Medicinal and hallucinogenic plants identified in the sediments and pictographs of the Lower Pecos, Texas Archaic.

Boyd, Carolyn E. ; Dering, J. Philip

Introduction

The setting of this study is the Lower Pecos River Region, located at the northeastern reaches of the Chihuahuan Desert within southwestern Texas and northern Mexico [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 1 OMITTED]. Near the confluence of the Pecos River with the Rio Grande, the arid landscape within this region is incised by deep canyons and arroyos. Wind and water erosion acting on the limestone substrate have produced hundreds of cavities which provided convenient shelter for the prehistoric inhabitants. Periodic occupation of the rock-shelters left behind a well-preserved archaeological record. Excavations of these dry deposits have yielded an assemblage of desiccated botanical materials spanning the Holocene, from 9750 b.p. to European contact. Likewise, the pictographic images contained within the rock-shelters of the region provide a vivid body of evidence.

The purpose of this paper is to interpret the botanical assemblage in conjunction with the art, to understand better the role that each played in the lives of the region's people. As part of the archaeological record, art as an artefact serves as a window into all components of the socio-cultural system: technological, social and ideological. By identifying plants both in the sediments and in the art, we demonstrate how examining the plant remains in conjunction with the pictographs can aid in interpreting both assemblages.

Ecological setting

The lower Pecos region is situated at the boundary of three major vegetation zones in North America: the Tamaulipan Thorn Shrub of northeastern Mexico and southern Texas, the Edwards Plateau Oak-Juniper and the Sotol-lechuguilla/Chihuahuan Desert Shrub of Trans-Pecos Texas and north-central Mexico. Rainfall decreases east to west from 48 cm on the Devil's River to below 38 cm just west of the Pecos River. Vegetation is governed locally by position in the landscape. All of the plants listed below grow in the study area, and have been identified in the archaeological sediments of rock-shelters.

The uplands are dominated by short grasses and microphyllous shrubs, including mesquite (Prosopis glandulosa Torr.), blackbrush (Acacia rigidula Benth.), whitebrush (Aloysia grattisima (Gill. and Hook.) Troncoso), guayacan (Porlieria angustifolia (Engelm.) Gray), Texas persimmon (Diospyros texana Scheele.) and several members of the buckthorn family (Rhamnaceae). Other prominent members of the upland vegetation include the arid evergreen rosette Liliaceae, the yuccas (Yucca spp.) and sotol (Dasylirion texanum Scheele.). Typical canyon rim vegetation, especially along the very shallow soils and disintegrating bedrock outcrops, includes the evergreen rosette lechuguilla (Agave lechuguilla Torr.), leatherstem (Jatropha dioica Cerv.), coyotillo (Karwinskia humboldtiana (R.&S.) Zucc.) and wild oregano (Lippia graveolens H.B.K.). The relatively mesic conditions within the canyons and on the river terraces often support a low canopy composed of little leaf walnut (Juglans microcarpa Berl.), Texas mountain laurel (Sophora secundiflora), Gregg ash (Fraxinus greggii Gray), Mexican buckeye (Ungnadia speciosa Endl.), oaks (Quercus spp.) and Texas mulberry (Morus microphylla Buckl.). Springs, seeps and river-bank overflow ponds occur in the deeper canyons and support a variety of useful plants that include the grasses tanglehead (Heteropogon contortus (L.) R.&S.) and common reed (Phragmites communis Trin.), and sedges such as Scirpus sp. and Cyperus sp., all of which were incorporated into nests, storage containers, baskets, trays and snares.

TABLE 1. Chronology of the Lower Pecos Archaic.

period subperiod radiocarbon
 years b.p.

Early Archaic 9000-6000
 Viejo 8900-5500

Middle Archaic 6000-3000
 Eagle Nest 5500-4100

Late Archaic 3000-1000
 San Felipe 4100-3200
 Cibola 3150-2300
 Flanders 2300-?
 Blue Hills 2300-1300

The ecological diversity provided an excellent habitat for the hunter-gatherer inhabitants whose subsistence and technology relied heavily on the xeric evergreen rosette plants of the region - lechuguilla (Agave lechuguilla Torr.), sotol (Dasylirion texanum Scheele.), beargrass (Nolina texana Wats.), several species of yucca (Yucca spp.) and various cacti, oaks and grasses. The region has been included as part of an archaeologically defined tradition known as the southern North American Archaic. These hunter-gatherer groups occupied the Chihuahuan and Sonoran Deserts throughout much of the Holocene.

