Early hunter-gatherers in the Americas: perspectives from central Brazil.

Kipnis, Renato

There is a preconception among American archaeologists that the late Pleistocene (c. 12,00010,000 b.p.) and early Holocene human occupation of the Americas would have had highly formalized and diagnostic technologies (Bryan 1986), as seen in bifacial fluted projectiles (Clovis and/or Folsom points(1)) or Palaeo-arctic microblades, This bias carries with it two presumptions which have no reason to exist:

* Clovis and related industries had to be diffused throughout the Americas; and

* there should be a 'big-game hunting' horizon in South America.

In short, the North American archetype is being used: if there is a late Pleistocene human occupation in South America, then it should look like the one in North America.

Although several archaeological sites in South America are of the same age as Clovis and Folsom, they do not show the characteristics typical of North American Palaeoindian occupation (Dillehay et al. 1992). Until very recently, a late Pleistocene human occupation in South America was not accepted by mainstream North American archaeologists (Fiedel 1996; West 1991). This can be explained by three factors:

* there was no undisputed pre-Clovis site in North America, as there should be if there were Clovis' contemporaneous occupations in South America and the migration went from north to south;

* the lack of discrete chronological horizon in South America, similar to Clovis period in North America; and

* scarcity of information about South American archaeology being done by South American archaeologists.

The recent publications of Monte Verde site reports (Dillehay 1989; 1997) and site visit by a group of archaeologists (Meltzer et al. 1997; Pedler & Adovasio 1997) put an end to the 'pre-Clovis' occupation debate with the indisputable evidence of human occupation in southern Chile c. 12,500 years b.p. Along with that we hope that more attention will be geared to other South American late Pleistocene sites, and more importantly, to the variability of early human adaptations in the Americas.

This article presents evidence of late Pleistocene human occupations at several sites in the eastern tropical lowlands of South America, specifically in central Brazil, that are not characterized by the presence of specialized 'big-game hunting' assemblages. The archaeological record from this region shows that until c. 3500 years b.p. the region was occupied continuously by egalitarian foraging groups subsisting entirely on wild animals and plants. Reviewing archaeological evidences of this early occupation, this article suggests that adaptation was based primarily on plants and small mammals, with an expedient lithic assemblage geared to manufacturing wood implements.

The fact that late Pleistocene lithic assemblages from South America are distinct from North America should not be a surprise. Clovis, Folsom, Lindenmeier and other North American late Pleistocene and early Holocene periods are specific adaptations to particular ecological context and subsistence strategy. When humans migrated to South America they encountered a very ecologically diverse land, and had to adapt and adjust to this new environment. From an ecological point of view, important once we deal with subsistence strategies, we are talking about local adaptation during a period of important palaeoclimatic changes. The variability found among human occupation in the Americas during late Pleistocene and early Holocene periods can be partially explained by regional adaptations of people facing environmental risk.

Theoretical framework

The human ecological approach to hunter-gatherer studies has shown those societies use a broad range of ways to mitigate risk, including mobility, storage, logistical collecting, exchange, communal sharing, intensification and diversification (e.g. Colson 1979; Goland 1991; Halstead & O'Shea 1989; Spielmann 1986; Wiessner 1982; Winterhalder 1990). Combinations of these mechanisms have been used to define contrasting strategies: foragers/collectors (Binford 1980), immediate return systems/delayed return systems (Woodburn 1980), nomadic hunter-gatherers/sedentary hunter-gatherers (Testar 1982), generalized hunter-gatherers/complex hunter-gatherers (Hayden 1990). These strategies are culturally defined adaptive responses to specific sets of environmental conditions, which vary both spatially and temporally in a given environment.

