The Egyptian olive (Olea europaea subsp. europaea) in the later first millennium BC: origins and history using the morphometric analysis of olive stones.
Newton, Claire ; Terral, Jean-Frederic ; Ivorra, Sarah 等
Introduction
Olives grow only in a typical Mediterranean climate (Durand &
Flahault 1886; Baldy 1990) and remain today a staple food in the
Mediterranean basin. The pickled fruit is used as food, and the oil
extracted from its fleshy pulp has culinary uses, but is also used for
cosmetics, lubricants, and as a source of light. In the Graeco-Roman
civilisation, olive oil and wine were closely associated, because of
similarities in their transformation processes and their importance in
the economy, including daily life but also trade, religious rites and
art. The olive tree has been of significant cultural importance in that
region since prehistoric times, and still has symbolic and religious
significance today.
Egypt is divided climatically into two provinces: hyperarid and
arid. The Mediterranean coast belongs to the latter, with mild winters,
hot summers and an annual rainfall ranging from 20 to 200mm (Zahran
& Willis 1992: 8), and in its flora, this coast has distinct
Mediterranean affinities (Zahran & Willis 1992: xiii). However, the
climate is unsuitable for dry cultivation of the olive tree and Egypt
lies outside the ecological range of the wild olive, Olea europaea
subsp. oleaster (Zohary & Hopf 2000: map 14). The olive must
therefore have been introduced from elsewhere, as is endorsed by
etymology: its Egyptian name is borrowed from a Semitic language (Meeks
1993). Today, olives are cultivated on a small scale all over the
country, and on a larger scale in a few restricted areas (Figure 1). In
all cases, their cultivation requires irrigation.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
The date of the beginning of oleiculture in Egypt is subject to
debate (Serpico & White 2000: 398-9). Although there is evidence for
the consumption of olives and possibly of olive oil at least since the
New Kingdom (c. 1550-1070 BC), the products may have been imported. In
neighbouring Levant, olive use and probably cultivation, if not
domestication, are attested much earlier, during the Early Bronze Age
(c. 3300-2200 BC) (Liphschitz et al. 1991; Zohary & Hopf 2000: 149).
Its cultivation could have been introduced from the Levant to Crete and
Greece during the Early Bronze Age, then to southern Italy (Brun 2003:
128). The spread of oleiculture to northern Africa and Spain probably
followed the Phoenician expansion (Brun 2003).
To date, the oldest olive remains found in Egypt are charred stones
from Thirteenth Dynasty Memphis (Kom el-Rabi'a, c. 1802-1640 BC)
(Murray 2000: 610) and from the late Second Intermediate period Avaris
in the Nile delta (Tell el-Dab'a, Thanheiser 2004, in press). They
probably represent imported fruit from the Eastern Mediterranean
(Syro-Palestine), with which Egyptian trade was flourishing. The
earliest olive wood identifications date to the New Kingdom (Asensi
Amores 2003). Stones, leaves and wood are found regularly from the New
Kingdom onward (De Vartavan & Asensi Amores 1997: 183-6). The leaves
were used in garlands found in tombs from the New Kingdom, especially in
the Theban area (Greiss 1966; Germer 1988, 1989), and the wood was used
for the manufacture of coffins (Grosser et al. 1992). Finds from the
workers' villages of El-Amarna (Renfrew 1985:188) and Deir
el-Medina (Bell 1982:153) attest to their local consumption, although
olives must have been an occasional and luxurious food item.
Eastern Mediterranean trade in olives is demonstrated by the find
of thousands of olives and olive stones from a Late Bronze Age (late
fourteenth century BC) shipwreck at Ulu Burun off the southern coast of
Turkey, including a single deposit of more than 2500 stones in a
Canaanite jar (Haldane 1993: 352). The ship, which sank during the
Eighteenth Dynasty of the New Kingdom, also transported terebinth resin,
identified also at the Egyptian New Kingdom site of El-Amarna (Haldane
1993). Iconographic and textual evidence also point toward the
cultivation of the olive tree in Egypt during the New Kingdom (Meeks
1993). The texts also indicate that the produce was delivered almost
exclusively to the temples and to the royal house (Haldane 1993).