The Lower Pecos Archaic

The lower Pecos River region of Texas and northern Mexico extends approximately 150 km north and south of the confluence of the Pecos River and the Rio Grande. The lower Pecos cultural area is defined archaeologically by distinctive rock-art styles, a hunting-and-gathering way of life, and a common material culture recovered from dry rock-shelters. Regionally distinctive characteristics include the Pecos River style pictographs, projectile points of limited distribution, and subsistence based primarily on small game and evergreen, rosette-stemmed plants sotol, lechugilla and yucca (Lord 1984; Shafer 1986; Turpin 1995).

The Archaic period of the lower Pecos region persisted for about 8000 years, commencing around 9400 b.p., and continuing until the introduction of the bow and arrow around 1000 b.p. As illustrated in TABLE 1, the Archaic of the region has been divided into three periods, Early, Middle and Late, and six subperiods (Turpin 1995: 543).

Although the material remains of the lower Pecos region become most distinctive during the Middle Archaic, before and after this period they share many traits with material remains from areas to the south in Coahuila, Mexico, and to the north in the western Edwards Plateau region (Turpin 1995: 541).

Previous research

Botanical remains

Previous botanical research in this area has focused on palaeo-environment, technology, subsistence and diet of the region through the study of pollen and macrobotanical materials, both from the shelter deposits and from the coprolites excavated from these deposits (Story & Bryant 1966; Shafer & Bryant 1977; Williams-Dean 1978; Dering 1979; Sobolik 1991). Otherwise, little attention has been paid to the region's ethnobotany.

In the course of recent botanical studies, at least 16 taxa recovered from shelter deposits have been identified ethnographically as having medicinal properties. At least three of these medicinal plants also have either hallucinogenic or narcotic properties that are closely linked to shamanic Native American ritual in ethnographic records. These plants are:

1 Lophophora williamsii (Lem.) Coult. (peyote),

2 Sophora secundiflora (Ort.) DC. (Texas mountain laurel, mescal bean), and

3 Datura sp. (jimson weed).

The finding of these powerful plants in the deposits has generated speculation regarding their utilization as medicines or in ritual, and sparked a debate regarding the antiquity of the peyote cult and the mescal bean medicine society (Troike 1962; Stewart 1987; Furst 1989). These speculations have been based on ethnographic analogy, but determining plant function from the poorly understood contexts of the archaeobotanical material has proven difficult. In this paper we demonstrate how an interpretation that considers the added evidence of pictographic art provides clues to the utilization of three of the plants, mescal bean, jimson weed and peyote.

Ethnography

Prior to European colonization the only recorded observations of the lower Pecos region were made by Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca during his travels from 1534 through 1535. Early historic Native American inhabitants of the lower Pecos region, however; had abandoned the area before any ethnographic data could be collected (Campbell 1988; Hester 1989). Due to the virtual absence of ethnographic information on the inhabitants of this region, researchers have utilized ethnographies of groups spatially removed from the study area to gain insight into the pictographs of the lower Pecos (Campbell 1958; Boyd 1992; 1995; in press).

Pictographs

Some of the most impressive rock-art panels in the world embellish the shelter walls of this arid canyon land. These rock-paintings have been categorized into four distinctive and successive styles, the Pecos River, Red Linear, Red Monochrome, and Historic (Kirkland & Newcomb 1967).

This paper is concerned with the Pecos River Style, the best represented and most ancient of the recognized styles. The presence of an organic binder in the paint has allowed researchers to obtain radiocarbon ages through Accelerator Mass Spectrometry: AMS dates for Pecos River Style art range from [greater than]2950 to 4200 years ago (Russ et al. 1990; Chaffee et al. 1993; Ilger et al. in press (a); in press (b); 1996; Hyman & Rowe in press). These dates place the Pecos River rock-art style to the latter part of the Middle Archaic, the San Felipe subperiod, 4100-3200 years b.p. Only one date each has been obtained for the two more recent prehistoric styles: 1125[+ or -]85 b.p. for Red Monochrome and 1280[+ or -]150 b.p. for the Red Linear (Ilger et al. in press (b)).

