A mass grave from the catacomb of Saints Peter and Marcellinus in Rome, second-third century AD.

Blanchard, Philippe ; Castex, Dominique ; Coquerelle, Michael 等

Introduction

The catacomb of San Pietro e Marcellino (Saints Peter and Marcellinus hereafter) extends to almost 3ha with 4.5km of subterranean galleries at three levels, containing between 20 000 and 25 000 burials (Guyon 1987; 2004). Located to the south-east of Rome on the ancient Via Labicana, it lies some 3km from the city walls and from the gate of the same name. The catacomb of Saints Peter and Marcellinus, now at Via Cassilina 631, is closed to the public (except by appointment). A religious establishment and a school stand above ground, immediately next to the mausoleum of Helena, the mother of Emperor Constantine. The origins of this catacomb appear to go back to the last third of the third century AD, re-using an earlier network of drainage tunnels. However, it was not the first use of the area for burial. A cremation cemetery and small mausolea of the first century AD have been identified on the surface north of the Via Labicana during excavations carried out in 1948 and 1977, and a cemetery of imperial equites, or 'equites singulares Augusti', beginning in the early second century AD, has been identified some 50m north of the ancient road. It was most probably surrounded by other private funerary installations (Guyon 2004: 210, 217). The cemetery was developed further in the early fourth century AD, when Constantine built an important mausoleum dedicated to his mother, Helena; the apse of this building is still standing.

The subterranean catacomb remained a funerary space up to the beginning of the fifth century AD, but from then onwards the cemetery was gradually transformed into a pilgrimage site where only some privileged individuals could be buried next to the saints (Guyon 2004: 212). Worship and devotion at the tombs of the saints continued during the sixth century and the site saw its golden age during the first third of the seventh century, when itineraries for the pilgrims were written down. The eighth and ninth centuries were marked by the translation of relics, ordered by a series of pontiffs, towards intra muros churches, as Lombard and Saracen incursions caused insecurity and troubles in the neighbourhood of Rome. Notwithstanding these measures, the remains of the saints Marcellinus and Peter were stolen and taken to Germany in AD 827 (Guyon 2004: 214). Pilgrimages, however, did not stop: though no longer containing bones, the tombs of the various saints continued to be venerated.

In the middle of the ninth century certain monuments were still being refurbished (underground and on the surface) but then the catacomb fell gradually into obscurity, to be rediscovered in 1594 by A. Bosio. Thereafter the site was visited frequently up to the middle of the nineteenth century, when new investigations were started by G.B. de Rossi. It was at this time, or more precisely in 1852, that the site came under the auspices of the Pontifical Commission for Sacred Archaeology (PCAS), a Vatican organisation dedicated to the safekeeping, study and preservation of all Christian catacombs in Rome (Fiocchi Nicolai et al. 1999).

Investigations in 2002 and 2005/6 (Figure 1)

The greatest part of the galleries was gradually cleared from the end of the nineteenth century up to the 1970s. However, a small area (area X, first catacomb level), located centrally with respect to the network of underground galleries, remained inaccessible because of substantial amounts of rubble. In 2002, investigations were carried out there as a result of necessary maintenance of the areas waterworks; this was done under the direction of R. Giuliani (a PCAS Inspector and a specialist in Christian archaeology) and M. Ricciardi (an archaeologist contracted to PCAS).

The removal of the rubble revealed new funerary spaces that differed markedly from the traditional scheme observed in the rest of the catacomb, and indeed in other catacombs. These are normally characterised by straight galleries provided with loculi (simple individual burials), arcosolia (more elaborate burials) or cubicula (small chambers in which are regrouped several individual burials).

By contrast, the newly examined burial area X78 comprised articulated skeletons laid down at the same time, and so constitute a mass grave. This mass grave interpretation is important, as it enables us to set aside the notion of collective burials, in the sense of a given locality where burials have been repeatedly placed over time (Duday 2005: 153) and of ossuaries, in which bones disturbed from earlier burials have been gathered. The superimposed remains of at least 46 individuals were found at ground level, in an excavation (T15) of c.2.3m by just under lm (Figure 1). Most appeared to have been inhumed in a lime matrix. Initial dating, based on two coins and a textile fragment, place these assemblages into the second or early third century AD. This dating is very early in the known history of catacombs.