Anthropologists interested in environmental adaptation have argued that diversification (exploitation of a broader spectrum of resources) is a particularly effective mechanism of risk management. Diversification, together with intensification (increase in productivity, intensification proper and specialization; Morrison 1994) are likely adaptive responses to climatic instability in the late Pleistocene and early Holocene in the Old and in the New Worlds: both may have been key to the development of complex hunter-gatherer societies (Price 1991; Price & Brown 1985), and to the origin of agriculture (Binford 1968; Cohen 1977; Flannery 1986; Redding 1988). On the basis of the archaeological record from central Brazil it has been suggested that diversification and intensification were also mechanisms employed by hunter-gatherer groups in this region during the late Pleistocene and early Holocene, a period marked by palaeoclimatic instability and major environmental changes (Schmitz 1981; 1987a).

Palaeo-climate

Climatic changes did not affect the whole of the central Brazil region equally; recent palaeoclimatic studies from different areas are producing different results. Pollen sequences from two regions in Minas Gerais indicate an increase in seasonality with a concomitant extension of the dry season and a reduction in winter cooling at the end of the Pleistocene and early Holocene. Over the past 17,000 years, a rapid succession of different forest types in the pollen record from Salitre is interpreted as reflecting rapid climate changes (Ledru et al. 1996). Between c. 9000 and c. 5500 b.p., climatic shifts from cold/humid to warm/dry were observed in one pollen sequence (Ledru 1993); at 5000 years there was an arid interval. Another pollen record from Lago do Pires, a transitional zone from cerrado to forest, recorded a moist phase between 8810 and 7500 b.p.; at 5530 b.p. a major change in vegetation, from cerrado to extensive forests, took place (Behling 1995). A fourth pollen record from Minas Gerais suggested a brief cooling period at 5000 b.p. (Oliveira 1992). Another recent palaeoclimatic study in Goias indicated an increase of precipitation c. 10,400-7700 b.p. Humidity continued to increase in the next period (6500-3500 b.p.), with highest levels at the Climatic Optimum (Vicenti 1993). Climatic and vegetation changes in central Brazil seem to have had local variations.

Late Pleistocene and early Holocene hunter-gatherers living in this region had to cope with both climatic instability and local ecological variation with inter-annual rainfall fluctuation, unpredictability, and long-term environmental change amongst the critical variables. Rainfall is an important environmental variable, ultimately determining the food base for hunters (grazing animal biomass and distribution), as well as primary productivity for gatherers (Low 1990). The variability among late Pleistocene and early Holocene human occupation throughout the Americas can be partially explained by regional adaptation to local palaeoenvironmental conditions.

Archaeological record

Evidence of human occupation in central Brazil dates back to the Pleistocene/Holocene transition, with the earliest radiocarbon date at c. 12,000 b.p. (TABLE 1). The main archaeological sites are in the state of Minas Gerais (several sites at Peruacu Valley and Grande Abrigo de Santana do Riacho), Mato Grosso (Santa Elina), Pernambuco (several sites at Sao Raimundo Nonato), and Goias (GO-JA-01) [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. From the very limited archaeological record Schmitz (1981; 1987a) proposed three temporal divisions for the late Pleistocene/early Holocene human occupation of Central Brazil: Beginning of Holocene (11,000-8500 b.p.): Transitional Period (8500-6500 b.p.): and Climatic Optimum(2) (65000-4000 b.p.).

According to Schmitz, the Beginning of the Holocene was a homogeneous cultural horizon. Central Brazil was occupied by hunter-gatherers in dispersed and highly mobile bands, with a subsistence pattern based on hunting large mammals (tapir, peccaries, deer), supplemented by anteaters, armadillos, turtles, lizards, rhea, birds and fishes (Jacobus 1983; Moreira 1983-4). Molluscs are absent, fruit seeds, especially from palm trees, are present (Schmitz 1981; Schmitz et al. 1989).

The Transitional Period is associated with modifications in subsistence, technology and settlement. There is archaeological evidence that terrestrial molluscs assume an important subsistence role and that fruits were consumed in large quantities. The increased abundance of terrestrial molluscs in interior sites, such as the rock-shelters of Goias and Minas Gerais, is accompanied on the coast by the first specialized gatherers of marine and lagoon shellfish (sambaquis) (Schmitz 1987a; 1987b). Sites are still dispersed, and there is no significant change in their number (Schmitz 1981; Schmitz et el. 1989).

[TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 1 OMITTED]

At the Climatic Optimum, according to Schmitz, there is increased use of smaller vertebrates. Food remains continue to emphasize molluscs, but in smaller quantities and consisting almost exclusively of large gastropods. Remains of large and medium-sized vertebrates are not numerous; small mammals predominate. Exploitation of birds appears to have intensified. A variety of seeds and palm nuts often fill pits or form lenses in hearths. After 5000 b.p. the number of sites increases, suggesting significant demographic growth (Prous 1992). Rock-shelters and caves intensively used in the previous periods are abandoned during this period in the south of Piaui, Pernambuco, parts of Minas Gerais and Goias (Schmitz 1981; Prous 1992).

These changes in subsistence pattern as reflected in the archaeological record may be responses to climatic changes and their effects on the ecosystem. It has been argued that the palaeoclimate of central Brazil became more humid during the period between the early Holocene and the Climatic Optimum (Ab'Saber 1981; Schmitz 1987a); with an increase in humidity, molluscs proliferated, vegetation became denser, and mammals became more dispersed (so terrestrial game declined in abundance). Hunting would have been more difficult. The Climatic Optimum saw an extraordinary expansion of vegetation: forests appeared, parklands expanded and thorn-scrub forests were reduced. Terrestrial game further decreased in abundance. By Schmitz's (1981; 1987a) argument, humans responded by altering their resource base, with greater emphasis on plants, and much less reliance on animals, particularly large ones. The great majority of the archaeological evidence dated to late Pleistocene and early Holocene periods is found in rock-shelters and caves (in contrast to the open-air sites of North America). This does not mean that people were living only in caves; a bias of survival and discovery has to be taken into consideration, and we have to spend some energy in searching for open-air sites. But we do have sites with very good preservation, well-defined stratified deposits [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED], and rich sequences of remains from the Pleistocene/Holocene transition to the 19th century.

Systematic research in central Brazil is being done in three main areas: the regions of Rondonopolos, Mato Grosso; Cerra da Capivara, Paiui; and Vale do Peruacu, Minas Gerais [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. This large area of Brazil shows a clear and recurrent pattern of sites sharing similar material culture, subsistence pattern, and a consistent range of radiocarbon dates which is strong evidence of human occupation in South America c. 12,000 years b.p. It also shows that, contrary to Schmitz's generalized hunting-based economy, the early inhabitants of this region were primarily gatherers.

Three important archaeological sites in eastern/central Brazil - Grande Abrigo de Santana do Riacho, Lapa dos Bichos and Lapa do Boquete, in the state of Minas Gerais - are rock-shelters presenting excellent organic preservation, and rich stratified sequences of remains dating from the Pleistocene/Holocene transition to the Holocene [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED].

Grande Abrigo de Santana do Riacho, a rock-shelter formed by the falling of quartzite blocks from the base of a cliff, is an exception in an area dominated by karstic caves and rock-shelters. Excavations conducted in the southern part of the rock-shelter cover 100 sq. m. The occupation dates back to 11,960 [+ or -] 250 b.p. (GIF-5089) and is continuous up to 3990+70 b.p. (Prous 1992; 1993).

Lapa do Boquete and Lapa dos Bichos are located in the Peruacu valley, in the northern region of Minas Gerais. The Peruacu river's origin is located in the gneiss, 80 km northwest on the left margin of the Sao Francisco river. Its middle course cuts through Precambrian calcareous formations, and in the past it was almost entirely subterranean. A roof collapse exposed the river bed, forming a canyon with cliffs of 50-100 m, with karstic forms (lapies, dolines and residual forms), and subterranean sections 1-3 km long (Prous 1991b). The canyon, intensively occupied by prehistoric groups, offers material culture, subsistence remains, burials and numerous cave paintings and engravings. Lapa do Boquete and Lapa dos Bichos are two of more than 60 known sites in the canyon where systematic excavations have been carried out in just a small part.