In an effort to identify the organic binder, researchers extracted ancient DNA from the organic material remaining in the Pecos River Style pictographs and subjected it to polymerase chain reaction (PCR) and phylogenetic DNA analysis. The results of the analysis indicate that the organic binder utilized was from a mammal, probably an ungulate (Reese et al. in press).

The principle colour-producing agents identified in the paint are iron oxide minerals. The inorganic pigments derived from these minerals produce earth colours including reds, oranges, yellows and black (Zolensky 1982; Hyman et al. in press). The central motif of this period, polychrome and monochrome anthropomorphic figures, is depicted using the wide range of earth colours available to the artists.

There is considerable variability in the manner in which the anthropomorphs are depicted. Head and body shape, ornamentation, size and colour vary between sites as well as within each rock-art panel. The figures range in size from approximately 13 cm to 8 m in height. Heads are either absent or depicted in a rectangular, square, oval or other geometric form. Some anthropomorphs have heads resembling those of animals, such as birds or felines.

The bodies of the anthropomorphs are usually depicted facing forward with arms extending outward [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 OMITTED]. Sometimes their bodies are in profile with arms extended in front of the body [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 OMITTED]. Some of the anthropomorphs are depicted with either a feather or antler head-dress, others with hip-clusters and/or paraphernalia hanging from their arms. Commonly found in association with these anthropomorphic figures are design elements such as atlatls, dart points, depictions of deer and felines, and serpentine lines.

Through analogies drawn between the Pecos River Style art and ethnographic accounts of ritual performances among aboriginal societies, W.W. Newcomb in 1967 first identified the central anthropomorphic figures of the Pecos River Style as shamans (Kirkland & Newcomb 1967). Subsequent research by Solveig Turpin (1982; 1994a; 1994b), Harry Shafer (1986; 1988) and Boyd (1992; 1995; in press) has supported Newcomb's interpretation.

Shamans are found primarily within Native American societies that rely heavily on hunting and gathering or fishing as their primary means of subsistence. In these societies the shaman serves a crucial role as diviner, seer, magician, healer of bodily and spiritual ills, keeper of traditions and artist. Acting as the guardian of the physical and psychic equilibrium of the society, the shaman, through the use of altered states of consciousness, journeys to the spirit world where he will personally confront the supernatural forces on behalf of his group (Eliade 1959; 1964; Furst 1972; 1976; Winkleman 1992).

Access into the spirit or Otherworld by a shaman can be achieved through such methods as the use of hallucinogenic or psychoactive plants, fasting, thirsting, blood-letting, self-hypnosis and various types of rhythmic activity which place the shaman in an altered state of consciousness or trance state (Eliade 1959; 1964; Furst 1972; 1976; Winkleman 1992).

Discussion: mescal beans, jimsonweed and peyote

Documented ethnobotanical information for indigenous peoples throughout the world provides evidence for an extensive understanding of the medicinal and psychoactive properties of particular plants. As Andrew Sherratt (1995: 26) states, 'human societies are more likely than not to have discovered the psychoactive properties of the plants in their environment, and to have canonized their usage in culturally characteristic forms of consumption and ritual'. This study focuses on psychoactive plants identified in the sediments of the lower Pecos region which are reported to have been utilized by shamans during specific ritual occasions and/or to access the spirit world.

Three psychoactive plants identified in the archaeological sediments of the lower Pecos are:

1 Sophora secundiflora (Ort.) DC. (Texas mountain laurel, mescal bean),

2 Datura sp. (jimson weed) and

3 Lophophora williamsii (Lem.) Coult. (peyote cactus). These plants are reported in ethnographic records to have been used by shamans either to achieve an altered state of consciousness or in the context within which visions are experienced.

To interpret the function of the plants, we use three main lines of evidence: the identification of the plants and their context, the patterns of motif association and distribution identified through a formal analysis of the art, and the ethnographic record of groups in southwestern United States and northern Mexico.

Sophora secundiflora (Ort.) DC.

