white
plaster was still preserved. In their time the silos may have been white
towers visible from a distance, manifestation of economic and probably
political power. The roofing, which was not preserved, was probably made
of a mixture of mud, reeds and wood, as testified by various chunks of
such material found in the site's sediments.
[FIGURE 7 OMITTED]
The burials
Four burials were found in Tel Tsaf, all of them within or in
association with the silos:
Burial C98: the burial is located adjacent to the south-west of
Silo 74 and includes ah individual laid in a flexed position, oriented
with the head in the east and legs to the south. It was badly damaged by
an oven pit cut into it at a later stage. Age at death was between 20
and 30 years. The thin margin of a fragment of an eye orbit may indicate
that the deceased was a female. The bones are extremely fragmentary and
were burned at varying high temperatures. No associated grave goods were
found with the burial.
Burial C310: ajar burial containing a neonate, found adjacent to
Silo 272 on its east (Figure 12). The skeleton was complete and lay on
its side with knees flexed, the head in the east and the legs in the
west. No associated grave goods were found with the burial.
Burial C518: a burial found in Silo 582, oriented east-west with
the skull in the west (Figure 11). This complete and articulated
skeleton was that of a one-year-old infant, lying on its right side with
knees flexed. The head was turned to the right and the hands lay beside
the body. No associated grave goods were found with the burial.
Burial C555: an articulated burial found in Silo 339, oriented
north-south with the skull in the south. The head turns to the right,
the knees were flexed and the arms were slightly flexed at the elbow.
The remains are possibly those of a female aged approximately 40 years.
The burial was found with 1668 beads placed on the frontal part of the
pelvis, organised in six rows (Figure 9).
[FIGURE 8 OMITTED]
Each of these burials is of a single individual in articulation,
usually in flexed position, and they are all associated with a silo, two
inside a silo and the two others beside a silo. One of the burials was
decorated with 1668 beads. Clearly, the vast majority of the population
was not buried in relation to the silos, and these were probably buried
in cemeteries outside the settlement, as at Late Chalcolithic Shiamim
(Levy 1987) and other sites. The burials related to the silos reflect
selected, possibly important, individuals.
[FIGURE 9 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 10 OMITTED]
Discussion
Storage facilities
During the Proto-historic period in the southern Levant, storage
facilities were found in almost every chronological phase:
Pottery Neolithic (c. 6400-5800 BC calibrated): several large
pottery vessels were found sunken below floor levels at Sha'ar
Hagolan and Munhata (Garfinkel 1992: 1, Figure 60; 2004:117-18). To
avoid insect activities the jars were probably hermetically sealed,
blocking the supply of oxygen and creating a modified atmosphere
(Ben-Yehoshua 2005).
Early Chalcolithic (c. 5800-5300 BC calibrated): the large pottery
vessels of the previous period were manufactured in this stage as well,
which is known as the 'Wadi Rabah Culture' (Garfinkel 1999:
127).
Middle Chalcolithic (c. 5300-4500 BC calibrated): in this stage
three different storage facilities types have been found: the silos of
Tel Tsaf; large pottery jars were found sunken below the floor level at
the sites of Herzliya and Tell Wadi Feinan (Garfinkel 1999:191-3); and
small, shallow and rounded subterranean installations, c. lm or less in
diameter, lined with stones. The floors of these silos were paved with
flat slabs and their sides were lined with elongated slabs placed on
their end. Their storage capacity was limited to a few hundred
kilograms. These silos have been reported from many sites: Tel
'Ali, Kefar Gil'adi, Kabri, Kefar Galim, Tel Qiri and Tell
Shuna (Garfinkel 1999: 155-8), Tel Teo, Asawir (Eisenberg et aL 2001:
Figures 3.10, 3.17, 3.18; Yannai 2006: Figures 2.7, 2.8) and
'Neolithique recent' Byblos (Dunand 1973: Plates 33: 1-3, 39:
2).
[FIGURE 11 OMITTED]
Late Chalcolithic (c. 4500-3600 BC calibrated): different
strategies were used in this period. Very large pottery vessels (up to
2m high) were found sunken below the floor level at Tell Dalhamiya, Tel
Kitan and Abu Hamid (Garfinkel 1999: 249-53). At Gilat, rounded pit
silos lined with stones or bricks were reported (Levy et al. 2006:114-5,
Plates 5.9-10); these were about 1-1.5m in diameter. At Abu Matar and
Bir Safadi, bell-shaped pits interpreted as silos were found in rather
large numbers (Perrot 1955).