In Graeco-Roman times, the two main regions of cultivation for the
olive tree would have been around Memphis, the Fayum and around Thebes
(Serpico & White 2000: 401). A document dating to 255 BC gives us an
interesting clue concerning the varieties cultivated in Ptolemaic times;
Apollonios, owner of an estate located in the Fayum, recommends grafting
of olives to his employee Zenon, in order to introduce Greek varieties
to replace the Egyptian ones (P. Cairo Zen. 59184; Brun 2003: 128).
Other documents from the Zenon archives mention several varieties grown
in Egypt, in particular one 'from Chios' (Brun 2003:124). At
the time that Pliny writes (first century AD), 15 varieties are recorded
(Natural History XV: 15-7). Five of these bear large fruit suitable for
pickling, including an Egyptian one. Finds of numerous olive presses at
late Roman Akoris (third-fourth centuries AD), Middle Egypt, provide
archaeological evidence for large-scale olive oil production at that
time (Tsujimara 1995).
Finds from Ptolemaic and Roman period sites include wood (Asensi
Amores 2001), and all types of remains from settlement contexts in the
oases (Thanheiser 1999; Wuttmann et al. 1998). For the Roman period,
olive remains are also found at sites where they could not have been
grown, such as Berenike on the Red Sea coast (Cappers 1998) and
praesidia (fortified stations) on the roads linking the Nile valley to
the Red Sea ports (this study; Tengberg in prep).
In spite of its social and economic importance, the history of
olive cultivation in the eastern Mediterranean, and in Egypt in
particular, is not known in any detail. Where and when were the olives
introduced and adapted for cultivation, and which varieties were
selected? The purpose of this paper is to present the results of recent
research on the origins and uses of olive varieties in Egypt in later
prehistory, and to examine the implications for political contact and
trade. The method used is a morphometrical classification of the olive
stones, both from ancient and modern contexts.
Materials and method
The stones selected for analysis come from two main sites;
'Ayn-Manawir in the south of the Kharga Oasis and
Al-Zarqa/Maximianon in the Eastern Desert (Figure 1). 'Ayn-Manawir
is a large site located at the southern tip of the Kharga depression in
the Western desert. It comprises an elaborate complex of underground
water-collecting galleries (qanats) dug into the hill and used for
irrigating the slopes and plain surrounding the hill. The provenances of
the olive stones are: a Persian period settlement site (MMA) dated by
pottery to the fifth century BC (Thiers 2000a), a settlement site (MMS)
dating to the Roman Early and Middle Imperial periods, first and second
centuries AD (Thiers 2000b), and contexts related to Roman qanats, such
as the orchards/gardens MQ5d (Thiers 1998) and MQ10 (Newton et al.
2006), both dated to the Roman period (Thiers 1998: 23). Two stones come
from the Persian period settlement, 45 from the Roman contexts.
Al-Zarqa'/Maximianon, is a Roman praesidium (fortified
station) on the road from Koptos (modern Qift) to Myos Hormos (modern
Quseir) (Figure 1). The eight stones all come from the trash dump of
that building. The strata in which they were found are dated
archaeologically (ceramic material, coins and ostraca) to the second
half of the first century AD until the last quarter of the second
century AD--beginning of the third century AD (Brun & Redde 2003).
At the same time, fruit from three modern Egyptian varieties were
collected in October 2003: Baladi, a cultivated variety grown in the
south of the Kharga Oasis, collected in Baris, Azizi and Toffahi, two
varieties grown in the Nile valley at Sahel Silim near Assiut (Figure
1). It seems that the Taffahi variety can be identified with another
variety called Fayumi and grown in the Fayum. Toffahi is also known to
be grown in Syria (NPGS 2003). Ninety specimens of these modern Egyptian
olive stones were added to a reference collection of olive stones from
various Mediterranean countries (Terral et al. 2004) that comprises 1500
stones, 330 wild and 1170 cultivated. This reference collection is kept
in Montpellier, at the Centre de Bio-Archeologie et d'Ecologie.