Archaeologists and anthropologists have explored the ritual significance of Sophora secundiflora (Ort.) DC. or Texas mountain laurel (Campbell 1958; Adovasio & Fry 1976; Merrill 1977). The Texas mountain laurel is an evergreen shrub or small tree of the legume family (Fabaceae), native to northern Mexico and the adjacent southwestern United States. In the lower Pecos region, it is a common shrub of the canyons, where the showy, bluish-purple flowers mature into a hard, woody legume containing red seeds, 'mescal beans' [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 4 OMITTED].

The seeds of Sophora secundiflora (Ort.) DC. contain narcotic poisonous quinolizidine alkaloids, including cystine, that produce a variety of physiological effects. The symptomatology of poisoning through their ingestion includes nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, excitement, muscle paralysis, insensitivity to pain, delirium, convulsions, coma, and occasionally death through respiratory failure. The nature, duration and intensity of the effects of mescal bean intoxication depend primarily on the number of seeds consumed and the manner in which they are prepared for ingestion (La Barre 1975; Merrill 1977; Hatfield et al. 1977).

There is no evidence that any of the mescal bean alkaloids are capable of directly inducing hallucinations (Merrill 1977; Hatfield et al. 1977: 374). As G.M. Hatfield has argued, the mescal beans play a part in creating the context within which visions take place - but not in the direct generation of the vision itself (Hatfield et al. 1977: 376). W.L. Merrill (1977: 4) states

the visions seem to have resulted from the combined impact of several factors, including the physiological effects of the mescal bean alkaloids, the dramatic and frequently intense sensory stimulation characteristic of the ceremonial contexts in which mescal beans were consumed, and the vision-seeker's belief and expectation that visions were both possible and likely to occur in such contexts.

Throughout North America, ritual cleansing through the use of purgatives and emetics was considered a necessary preparatory activity prior to the acquisition of an altered state of consciousness. The consumption of mescal bean decoctions is likely to have been part of a pan-North American approach to achieving an altered state of consciousness (David Whitley pers. comm.).

In the archaeological record, mescal beans have been recovered from the cultural deposits of numerous prehistorically inhabited rock-shelters in the lower Pecos region. The cultural deposits from which they were recovered range in age from 8000 b.p. to the historic period. Major rock-shelter sites from which the seeds or pod fragments have been recovered include Fate Bell Shelter (41VV74), Coontail Spin (41VV82), Zopilote Cave (41VV216), Eagle Cave (41VV167) and Hinds Cave (41VV456) (Martin 1933; Holden 1937; Davenport 1938; Campbell 1947; 1958; Dering 1979).

Despite the widespread occurrence of mescal bean, the archaeological evidence provides very little insight into how the beans were used by prehistoric peoples of the region. Only two sites yielded specimens of mescal beans that allude to its utilization.

A deeply fringed buckskin loin-cloth was recovered from Murrah Cave, which has three longitudinally split mescal beans attached to its fringe [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 5A & 5B OMITTED]. The loin-cloth was found folded on top of a bundle of Mormon tea (Ephedra sp.) with seven pieces of red paint placed on top of it. The cultural deposits from which the loin-cloth was recovered are classified as Archaic (Holden 1937; Merrill 1977).

At Horseshoe Ranch Caves, a twined bag was found covered by three layers of matting and resting upon a woven rabbit fur robe or blanket [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 6 OMITTED]. The bag contained the following items:

1 woven fibre cords;

2 a woven package containing a flint or chert knife, 2 bundles of sinew, and a small ball of pinkish clay;

3 a buckskin thong;

4 a flint-knapping kit;

5 a mussel shell;

6 3 flint blades, 5 side-scrapers, 5 unworked flints, and a projectile point;

7 a flattened mano;

8 a small terrapin carapace with holes bored along its outer edges;

9 11 jackrabbit mandible halves;

10 3 pieces of red paint stone;

11 38 mescal beans; and

12 187 Texas buckeye seeds (Ungnadia speciosa Endl.).

The bag was recovered from cultural deposits dating to the Archaic (Martin 1933; Merrill 1977; Shafer 1986).