The Tel Tsaf silos are in sharp contrast to all other
Proto-historic silos unearthed in the southern Levant. They are above
ground, carefully built and plastered, and their storage capacity is ten
times that of the other examples, or even more. It is possible that they
reflect a northern Mesopotamian tradition. Rounded free-standing storage
installations, 2-4m in diameter, have been reported from a number of
Proto-historic sites in Mesopotamia, like Hassuna, Yarim Tepe and Tell
Sabi Abyad (Aurenche 1981: Plate 94; Merpert & Munchaev 1984;
Verhoeven & Kranendonk 1996: 59-63, Figures 2.9, 2.12, 2.14-15). In
contrast to the Tel Tsaf silos, they were never placed in an enclosed
courtyard but were located in open areas between structures. Their
number per site is quite limited, only two or three at a time.
[FIGURE 12 OMITTED]
Thus, the arrangement of the silos and the scale of storage at Tel
Tsaf are outstanding for the period, even when compared to the
Mesopotamian sites. As a matter of fact, they resemble storage
installations of much later periods, when we can talk about state
organisation in urban environments. Indeed, a similar installation was
found at Tepe Farukhabad dated about a millennium later (Wright 1981:
Plate 4b). Granaries with rows of rounded silos are known from various
artistic representations (Figure 13): cylinder seals from Susa (Amiet
1972: 652, Plate 16, 658-63), Egyptian wall paintings (Currid 1985: 104,
Figures 2-5 and references therein) and a clay model from the Greek
island of Meios (Marinatos 1946).
Social aspects
Various storage strategies can be inferred from ethnographic
observations, each reflecting a different social and economic
organisation. Community-level storage is when grain is stored for the
common use of the community, with distribution according to need, social
rank or other factors. The silos in this case are usually located in the
centre of the settlement. Ethnographic examples ofthis have been
obtained from Burkina Faso, West Africa, from the villages of the Leia
and Nuna peoples (Bourdier & Minh-Ha 1985: 64-7). In these places a
large group of silos is located in the centre of the village, around it
or in non-confined open areas near the houses, and comprises common
community-level storage (Bourdier & Minh-Ha 1985: 64-7, Phte Dg;
Pfalzner 2002: 264-6, Figures 6-9; for other examples see p. 262 there).
Private storage in jars also occurs in the various households as
domestic-level storage (Pfalzner 2002: 266, Figure 10). This is probably
an example of a relatively egalitarian society, as the whole community
belongs to a single clan.
[FIGURE 13 OMITTED]
[FIGURE 14 OMITTED]
Storage on a family or household level is when grain is stored
within private property. In an egalitarian society each family stores
the products grown in the family's fields. Ina stratified society,
families of higher rank may receive a certain portion of the grain
cultivated by other members of the community. An ethnographic example of
this was observed at the village of Hasanabad in north-western Iran,
where the chief of the village stores crops from the entire community in
the especially large courtyard of his house, the Qal'a (Watson
1979: 34, 40, 294, Figure 5.29). In this case the goods
'taxed' from various parts of the community are stored in
certain confined properties or in central 'institutional'
structures (for early Near Eastern societies see e.g. Hole 1999;
Pflalzner 2002 and references therein).
In the case of Tel Tsaf we are not dealing with community-level
storage, as the silos are located within the privately owned courtyards.
This is probably not domestic-level storage in an egalitarian society,
due to the relatively large capacity of storage per household. Each
building probably housed only a nuclear family, as the roofed area is
quite limited. The common estimation of a person's consumption of
cereals per year is around 200kg (Hole 1991; Mazar 2001: 458). Thus, a
nuclear family does not need more than 1.5 tons of cereals per year. The
storage capacity of the courtyard structures at Tel Tsaf is 12 to 24
times larger, with figures like 15.2, 17.7, 20.8, 24.8, 35.8 and 36.1
tons (Table 1). Thus, we have a clear indication of surplus accumulation
on a scale never unearthed before in the Proto-historic Near East.