The size of fruit and seed varies according to its agricultural
status (uncultivated or cultivated) and the taxonomical status of the
plant (subspecies or botanical variety), but also on a number of other
ecological, anthropogenic, pathological and developmental variables.
Since the whole fruit is not usually available in archaeological
contexts, the method of classification used was geometrical morphometry (Bookstein 1991; Marcus et al. 1996), which consists of characterising
the geometry (shape) of a structure, independently from its dimension
(size). Factors connected to the developmental and environmental
parameters cause morphological variability, also called phenotypic
plasticity. The variation in the shape of the olive stone (the
'plasticity of its morphological character') can be explained
by three main components, genetic, environmental and ontogenetic (growth
and development). Stones of similar shape should have biogeographical or
historical connections. The results should nevertheless be interpreted
with caution, because morphology is currently considered as the
expression of systems of genes that are often unknown.
Geometrical morphometric analyses were carried out on olive stones
following the protocols previously developed by Terral et al. (2004).
Each record involved the image capture of the stone and its reduction to
a standardised outline. The outlines were compared using multivariate
statistical analyses: CVA (Canonical Variate Analysis) and UPGMA (Unweighed Pair Group Method with Arithmetic mean). The archaeological
specimens were then statistically clustered with the newly augmented
reference collection (see above). This analysis showed up morphological
relationships between ancient and modern olive populations and
cultivars, and situated the archaeological stones (N = 55) with those of
nearest similarity (Table 1 and Figure 2).
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
Results
In comparison to the widely provenanced varieties in the reference
collection, the three modern Egyptian cultivars constitute an original
cluster. They are themselves morphologically related, but very
dissimilar to other groups (Figure 2). Within this 'Egyptian
group', the morphological similitude between Azizi and Toffahi may
indicate that these two cultivars correspond in fact to a single
cultivated variety. This fact constitutes an example of synonymy common
in the case of cultivated varieties, and related to distinct cultivation
regions.
The stones from archaeological contexts were identified as
belonging either to the Egyptian group (23) or to Group III (14),
composed of Israeli wild populations, one Israeli cultivar and three
French cultivars (Table 1). The examples were from Persian or Roman
period contexts. The remaining eighteen out of the 55 specimens could
not be identified (Table 1).
Discussion
The olive stones found on both the archaeological sites, in both
the Persian and the Roman periods, are related to two distinct modern
groups (Table 1). One group is represented by the modern Egyptian
cultivars, which themselves form a distinct group from the rest of the
reference material (Figure 2). This shows that there has been continuity
in the cultivation of this group of cultivars from at least the middle
of the last millennium BC. In the present state of research, this could
mean that these cultivars evolved and were selected in Egypt, or that
the cultivar that was first introduced in Egypt has not yet entered the
reference data base. Genetic data from Toffahi has shown the presence of
a specific marker (ME2 mitotype) (Besnard & Berville 2000; Besnard
et al. 2002) common in some cultivars such as Amygdalolia (Greece),
Zaity (Syria), probably originated from an ancestral domestication
centre located in the Eastern Mediterranean Basin. However, the origin
of this group currently remains unknown.
The second group is related to wild types and cultivars that could
have originated in the Levant region (Syro-Palestine), the region where
the oldest traces of intensive olive use and perhaps cultivation have so
far been found (Liphschitz et al. 1991). This implies that olives of
this variety were perhaps first imported as fruit or oil into Egypt and
later introduced as cultivars. Trade relations between the two regions
are older than the Pharaonic period, and they have been under common
rule several times during their history.
The presence of olives from both areas of origin during the Persian
period raises the question of whether they were introduced at that time.
Briant (1997: 89) suggests that the Persian authorities could have given
fiscal incentive to Egyptian farmers to settle and dig qanats
(underground water-collecting galleries) in the region, leaving them
free to arrange the details of the irrigation regulations. That could
also have been the case for the selection of crops to grow on the
irrigated land. The choices would thus be in accordance with local
constraints rather than with a distant central power. However, olive
remains are still scarce for this period at 'Ayn-Manawir
(fragments, 3 complete stones), although that may be due to the mode of
preservation, i.e. exclusively charred. No mention is made of any olive
product or of olive cultivation on the Persian period ostraca (M.