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

Faced with a complex human bone assemblage and in order to answer the many hypotheses formulated by these first discoveries, the Pontifical Commission decided to call upon a team of French researchers who had experience of this type of work. Our intervention targeted two burial areas (X82 T18 and X80 T16; Figure 1) both threatened by the construction of new supporting pillars.

Tomb T 18 occupied the greater surface; an area of hollowed out tufa was 2.8m long and 2.5m wide and it was preceded by a narrow access passage (X78) just under 5m long. Tomb T16 was smaller, c. 2m by 1.2m. Access was originally through a small hole at the top of the western wall, which opened onto room X80. These cramped conditions meant that only one person could work in T16 and two in T18. The archaeological investigation of these areas involved transverse scaffolding onto which sliding planks were placed, allowing greater ease of access while protecting the deposits.

The excavation strategy used methods and recording techniques already tested in similar contexts elsewhere (Blanchard et al. 2002a & b; Castex & Cartron 2007). A planning grid and height recording system was put in place for both tombs (Figure 2). As excavation proceeded, a series of plans was made at a scale of 1:10 on transparent membranes and tranverse and longitudinal sections were drawn at regular intervals. Biological observations were recorded (age, sex, bone characteristics, etc.) as the skeletons were lifted. These records proved particularly important in the field, as bone preservation was poor. In order to minimise loss of information, a biological examination was carried out on the surface at the same time as the excavation.

[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]

Burial rites

Within each burial area it proved possible to identify a number of different levels each comprising several individuals (lying side by side or on top of each other). Specific deposits were associated with each individual - a whitish-grey material, a particular crystallised red sediment and the remains of textiles. Levels were separated from each other by a layer of varying depth, most probably intended to seal the corpses. Altogether Tomb T18 contained 12 distinct levels over a depth of c. 0.8m. Tomb T16 was similarly arranged, with nine phases represented over a depth of c. 0.6m.

Both tombs were arranged in a fairly similar way. In each level of Tomb T18 the bodies were placed supine, often next to each other, occasionally turned 180[degrees] from the dominant axis (head to toe). This arrangement suggests undoubtedly a rigorous organisation that aims to maximise the amount of space available (Figure 3). The same applies to several levels of Tomb T16, where a head-to-toe arrangement on a north-south axis was also found. But this organisation was not applied uniformly in all levels. The arrangement of the bones shows clearly that the bodies were not given special care and were either deposited in haste or thrown in from the opening above; thus, some mature and immature individuals are not found lying on their backs, but on their side and even prone (Figure 4).

[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]

Arguments can be put forward in support of deposition in a single event. Precise osteological observations could be made in situ within each of the two burial complexes, suggesting that individuals were deposited simultaneously or quasi-simultaneously, at least within each observed body deposition level. In several cases, skeletons were perfectly superimposed, without any intermediary sediment, and no disturbance resulting from successive depositions could be observed. We noted that body superposition results in a progressive settling of the skeletons at all levels and consequently in a concave profile overall, whilst the bodies nevertheless retained their anatomical articulation. This lends support to the hypothesis that all levels were created in the same operation, or at least within a limited time span. Tomb T18 was cut in a very irregular fashion, possibly betraying signs of haste in the face of multiple deaths.

Several elements allow us to propose that the bodies were treated in a specific and systematic manner. First we noted a whitish-grey matter of varying consistency, depending on the levels, which covered the body from head to foot. This matter, thought at first to be lime, often showed imprints of textile on its external face, implying that the bodies were first covered in it before being wrapped in cloth. The wrapping appears to have been tight, since several skeletons showed signs of compression in the shoulder area; their arms and legs were extended, and the hands were almost always joined over the pelvis (Figure 5). On analysis, we discovered that the whitish material was not lime, as first supposed, but plaster, its composition was identical at all levels - a further element in support of a single burial event. It seems that a plaster-covered cloth (sheet or shroud?) had been wound tightly round the body. This procedure has some elements in common with embalming or mummification.