Today, no Native American group utilizes mescal beans for the induction of visions. Ethnographically, the use of the mescal beans in contexts associated with visions is limited. Yet over 30 groups are ethnographically reported as utilizing the beans. According to G.M. Hatfield et al. (1977: 379):

Most, if not all of these groups used mescal beans as seed beads, which they attached to their clothing and other articles. Yet, less than half of these groups consumed mescal beans or a decoction prepared from these seeds, and the majority of the groups who did ingest mescal beans did so primarily for their emetic and purgative effects. . . . In fact, only six Native American groups are suspected to have associated the consumption of mescal beans with visionary experiences.

Although principally used as a seed bead, mescal beans have also been used medicinally and in decoctions prepared from other plants. The Cheyenne are reported to have used mescal beans in the preparation of an eye-wash. The Comanche and Kickapoo utilized the seeds to cure ear-aches. The Mescalero and Chiricahua Apache occasionally mixed mescal beans with their corn beer. There is some evidence to show that the Coahuilteco and Hasinai Caddo consumed mescal beans in conjunction with the hallucinogenic peyote cactus Lophophora williamsii (Lem.) Coult. (Hatfield et al. 1977). The Native American Church integrated mescal beans as items of material culture into the paraphernalia of the Peyote Religion during the reservation period. Today, mescal beans maintain their prominence in peyote paraphernalia (Safford 1916; Howard 1957; 1960; La Barre 1957; 1975; Troike 1962; Schultes 1969; Merrill 1977; Dobkin de Rios 1984).

The first interpretation of the utilization of the mescal bean in the Lower Pecos was presented by Thomas N. Campbell in 1958. In his pioneering work he sought an explanation for the presence of the seeds of Sophora secundiflora (Ort.) DC. in the sediments through the use of ethnographic analogy, stating (Campbell 1958: 60):

even a cursory examination of the Pecos River Style pictographs reveals a number of parallels to the mescal bean cult. . . . The historic cult is frequently linked with hunting and with the deer . . . and this also seems to be true of the Pecos River Focus cult.

Campbell based his interpretation on parallels identified between the paraphernalia utilized in the historic mescal bean cult and the pictographs of the region:

1 The design elements decorating the bodies of the Pecos River Style anthropomorphs are similar to paraphernalia worn by cult practitioners. This includes fox-skins draped over the arms of cult members, deer-tail necklaces and owl-feather bracelets, and fox-skins wrapped about the waist.

2 Anthropomorphic figures depicted with weapons in the Pecos River Style rock-art are analogous to the men dancing with weapons in the historic mescal bean cults.

3 The staff-like object with an enlarged distal end held by the anthropomorphs in the rock-art is analogous to the staff held by the leader in the ritual of at least one historic mescal bean cult.

4 The enlarged distal end of the staff held by Pecos River Style anthropomorphs, Campbell suggests, is a gourd rattle used in the historic cults.

Despite subsequent archaeological research in the Lower Pecos area, Campbell's interpretation has been widely cited without critical re-evaluation. Campbell has identified some significant similarities between design elements in the Pecos River Style pictographs and the historic mescal bean ceremonies. Since other, more powerful plants are identified in the archaeological remains, it is not reasonable to assume that the inhabitants of the region were engaged solely in a mescal bean cult. We propose that other medicinal and hallucinogenic plants identified in the sediments from shelters within the region, such as Datura and peyote, may have been of equal or greater importance to the shamans of the Archaic period. The Pecos River Style art contains pictographic images that serve as contextual clues to the significance of two hallucinogens, Datura and peyote, and their use by the Archaic inhabitants of the region 4000 years ago.

Datura sp.

Campbell interpreted the enlarged distal end of a staff-like object held by the Pecos River Style anthropomorphs as a gourd rattle [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 2 & 3 OMITTED]. In Rock art of Texas Indians, W.W. Newcomb reinterpreted this motif as a prickly-pear pouch, and identified 167 of the Pecos River Style anthropomorphs as shamans (Kirkland & Newcomb 1967). He reports that over 50% of these shaman figures are depicted with the motif he interprets as a prickly-pear pouch (Kirkland & Newcomb 1967). We argue that this motif is a neither a gourd nor a prickly-pear pouch, but a pictorial representation of the fruit of Datura. The archaeological record and ethnographic literature support this interpretation.