Chauveau pets. comm.), and up to now no olive charcoal has been
identified.
Between the Persian and Roman periods, there is evidence of
occupation during the Ptolemaic period, but no olive remains were found
in the few samples collected (Newton 2002). However, it is possible that
the trees introduced presumably under Persian rule were cultivated until
the Roman time of expansion of the local settlements. Grafts and/or
fruit from elsewhere could also have re-introduced oleiculture in the
oasis. In the Roman period there is textual evidence for the presence of
olive groves and olive oil in the area of the two sites examined (P.
Jand. 142; Wagner 1987: 296). The cultivation of olive trees is
described on field borders, and in association with barley, grapevine,
and date palms (P. Jand. 142; Bousquet & Redde 1994: 87-8).
Although Persian-period olive stones are scarce, the results show
that two different varieties were grown at that time, and that the same
two were still grown five centuries later, during the Roman period. The
more abundant Roman material also shows that one or several more
varieties were produced at that time, but it cannot yet be demonstrated
whether they were also produced in the previous period, for lack of
archaeological stones. The cultivation of the same types during the two
periods may indicate, either that the same trees were cultivated again
with the new agricultural expansion of the region during the Roman
period, and that they could have been tended to between the two periods,
or that the same types were meanwhile still being cultivated in another
area, perhaps even within the Kharga oasis, from which new individuals
were introduced into the region of' Ayn-Manawir.
The two identified morphotypes found at 'Ayn-Manawir were also
found at Al-Zarqa'. Al-Zarqa'/Maximianon is a fortified
station on a road which was used as a relay for caravans transporting
goods imported through a Red Sea port to the Nile valley, and other
goods from the valley to the port and settlements along the road. Olives
and olive oil are mentioned in the ostraca from the Roman stations along
this road, as products imported from the valley (Bulow-Jacobsen 2003:
420). The olive stones found at the site probably represent varieties
grown in the Nile valley.
The two types therefore occur on either side of the valley, on a
producer site and on a consumer site. If we consider that the olives
were imported to Al-Zarqa' most probably from the Nile valley, it
could mean that the varieties grown in Egypt during the early Roman
times were the same in the valley and in the south of the Kharga oasis.
The chronological and geographical origin of these morphotypes in Egypt
remains to be elucidated, through the analysis of older material from
the Nile valley.
Conclusion and perspectives
The results from the first geometrical morphometric analyses of
modern and archaeological olive stones show, on the one hand, that the
modern Egyptian cultivars are significantly distinct from the rest of
the reference varieties, and on the other hand, that the cultivation of
these varieties dates back at least to the middle of the last millennium
BC, during the first Persian rule over Egypt. The archaeological
material also reveals the cultivation of other varieties, one related to
modern types probably originating from the Levant, the other(s) not yet
identified. The identity of the first varieties introduced in Egypt, and
the further evolution of oleiculture through Pharaonic, Classical and
Islamic times, need to be assessed through the analysis of additional
archaeological material from diverse periods, including the first
attested remains (Middle and New Kingdom).
To be determined more precisely is the identity of the variety or
varieties represented by the olive stones that could not be linked to
any group from the present reference collection. For that purpose, we
are still lacking reference material, from wild types growing in Syria,
and from cultivars grown in Egypt as well as in neighbouring countries
in the Eastern Mediterranean region (Israel, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey,
Cyprus, Greece, Tunisia). We must therefore consider these first results
as preliminary.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank Michel Wuttmann, Helene Cuvigny and
the Ifao for allowing the study of plant macro-remains from the sites of
'Ayn-Manawir and Al-Zarqa', and for providing the necessary
equipment on the sites. Hamdi Hammam Hassan, inspector for the Supreme
Council of Antiquities and 'Abd El-Ghany Mohammed Ahmed from the
village of Douch, are also thanked for their collaboration in collecting
the reference material. Thierry Gonon helped with the processing of the
photographs from 'Ayn-Manawir. The Ifao and the French Ministry of
Foreign Affairs funded the archaeological missions. Michel Chauveau and
Helene Cuvigny kindly provided comments and references on textual
evidence for olive in the studied sites. Dimitri Meeks kindly allowed us
to use his map. This work was supported by the CNRS--GDR 2474 <<
Morphometrie et Evolution des formes >>.