[FIGURE 4 OMITTED]

The red crystallised residue, thought to be a resin on excavation, was found in the form of minute flakes, and was only present with some individuals, all from Tomb T18. A preliminary analysis of this residue identifies it as amber. Another rare and expensive material was more easily identified. Many small gold threads were observed repeatedly, most showing no direct relationship to the skeletons and probably residual. Only in the 2006 season did we find bands of gold thread in situ on the anterior side of the collar bone of one individual. These gold threads could either belong to clothing that has not survived or, since most of them appear to be residual, possibly come from richly clothed bodies that were undressed to prepare them for burial. The analysis of the gold threads has confirmed that they were indeed mainly of (18 carat) gold; the threads are hollow 'twisted blades', stained with haematite. It has not yet been possible to ascertain whether this haematite contaminated the threads or whether the threads were deliberately stained for aesthetic reasons. The fact that the threads are not linked to fragments of cloth renders their interpretation difficult. The analysis of the textile samples shows that several types of vegetable fibre, including flax, were present, as well as several different weaving techniques. Some samples have yielded tiny silver globules, associated with resin-impregnated cloth. Apart from these threads, only one pair of gold ear-rings was recovered from a skeleton in Tomb T18. No other artefact such as pottery or coins were deposited with or worn by the deceased.

[FIGURE 5 OMITTED]

Biological assessment

Bone preservation was very poor, but brown residues were often recovered directly in contact with the bones. These residues probably represent organic matter (perhaps leather, but it may be skin) and were often associated with well-preserved hair in specific micro-environments. Despite the poor preservation, we have attempted to estimate the age and sex of each individual following the recommendations of Bruzek et al. (2005). T 16 and T 18 contained 84 and 78 individuals respectively. We have also re-analysed tomb X78/T15 and studied the bones from sections and sondages carried out in the zones disturbed by various interventions. In all, 315 individuals were studied; if we take into account the yet unexcavated sectors, we estimate the total number of individuals to be in excess of 1300 individuals.

In terms of age at death in tombs T16 and T18, we have been able to highlight a predominance of young adults and a dearth of children: 14 individuals less than 10 years old were identified in tomb T16, and only 6 in tomb T18. This trend is also observable if all the sectors are considered together. Sex determinations, based on an examination of the pelvis, are poor for tombs T16 and T18, but suggest, for all sectors, a high percentage of female subjects (the rate of male burials is 27.5 per cent, much lower than the 50 per cent expected of a natural population).

Despite meticulous recording, we have not detected any traumatic lesions, a fact that would exclude the hypothesis of a massacre. This may be an effect of the poor preservation of detail on most bone, but traumatic lesions were also absent from better preserved specimens recovered in sondages and other interventions in the same area. Similarly, few degenerative lesions have been identified, a fact that seems to confirm the youthful character of the adult population. We have been able to work out the stature and propose an average height of 1.6m (Sjovold 1990), a height that is relatively tall compared to the norms of the period (Knussmann et al. 1988), perhaps indicating the presence of a middle or higher social class.

Discussion

Several elements lead us to conclude that the inhumations discovered in the central part of the catacomb of Saints Peter and Marcellinus reflect a fatal incident of some kind, affecting a large group of people. This appears not to be an isolated case, as a similar event is mentioned in an article by G. Wilpert (1910) concerning a specific sector of the catacomb of San Callisto; he briefly suggests the possibility of an epidemic, but does not take it further. We visited San Callisto in March 2006, and were able to observe a preserved stratigraphic section which shows remarkable similarities with the sections recorded in the catacomb of Saints Peter and Marcellinus. These similarities include the mode of deposition, the presence of whitish residues (plaster or lime) and the fact that in both cases the bodies were stored in spaces that predate and are different from the catacombs and were later separated from them.