Datura (jimson weed, toloache) is a genus of the Solanaceae, the nightshade family [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 & 8 OMITTED]. Also referred to by such names as jimson weed, devil's apple, thorn apple and Gabriel's trumpet, Datura has been one of the most important medicinal and hallucinogenic plants used since ancient times in both the Old and New Worlds (Safford 1916; 1920; Avery et al. 1959; Heiser 1969; Schultes 1969; Harner 1973; Dobkin de Rios 1984).

The genus is native to dry tropical and subtropical regions worldwide. According to herbarium records, at least three species of Datura have been collected in or near the lower Pecos River region, Datura stramonium L., D. inoxia Mill. and D. wrightii Regel. D. stramonium L. [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 7 OMITTED], which is in the section Stramonium, has a cosmopolitan distribution. D. inoxia Mill. and D. wrightii Regel. [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 8 OMITTED], both of which grow throughout the southwestern United States and northern Mexico, are closely related members of the section Dutra. All of the species grow in open, disturbed areas, especially dry washes and on river banks throughout the region.

The Daturas growing in the study area are herbaceous plants that produce a white funnel-form corolla which matures into a spiny fruit called a capsule. The spines, about 5 mm long, protrude in all directions from the fruit, which gives it the appearance of a spiny seed-pod. The seeds are fairly large, reniform in shape with a distinctive carunculate surface. In D. inoxia Mill. and D. wrightii Regel., the seeds are 4-5 mm long by 3-4 mm wide, and are usually a light tan colour [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 9 OMITTED]. The seeds of D. stramonium L. are about half that size, turning black when mature.

The Daturas produce copious alkaloids, chief among them are the belladonna alkaloids atropine, hyoscine (scopolamine) and hyoscyamine. Bye et al. (1991: tables 6 & 7:38) have compiled a list of alkaloids extracted from Datura lanosa Barclay ex Bye and its close relatives, D. inoxia Mill. and D. wrightii Regel. D. stramonium L. apparently has a much lower alkaloid concentration than the other two species.

Although the seeds contain the highest percentage of the alkaloids, decoctions and powders prepared from any part of any of the Datura sp. produce complex physiological effects when taken in toxic doses (Avery et al. 1959; Klein-Schwartz & Oderda 1984). Symptomatology of low-dose Datura intoxication includes extreme pupil dilation, restlessness, delirium, disorientation, loss of short-term memory, high fever, dry mucous membranes, convulsions and hallucinations. Higher doses can cause lethargy, coma and death. Individuals experiencing Datura intoxication have been described as 'hot as a hare', 'red as a beet', 'dry as a bone', 'blind as a bat' and 'mad as a hatter' (Kulig & Rumack 1983; Klein-Schwartz & Oderda 1984).

Datura is rarely identified at archaeological sites. In the rock-shelters of the lower Pecos River region, five seeds have been reported from Hinds Cave (Area Aw, Lens 10). The lens in which the Hinds Cave Datura was found is bracketed by radiocarbon ages of 4510[+ or -]70 b.p. (Lens 9, Area Aw) and 4990[+ or -]70 b.p. (Lens 11, Area Aw). The seeds came from a grass mat adjacent to a hearth feature. Unfortunately they were not in a context suggestive of any particular use or special treatment, such as a cache (Dering 1979). Among reports from other archaeological sites that allude to the ceremonial use of the plant, perhaps the most compelling is from Higgins Flat Pueblo near the San Francisco River, three miles northwest of Reserve, New Mexico. At this site, about 900 seeds of Datura meteloides (D. wrightii Regel.) were found on the floor of a room that yielded ceremonial objects (Cutler 1956; Cutler & Kaplan 1956; Yarnell 1959).

Although not found in a context that provides insight into the use of the plant, Datura seed-pods and/or Datura seeds have been reported from archaeological sites in Utah, New Mexico, and Arizona. Alice Eastwood (1893) noted that Datura seed-pods were frequently found in the ruins of southeastern Utah. Datura seed-pod fragments were identified by Cutler & Kaplan (1956) at Montezuma Castle in central Arizona. The seeds of Datura have been recovered from the sites of Mattocks Ruin in southwestern New Mexico, Rito de los Frijoles Canyon in north central Mexico, and Pottery Mound in northwestern New Mexico (Yarnell 1959).