Possibly, the differences in storage capacities between the buildings at
Tel Tsaf reflect differences in the socio-economic status of these
families.
[FIGURE 15 OMITTED]
Moreover, traditional agriculture yields about 500kg of grain per
hectare. Therefore, to accumulate 20 tons of grain, cultivation of 40ha
is required. This is clearly beyond the working capacity of a single
family, and raises several questions about the socio-economic structure
of the settlement. Who cultivated the lands that produced such large
amounts of grain to be stored within the silos at Tel Tsaf?. Does this
evidence indicate an economic system with 'landlords' owning
large territories of land cultivated by 'serfs' or
'paying tenants'? Or, do we have evidence of a tax-collection
system imposed by elite families on other families in the settlement?
The storage strategies employed at Tel Tsaf must have involved some kind
of long-range planning and can be considered evidence for some degree of
administration, at least on the local settlement scale. A further link
to administration and redistribution may be provided by a stone seal and
140 clay sealings found in the site.
Symbolic aspects
The symbolic and religious importance of the silos at Tel Tsaf is
implied by the figurines and burials associated with them. The only two
large female figurines from the site were found between two silos in
Building I (Figure 15). Connections between storage and cult have been
noted in many cases (see, for example, Childe 1950; Mazar 2001). These
connections may be explained by two rather universal mechanisms. The
first is obtaining greater legitimacy for a taxation system by
associating it with the needs or desires of a deity. The second is using
supernatural forces to protect the silos from any possible threat.
As noted above, all four burials, adults and infants alike, were
found within silos or adjacent to them. Human burials within or in
relationship to silos probably occur in several other Chalcolithic sites
in the southern Levant: Abu Matar (Perrot 1955: 26, 173, Figure 26a) and
Gilat (Levy et. al 2006: 108,337, Plate 5.19). Bar-Yosef & Ayalon
(2001) suggested that the clay ossuaries used for secondary burials in
the Late Chalcolithic period were made to imitate silos. They presented
various ethnographic examples of similar silo structures from Israel,
Iran, Georgia, Spain and Raiastan, India. One may suggest that ossuary
burials evolved from or were related to secondary burials in silos
during the Late Chalcolithic, which in turn evolved from primary burials
in silos in the Middle Chalcolithic.
Burials in relation to silos occur in other cultures and regions of
the world in various periods: Iron Age France (Lambot 1998),
seventh-first centuries BC Britain (Aldhouse-Green 2004: 331) and
1500-2000 BP Texas (Lovata 1997).
Burials in or near structures for the storage of grain may have
reflected the belief in regeneration and the analogy made between the
rebirth of a seed planted in the ground and the rebirth of a human
buried in the silo. Such symbolic significance could have been
associated with myths and beliefs related to death and rebirth. The
oldest known case of such a myth is the Sumerian resurrection cycle of
Inanna and Dumuzi (Jacobsen 1970; 1976), Osiris of the Egyptian
mythology (Mettinger 2001: 217-18) and later Persephone in the Greek
mythology. A connection between silos and resurrection myths was also
suggested for reused silos in Iron Age Europe (Bradley 2003: 19). At Tel
Tsaf the burials in silos are among the earliest examples of this
concept. Furthermore, in the Sumerian mythology Inanna is associated
with the storehouses (Jacobsen 1976: 36, 135), and at Tel Tsaf the two
anthropomorphic female figurines were found near silos. Moreover, the
two adult individuals buried in or near the silos seem to have been
females.
Conclusion
The silos of Tel Tsaf represent grain storage on a scale not
previously unearthed in the Proto-historic Near East. Differences in the
arrangement and sizes of the silos between the structures and the
chronological phases probably represent different storage strategies.
Their location within nuclear-family courtyard structures reflects a
complex economic system with surpluses and accumulation of wealth, which
is not distributed equally between members of the community. The amounts
of grain that could have been stored in the silos by far exceed the
needs of the inhabitants of the buildings accommodated in them, as well
as exceeding the cultivation capacity of these people. Therefore, they
indicate a high degree of social stratification in this period.