Received: 25 October 2004; Accepted: 16 February 2005; Revised: 14
July 2005
References
ASENSI AMOROS, V. 2001. Madera de Egipto, madera importada. I:
Contribucion del estudio de la anatomia de la madera para la comprension
de la civilizacion egipcia, in J. Cervello Autuori & A. Quevedo
Alvarez (ed.) ... Ir a buscar lena, Estudios dedicados al prof Jesus
Lopez: 23-32. Barcelona: Aula Aegyptiaca--Studia 2.
--2003. L'etude du bois et de son commerce en Egypte: lacunes
des connaissances actuelles et perspectives pour l'analyse
xylologique, in K. Neumann, A. Butler & S. Kahlheber (ed.) Food,
Fuel and Fields. Progress in African Archaeobotany: 177-86. Koln:
Heinrich-Barth Institut.
BALDY, C. 1990. Le climat de l'olivier (Olea europaea L.).
Ecologia Mediterranea XVI: 113-21.
BELL, M. 1982. Preliminary report on the Mycenian Pottery from Deir
el-Medina (1979-1980). Annales du Service des Antiquites de
l'Egypte 68: 143-63.
BESNARD, G. & A. BERVILLE. 2000. Multiple origins for
Mediterranean olive (Olea europaea L. ssp. europaea) based upon
mitochondrial DNA polymorphisms. Compres Rendus de l'Academie des
Sciences, Paris (Seiences de la Vie) 323: 173-81.
BESNARD, G., B. KHADARI, P. BARADAT & A. BERVILLE. 2002.
Combination of chloroplast and mitochondrial DNA polymorphisms to study
cytoplasm genetic differentiation in the olive complex (Olea europaea
L.). Theoretical and Applied Genetics 105: 139-44.
BOOKSTEIN, F.L. 1991. Morphometric tools for landmark data.
Geometry and Biology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
BOUSQUET, B. & M. REDDE. 1994. Les installations hydrauliques
et les parcellaires datas la region de Tell Douch, in B. Menu (ed.) Les
problemes institutionnels de l'eau en Egypte ancienne et dans
l'Antiquite mediteraneenne. Colloque AIDEA Vogue 1992. Bibliotheque
d'Etude 60: 73-88. Cairo: IFAO.
BRIANT, P. 1997. Bulletin d'Histoire Achemenide (I), Topoi.
Orient-Occident, Supplement 1, Recherches recentes sur l'Empire
achemenide: 5-127.
BRUN, J.-P. 2003. Le vin et l'huile dans la Mediterranee
antique. Viticulture, oleiculture et procedes de transformation. Paris:
Errance.
BRUN, J.-P. & M. REDDE. 2003. L'architecture des praesidia
et la genese des depotoirs, VI. Al-Zarqa' (Maximianon), in H.
Cuvigny (ed.) La route de Myos Hormos. L'armee romaine dans le
desert Oriental d'Egypte, vol. 1: 100-26. Cairo: IFAO.
BULOW-JACOBSEN, A. 2003. The traffic on the road and the
provisioning of the stations, in H. Cuvigny (ed.) La route de Myos
Hormos. L'armee romaine dans le desert Oriental d'Egypte, vol.
2: 399-426. Cairo: IFAO.
CAPPERS, R. 1998. Archaeobotanical remains, in S. Sidebotham &
W. Wendrich (ed.) Berenike '96. Report of the Excavations at
Berenika (Egyptian Red Sea Coast) and the Survey of the Eastern Desert:
289-330. Leiden: Research School CNWS.
DE VARTAVAN, C. & V. ASENSI AMOROS. 1997. Codex of Ancient
Egyptian Plant Remains. London: Triade Exploration.
DURAND, E. & FLAHAULT, C. 1886. Les limites de la region
mediterraneenne en France. Bulletin de la Societe Botanique Francaise,
vol. 33: 24-34.
GERMER, R. 1988. Katalog der altagyptischen Pflanzenreste der
Berliner Museen. Agyptologische Abhandlungen 47. Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz.