These three sites are important to understanding the Postglacial period in eastern central Brazil: all three have excellent organic preservation including rich botanical and animal remains, perishable wooden and reed artefacts, and human burials. Several occupation levels span most of the Postglacial period. In the first archaeological level at Lapa do Boquete (12,000[+ or -]170 years b.p., CTDN-2403) and at Lapa dos Bichos (10,450[+ or -]70 years b.p., BETA-100397) a lithic industry has flint and silicified sandstone artefacts and the by-products of their manufacture, characterized by end-scrapers and rare bifacial projectile points. Microscopic use-wear analysis shows that many implements have been used; most of the wear is associated with woodworking (Prous et al. 1992).

At Santana do Riacho the lithic industry, mainly on quartz and quartzite, has side-scrapers, end-scrapers, borers and rare bifacial projectile points (Prous 1991). Use-wear studied in a sample of the Santana do Riacho lithic collection also showed general evidence of woodworking (Alonso 1991).

Although there may be local variation in the lithic industries of central Brazil, the industries from Minas Gerais resemble those from other parts of this region: an expedient lithic assemblage, with not many multifunctional tools, many scrapers, very rare bifacial points, and few highly curated tools [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED]. It presents not only clearly morphological patterning (limaces) but other indicators of human modification: cores, flakes and conjoining flakes. Other important characteristics which attest to a human presence are the artefacts and flakes made of exotic raw material, the presence of burned lithic material in areas where natural fire could not have occurred (caves) and the use-wear already mentioned.

We know very little about botanical remains in central Brazil despite very good preservation at Santana do Riacho and sites in the Peruacu Valley. The general picture shows the exploitation of wild fruits (coquinhos, guariroba, licuri, chicha, pequi, jatoba, and other cerrado fruits). This exploitation does not stop with the advent of corn and manioc agriculture (Veloso & Resende 1992). Although subsistence shows spatial and temporal variation throughout the post-Pleistocene period in central Brazil, it is characterized by a broad-spectrum diet based on gathered fruits and roots.

There are a few faunal case-studies. Faunal remains from Peruacu Valley sites and Santana do Riacho are currently being analysed (by the author). The pattern becoming clear is of small and medium-sized animals predominating in the archaeological record from central Brazil. The majority are mammals (rodents, armadillos, primates, sloths, Brazilian rabbits, anteaters), with some reptiles, birds and fishes. Bigger animals (deer, peccaries, tapir), rare to start with, are more represented in later occupations. The working hypothesis is that, with the advent of agriculture, people who had minimized the risk of subsistence stress were taking more 'chances' in hunting bigger animals. There is no clear evidence of late Pleistocene people hunting extinct 'mega-fauna'.

The appearance of domesticated plants in the archaeological record of central Brazil is not well dated. The appearance of ceramic in the archaeological sequence of rock-shelter sites in central Brazil is usually interpreted as evidence of the first horticultural groups, and is known as the Una tradition. Sometimes the pottery is associated with domesticated plants (i.e. corn and manioc). The earliest evidence for the Una tradition in central Brazil dates to 3490 b.p. (Prous 1992). This tradition is defined by the presence of a few ceramic vessels (small and undecorated) and almost exclusive to rock-shelters. Although a survey and/or preservation bias might explain the lack of open-air sites, another plausible explanation is that this is evidence of mutualistic interaction between hunter-gatherers and horticulturalists. The fact that the lithic industry from the Una tradition is not different from the previous occupations (Prous 1992; Schmitz et al. 1989) might be an indicator the latter explanation is correct. If this is the case, the increase of large mammal hunting could be associated with the hunter-gatherer/horticulturalist interaction, where meat was exchanged for domesticated plants, as seen for example between the Maki and Tukano societies from northwest Amazonia (Silverwood-Cope 1990).