Because they are alkaloid-producing annual or perennial herbs, members of the genus have been an important constituent of pharmacopoeias for centuries around the world. Today, Datura abuse among adolescents and adults seeking the 'jimson-weed high' is not uncommon (Mahler 1975; Klein-Schwartz & Oderda 1984). Many Native American cultures continue to use Datura as a medicinal and ceremonial plant.

The ethnographic and ethnobotanical literature of the New World reveals the widespread use of the genus Datura by shamans for the purpose of divination, prophecy, ecstatic initiation, ritual intoxication, diagnosis and curing (Schleiffer 1973; Furst 1976; Lewis & Elvin-Lewis 1977; Dobkin de Rios 1984). Various species of Datura were highly valued among the pre-Columbian Mexicans as a medicinal and hallucinogenic plant (Bennett & Zingg 1935; Pennington 1963; Zingg 1977[1938]; Dibble 1970). Within the American Southwest, the Navajo, Yokut, Yuman, Paiute, Chumash and many others employed the seeds, roots and leaves, in adolescent or divinatory rites (Waterman 1910; Strong 1965[1929]; Elmore 1943; Bean & Saubel 1972; Shultes 1972; La Barre 1975; Applegate 1975).

Many of the aboriginal tribes of southern California employed Datura for its medicinal and hallucinogenic properties (Strong 1965 [1929]; Bean & Saubel 1972; Applegate 1975). Among the Cahuilla Indians of California, shamans utilized the hallucinogenic properties of Datura to transcend reality and take magical flights to the spirit or Otherworld. Magical flights to the Otherworld by Cahuilla shaman were considered a necessary activity. Through the use of Datura the shaman was able to journey to the spirit realm and gain information useful for his people (Barrows 1900; Bean & Saubel 1972).

Among the Chumash of the Santa Barbara California region, Datura was accorded a very high status. It was relied upon for establishing contact with supernatural guardians or dream helpers, to communicate with the dead, to see into the future, and to cure serious wounds and illnesses or to counter the effects of ill omens or breaches of tabu (Applegate 1975).

Matilda Coxe Stevenson relates in Ethno-botany of the Zuni Indians the use of Datura by Zuni rain-priests in rain-bringing rituals and divination and by Zuni doctors to render the patient unconscious while he performs simple operations. Stevenson also points out that the flower identified as a squash blossom by other ethnographers of the Zuni is, in actuality, a Datura blossom. She states that this is 'an error only too pleasing to the Zuni, as the blossom of the Datura is most sacred to them' (Stevenson 1915: 46f).

According to Campbell Pennington, the Tarahumara Indians of northern Mexico add the roots, seeds and leaves of Datura to tesguino which is used as a ceremonial offering and drunk to induce visions. He also reports that the Tarahumara shaman drink a small portion of the Datura mixture while making a diagnosis (Pennington 1963; Bye 1979; 1985).

Among the Tarahumara, Datura is considered extremely dangerous. It is believed that anyone who breaks the plant or pulls it up will eventually go crazy and die. Only the peyote shaman, who is armed with a plant more powerful than Datura, can destroy this dangerous weed (Bennett & Zingg 1935; Fackelmann 1993).

The Huichol Indians, who inhabit portions of the Sierra Madre Occidentales within the states of Jalisco and Nayarit of northern Mexico, maintain a similar attitude towards Datura. According to Zingg (1938) and later to Furst & Myerhoff (1966), Datura is personified as Kieri Tewiyari (Datura Person), considered by the Huichol to be the supernatural chief of the sorcerers and equated with all that is evil.

Furst & Myerhoff (1966) relate a Huichol myth in which the evil Kieri Tewiyari attempts, through his intoxicating juices and the use of sorcery, to lure the Huichols away from using peyote to Datura instead. The evil sorcerer is ultimately destroyed by Kauyumari, Sacred Deer Person, with the aid of peyote.