--1989. Die Blutenhalskragen aus RT 54. Miscellanea Aegyptologica
Wolfgang Helck zum 75. Geburstag: 89-96. Hamburg: Archaologisches
Institut der Universitat Hamburg.
GREISS, E. 1966. Identification anatomique desplantes provenant de
trois fouilles archeologiques. Bulletin de l'Institut d'egypte
42-3: 17-38.
GROSSER, D., R. GRUNWALD & B. KREISSL. 1992. Holz--ein
wichtiger Werkstoff im Alten Agypten, in S. Schoske, B. Kreissl & R.
Germer (ed.) Anch--Blumen fur das Leben--Pflanzen im Alten Agypten.
Schriften aus der Agyptischen Sammlung (SAS), Heft 6:251-61. Munich:
Staatliche Sammlung Agyptischer Kunst Museum.
HALDANE, C. 1993. Direct evidence for organic cargoes in the Late
Bronze Age. World Archaeology 24/3: 348-60.
LIPHSCHITZ, N., R. GOPHNA, M. HARTMANN & G. BIGER. 1991. The
beginning of olive (Olea europaea) cultivation in the Old World: a
reassessment. Journal of Archaeological Science 18: 441-53.
MARCUS, L.F., M. CORTI, A. LOY, G.J.P. NAYLOR & D. SLICE. 1996.
Advances in Morphometries. NATO ASI series. New York: Plenum Press.
MEEKS, D. 1993. Oleiculture et viticulture dans l'Egypte
pharaonique, in M.-C Amouretti. & J.-P. Brun (ed.) Oil and Wine
Production in the Mediterranean Area, Bulletin de Correspondance
Hellenique, Supplement 26: 3-38. Athens: Ecole Francaise d'Athenes.
MURRAY, M.A. 2000. Fruits, vegetables, pulses and condiments, in P.
Nicholson & I. Shaw (ed.) Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology:
609-55. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
NEWTON, C. 2002. Environnement vegetal et economie en Haute-Egypte
a Adaima au Predynastique; Approches archeobotaniques comparatives de la
Deuxieme dynastie a l'epoque romaine. Universite Montpellier II,
Montpellier. Unpublished PhD thesis.
NEWTON, C., T. GONON & M. WUTTMANN. 2006. Un jardin
d'oasis d'epoque romaine a 'Ayn-Manawir (Kharga, Egypte).
BIFAO 105: 167-96.
RENFREW, J. 1985. Preliminary report on the botanical remains, in
B. Kemp (ed.) Amarna reports II, Occasional Publications 2: 175-90.
London: Egypt Exploration Society.
SERPICO, M. & R. WHITE. 2000. Oil, fat and wax, in 12.
Nicholson & I. Shaw (ed.) Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology:
390-429. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
TENGBERG, M. in prep. L'acquisition et l'utilisation des
produits vegetaux a Didymoi; Analyse archeobotanique. In the collective
publication of the Didymoi praesidium.
TERRAL, J.-F., N. ALONSO, R. BUXO I CAPDEVILA, N. CHATTI, L. FABRE,
G. FIORENTINO, P. MARINVAL, G. PEREZ JORDA, B. PRADAT, N. ROVIRA, P.
ALIBERT. 2004. Historical biogeography of olive domestication (Olea
europaea L.) as revealed by geometrical morphometry applied to
biological and archaeological material. Journal of Biogeography 31 :
63-77.
THANHEISER, U. 1999. Plant Remains from Kellis: First Results, in
C. Hope & A. Mills (ed.) Dakhleh Oasis Project: Preliminary Reports
on the 1992-1993 and 1993-1994 Field Seasons: 89-93. Oxford: Oxbow.
--2004. Die Pflanzenreste, in I. Hein & P. Janosi (ed.) Tee
el-Dab'a XI. Areal A/V. Siedlungsrelikte der spaten 2.
Zwischenzeit. Mit Beitragen von Karin Kopetzky, Louise Maguire, Christa
Mlinar, Graham Philip, Andreas Tillmann, Ursula Thanheiser aund Karl
Grosschmidt: 377-83. Vienna: Osterreichischen Akademie der
Wissenschaften.