Some characteristics of the fauna from those sites are also strong evidence of a human presence during the late Pleistocene period. There are fish remains in all levels in sites that are and were more than 50 m above the river. Although rare, other non-karstic animals - peccaries - are present. Burned (calcined) bones, broken bones that refit, and cut-marks are also evidence of human occupation of these habitats as early as 12,000 years ago.

Other important features in sites from central Brazil are well-structured hearths, and burials. At Santana do Riacho, 24 burials were found containing approximately 40 individuals; one burial (Sep. XII) dates to 9460[+ or -]110 b.p. (GIF-4508) (Prous 1992; 1993). This collection is currently being reanalysed; preliminary results show a high incidence of caries among the population from Santana do Riacho in all archaeological levels(3) (Neves et al. 1996), an indication of a diet rich in carbohydrates (Saunders & Katzeberg 1992).

The slight available data shows pattern. There is strong evidence for a late Pleistocene human occupation in eastern South America. The diverse lithic assemblages dating from c. 12,000 years b.p. are unequivocally human made; they are distinct from the North American industries of Clovis and Folsom. Wood-working tools might have been important. The subsistence of early groups in central Brazil was based on a foraging strategy, focusing on the exploitation of wild plants and small animals; preliminary work based on faunal and osteological analysis supports the hypothesis that plants were the staple diet.

That subsistence pattern is similar to the one reported by Gnecco (1997) and Roosevelt et al. (1996) for late Pleistocene/early Holocene hunter-gatherer occupation in the Amazon region, where subsistence strategy relied more on gathering than hunting - a pattern again very different from the North American, where 'big-game hunting' was important. It differs from Schmitz's (1987a) model for central Brazil, where the first people had a strategy geared to large mammals (deer, peccaries, tapir etc.), and later shifted to a plant-based subsistence.

Discussion

In sum, early human occupation of eastern South America is characterized by generalized foragers, very different from the 'big-game' hunters in North America. Plant resources, both as food and as raw material for tool manufacture, were very important. A clearly diverse lithic assemblage is not geared towards hunting activity. I suggest we put an end to the 'spear/projectile point tyranny', and begin to look at cultural dynamics instead. The documented variability in the archaeological record can be partially explained by adaptation to the tropical region, with great dependence on plant foods.

Major changes in technology and subsistence pattern in central Brazil occurred around the mid Holocene, similar to Australia (Edwards & O'Connell 1995) than to other regions of the world. The general approach to stone technology in Australia and eastern South America share similar general features - small tools, many scrapers, and rare projectile points; and extinct megafauna seem to have been hunted neither in Australia nor in South America.

Schmitz's (1987a) model for late Pleistocene and early Holocene adaptations is an attempt to correlate environmental and behavioural changes in central Brazil that 'mimic' processes that occurred in the Old World and North America. The archaeological record from central Brazil discussed above does not support the behavioural changes suggested, despite similar environmental changes. Although not common, and often not explicit, traditionally the Old World (Upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic) and North America (Palaeoindian and Archaic) are used as models for comparison and frameworks to interpret early human occupation in Brazil. It is time we began to broaden our view and knowledge, and look at other places as well, specifically Australia.

To understand the specific developments and organization of late Pleistocene and early Holocene hunter-gatherers in central Brazil, we clearly need more detailed archaeological and palaeoenvironmental data. So far, description and explanation of the archaeological record has been based on qualitative and incomplete archaeological data, biased survey methods and very general palaeoclimatic reconstruction. With more germane studies on cultural dynamics of human migration and adaptation, a different pattern of Pleistocene and early post-glacial adaptation will emerge, which should change the traditional view of the First Americans.

1 Northern Palaeoindian cultures appear to begin with Clovis and Folsom, dated c. 11,200-10,900 and c. 10,90010,200 years b.p. respectively, and end in the early Holocene at c. 8500 years b.p. (Taylor et al. 1996; Roosevelt et al. 1996).

2 Mid-Holocene interval of warm climate between 7000 and 4000 b.p. (Ab'Saber 1981; Smitz 1981).

3 9.0% of permanent teeth have caries; and if we take only adults, this number goes to 11.0%.

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