The symbolic and religious significance of the silos is indicated
by the figurines and burials associated with them. The linkage between
death and the storage of grain probably indicates early mythological
belief in death and regeneration. This is possibly one of the earliest
manifestations of this symbolism, which continues to be prominent in the
ancient Near East and beyond for several millennia.
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a protohistoric site in the coastal plain of Israel (Israel Antiquities
Authority Report 31). Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority.
Yosef Garfinkel (1), David Ben-Shlomo (2) & Tali Kuperman (3)
(1) Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem
91905, Israel (Email: garfinkel@mscc.huji.ac.il)
(2) Weitzmann Institute of Science, Rehovot 76100, Israel
(Email:febensh@weizmann.ac.il)
(3) Department of Anatomy and Anthropology, Sackler School of
Medicine, Tel Avir University, Tel Aviv 69978, Israel (Email:
natakup@gmail.com)
Received: 21 April 2008; Accepted: 6 June 2008; Revised: 14 July
2008
Table 1. The different buildings in Area C at Tel Tsaf.
Elements Building I Building II
Exposure Nearly complete Nearly complete
Excavated area 256 [m.sup.2] 200 [m.sup.2]
Courtyards Large Large
Roofed rooms and Rectangular (1) Upper phase
their number rounded (2)
Lower phase
rounded (3)
Number of silos Upper phase: 4 Upper phase: 2
Lower phase: 5 Lower phase: 3
Reconstructed Upper phase: Upper phase:
storage capacity 51.2[m.sup.3] 21.7[m.sup.3]
Lower phase: Lower phase:
51.6[m.sup.3] 25.3 [m.sup.3]
Reconstructed Upper phase: Upper phase: 15.2
weight * 35.8 tons tons Lower
Lower phase: phase: 17.7
36.1 tons tons
Reconstructed Upper phase: Upper phase:
cultivated area 71.6 Lower 30.4 Lower
in hectares ** phase:72.2 phase: 35.4
Elements Building III Building IV
Exposure Small part Nearly complete
Excavated area 160 [m.sup.2] 200mZ
Courtyards Large Large
Roofed rooms and Rectangular (3) Rectangular (2)
their number
Number of silos 1 Upper phase: 2
Lower phase: 4
Reconstructed 7[m.sup.3] Upper phase:
storage capacity 29.8 [m.sup.3]
Lower phase:
35.4 [m.sup.3]
Reconstructed 4.9 tons Upper phase:
weight * 20.8 tons
Lower phase:
24.8 tons
Reconstructed 9.8 Upper phase 41.6
cultivated area Lower phase
in hectares ** 49.6
* 700 kg per [m.sup.3].
** 500 kg per hectare.
Table 2. The silos of Tel Tsaf. The
volume is estimated to a height of 2m.
Building Outer (inner) Inner area
Silo no. (stratum) diameter (m) ([m.sup.2])
C53 I (upper phase) 2.9 6.6
C64 III 2.1 3.5
C66 I (lower phase) 1.9 3.45
C74 I (lower phase) 2.0 3.15
C122 II (C-3b) 1.5 1.8
C171 I (lower phase) 2.2 3.8
C189 ? (C-4c) 1.6 2
C272 II (C-3) 3.0 7.05
C286 I (upper phase) 3.3 (3.0) 7.05
C288 II (C-3) 2.2 3.8
C339 I (upper phase) 3.25 (3.0) 7.05
C415 I (upper phase) 2.8 (2.5) 4.9
C471 II/IV (C-36/4a) 2.6 5.3
C550 IV (C-4b) 2.2 (1.85) 2.7
C565 IV (C-4b) 1.8 2.55
C568 IV (C-4b) 4.0 12.6
C582 IV (C-4a) 3.5 9.6
C603 I (lower phase) 2.5 4.9
C633 I (lower phase) 1.6 2
Estimated
capacity
Silo no. ([m.sup.3]) Notes
C53 13.2
C64 7
C66 6.9
C74 6.3 Adult burial C98
C122 3.6
C171 7.6
C189 4
C272 14.1 Jar burial C310
C286 14.1
C288 7.6
C339 14.1 Adult burial C555
C415 9.8
C471 10.G
C550 5.4
C565 5.1
C568 25.2 Plastered
C582 19.2 Infant burial C518
C603 9.8 Charred cereals
C633 4