--in press. Uber den Ackerbau in dynastischer Zeit. Ergebnisse der
Untersuchung von Pflanzenresten aus Tell el-Dab'a, in M. Bietak et
al. (ed.) Tell el-Dab'a VIII. Interdisziplinare Studien. Vienna:
Osterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.
THIERS, C. 1998. Le bassin de regulation de la qanat Q5, in M.
Wuttmann (ed.) "Ayn-Manawir et Douch, campagne 1998. Rapport
interne: 21-6.
--2000a. 'Ayn-Manawir: l'habitat MMA, in M. Wuttmann
(ed.) "Ayn-Manawir et Douch, campagnes 1999 et 2000: 8-35.
--2000b. 'Ayn-Manawir: l'habitat MMS, in M. Wuttmann
(ed.) "Ayn-Manawir et Douch, campagnes 1999 et 2000:41-8.
TSUJIMARA, S. 1995. Olive oil production in Akoris. Akoris. Report
on the excavations at Akoris in Middle Egypt 1981-1992. Kyoto: Koyo
Shobo: 464-70.
WAGNER, G. 1987. Les oasis d'Egypte a l'epoque grecque,
romaine et byzantine d'apres les documents grecs. Cairo: IFAO.
WUTTMANN, M., H. BARAKAT, B. BOUSQUET, M. CHAUVEAU, T. GONON, S.
MARCHAND, M. ROBIN & A. SCHWEITZER. 1998. 'Ayn-Manawir (oasis
de Kharga), Deuxieme rapport preliminaire. BIFAO 98: 367-462.
ZAHRAN, M. & A. WILLIS. 1992. The vegetation of Egypt. London:
Chapman & Hall.
ZOHARY, D. & M. HOPF. 2000. Domestication of plants in the Old
World. The origin and spread of cultivated plants in West Asia, Europe
and the Nile Valley. Third edition. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Claire Newton * (1), Jean-Frederic Terral * (2) & Sarah Ivorra
* (3)
* Centre de Bio-Archeologie et d'Ecologie (CNRS UMR 5059/EPHE), Institut de Botanique (Universite Montpellier 2), 163 rue A.
Broussonnet, 34090 Montpellier, France
(1) As above and Institut Francais d'Archeologie Orientale
(IFAO), 37 Al-Cheikh Ali Yussef Street, Qasr Al Ainy BP 11562, Cairo,
Egypt (Email: cnewton@univ-montp2.fr)
(2) Email: terral@univ-montp2.fr
(3) Email: ivorra@univ-montp2.fr
Table 1. Allocation of archaeological stones to extant morphological
groups defined by UPGMA
Archaeological
Site Cultural period context N Morphotype
AM Persian period 2 III
Egyptian
Roman period MMS3 11 III (n = 3)
Egyptian (n = 5)
unclassified (n = 3)
MMS6 1 unclassified
MMS19 9 III (n = 4)
Egyptian (n = 4)
unclassified (n = 1)
MMS23 5 I1I (n = 2)
Egyptian (n = 1)
unclassified (n = 2)
MMS47 2 III
unclassified
MMS51 4 Egyptian (n = 1)
unclassified (n = 3)
MMS61 8 III (n = 1)
Egyptian (n = 4)
unclassified (n = 3)
MMS523 2 Egyptian
unclassified
MQ 3 Egyptian (n = 2)
unclassified
Z Roman period 8 Egyptian (n = 4)
III-IV-V (n = 2)
unclassified (n = 2)
Probability of
Site N allocation
AM 2 0.62
0.70
11 0.64-0.80
0.62 [less than or equal to] p
[less than or equal to] 0.96
1
9 0.62 [less than or equal to] p
[less than or equal to] 0.74
0.62 [less than or equal to] p
[less than or equal to] 0.89
5 0.71-0.85
0.68
2 0.72
4 0.74
8 0.73
0.63 [less than or equal to] p
[less than or equal to] 1.00
2 0.98
3 0.85-0.98
Z 8 0.87 [less than or equal to] p
[less than or equal to] 1.00
0.62-0.66