The absence of traumatic lesions on the bones, even bearing in mind their poor state of preservation, lends support to the hypothesis of an epidemic. The chronology established so far excludes the famous 'Antonine plague' (AD 165-180), in fact an epidemic of smallpox (Gourevitch 2005), unless it is a resurgence of this epidemic. Other epidemics such as typhus or dysentery may however have been the cause. Ongoing bacterial DNA analyses on dental remains may eventually help to pinpoint the causes of this mortality crisis.

The site's unusual character lies in the funerary treatment of its individuals. Indeed, the treatment carried out (plaster, amber resin, textile wrapping) recalls mummification, and seems to refer to some 'exotic' practices, possibly connected to very early Christianity (cf. examples from third- and fourth-century Britain, in Green 1977). There are some indications of a high social status: the specific treatment of the bodies and the presence of rare and expensive materials like amber, gold and perhaps silver. Moreover, these burial areas were certainly imperial property, which again suggests a high social ranking. A military population is unlikely since women of adult age were amongst the deceased. The presence on the surface of a second-century cemetery of imperial equites is, however, an element to take into account and it is possible that families of military personnel are represented.

Conclusion

The archaeological and anthropological study of the central sector of the catacomb of Saints Peter and Marcellinus has produced particularly original results. Burials of a large number of individuals took place simultaneously, probably following an epidemic. The burial rite included binding in plaster, and the presence of amber and gold thread suggest a high ranking group of young adults probably associated with the imperial power, amongst which there were many women.

Acknowledgements

The individual authors wish to thank their respective institutions and express their gratitude to the Ecole Francaise de Rome, in particular its director, M. Gras, as well as S. Verger and Y. Riviere (respectively former and current directors of the antiquity section). Thanks are also due to the Maison des Sciences de l'Homme d'Aquitaine; these two institutions have been indispensable partners in the pursuit of our research. And finally, special thanks to Nathan Schlanger (INRAP). The analysis of the cloth fragment was carried out at the Laboratory for Physics and Astronomy at Utrecht, the Netherlands, under the direction of Prof. L. Rutgers. The excavation of T15 was directed by G. Pagni and L. Burdassi (PhD students at the Anthropological Laboratory at the University of Pisa). Two anthropological interventions were undertaken in September-October 2005 and March 2006, under the direction of D. Castex and Ph. Blanchard, working with R. Giuliani and M. Ricciardi (PCAS). The analyses of the amber and textile fragments were carried out by T. Deviese (doctoral student, Universite Pierre et Marie Curie, Paris, and University of Pisa) and C. Moulherat (C2RMF, Paris) respectively. Plaster was studied by C. Vanhove, and the gold thread from textiles by M. Lamoliatte; these analyses were conducted within a Master's programme at the CRP2A (Bordeaux) under the direction of R. Chapoulie and D. Castex.

The presence of pathogens (through bacterial DNA analysis) is being explored in collaboration with M. Drancourt, Unite des Rickettsies CNRS UMR6020, Faculte de Medecine, Marseille.

Thus far, [sup.14]C dating on the bones has proved inconclusive, due to lack of collagen.

Received: 25 September 2006; Accepted: 22 January 2007; Revised: 16 February 2007

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Philippe Blanchard (1) & Dominique Castex (2), with Michael Coquerelle (2), Raffaella Giuliani (3) & Monica Ricciardi (3)

(1) INRAP CIF, Tours, UMR 6173 Laboratoire Archeologie et Territoires/CITERES, France (Email: philippe.blanchard@inrap.fr)

(2) UMR5199 PACEA Laboratoire d'Anthropologie des Populations du Passe, Universite Bordeaux 1, Talence, France

(3) Pontificia Commissione di Archeologia Sacra, Rome, Italy

Translated by Madeleine Hummler, Antiquity, King's Manor, York YO1 7EP, UK