Images closely resembling Datura seed pods occur frequently in the rock-art of the study area. As Newcomb noted, over 50% of the Pecos River Style shaman figures are associated with the motif we have identified as Datura. The Datura seed-pod motif is located at the end of a staff-like object that typically extends from the right hand of the shaman. In only one instance, so far identified, is the motif found extending from the left hand. In some cases the thorny Datura fruit is realistically depicted, including stem and calyx. Other images of the Datura fruit are more stylized [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 10 OMITTED].

The strength of the pictorial representation of Datura in the Lower Pecos, the presence of Datura in the sediments and the re-occurring association of Datura with shamanism in the ethnography present a forceful argument that this was an important ritual and medicinal plant utilized by shamans of the Lower Pecos Archaic.

Lophophora williamsii (Lem.) Coult.

Peyote (Lophophora williamsii (Lem.) Coult.) is a small, spherical, spineless cactus that grows to a height of less than 5 cm, and a diameter of seldom more than 6-8 cm [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 11 OMITTED]. The cactus is a chalky blue-green colour. Peyote grows from a tuberous tap-root, in clusters associated with a much larger nurse plant. It inhabits shallow, rocky upland soils, preferring the partial shade of thorny shrubs, especially mesquite and acacia. During drought conditions, peyote plant crowns shrink below the soil surface as the tissues desiccate (Morgan 1983).

Peyote is distributed from southern Texas and adjacent northern Mexico west to the Trans-Pecos, and south to the dry desert basins of the central plateau of Mexico (Morgan 1983). In the lower Pecos River region, modern peyote communities are located on south-facing slopes overlooking the western side of the Pecos River canyon, and on the uplands above Seminole Canyon just east of the Pecos River as well as in the area of Langtry, Texas. There are probably many more communities within a few miles of the rock-shelters in this study, but locating them is difficult because of restricted access to private land.

During historic times various Indian groups, such as the Comanches and the Kiowas and tribes from Oklahoma, journeyed to the lower Pecos region to harvest peyote for use in ceremonies. The Comanches and the Kiowas reportedly collected peyote along the Pecos River and the Rio Grande (Slotkin 1955; Stewart 1987). According to Jack R. Skiles, a botanist living in the area of Langtry, Texas, the 'Indians from Oklahoma made trips to Langtry for many years [during the 1930s] gathering peyote for use in their religious ceremonies' (Stewart 1987: 13).

Peyote is harvested by slicing off the exposed crown of the cactus. When dried, the sliced segments of the cactus resemble hard brownish disks, called peyote buttons [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 12 OMITTED]. The dried peyote buttons maintain their hallucinogenic properties despite prolonged storage. More than 30 alkaloids have been chemically identified in peyote; the major active alkaloid, mescaline, is capable of producing psychic effects and visual hallucinations in humans (Aberle 1966; Anderson 1980; Litovitz 1983).

Taken in small quantities (less than four buttons), peyote produces wakefulness, mild analgesia and a loss of appetite (Aberle 1966; La Barre 1975). The consumption of four to twelve buttons produces vivid visual hallucinations, which includes reports of shimmering intensification of colour and texture, frequent geometric imagery, and distortions in body image and depth perception (Anderson 1980; Litovitz 1983; Siegel 1984).

Although very little peyote has been curated in collections, there have been reports of the cactus from rock-shelter sites in the lower Pecos River region. George Martin (1933: 78) reports having frequently found peyote in the debris of Shumla Caves on the Rio Grande just downstream from its confluence with the Pecos River (Martin 1933: 78). The peyote excavated from Shumla Cave No. 5 has been radiocarbon dated to 7000 b.p. (Furst 1989). It was also reported by Woolsey at Fields Shelter (Campbell 1958: 159) and by Sayles in several Texas sites (1935: 142). Items of material culture recovered from the Shumla Cave excavations are similar to paraphernalia used in peyote ceremonies by various aboriginal groups, include rasping sticks made from either bone or wood, a rattle made from deer scapula, a pouch and reed tubes containing cedar incense, and feather plumes (Lumholtz 1900; Martin 1933; Schultes 1937; Ruecking 1954; Stewart 1987).

From pre-Conquest time to early in the 19th century various groups located in Mexico and Texas either utilized or were familiar with the hallucinogenic peyote cactus. These include the following groups: Aztec, Zacateco, Tarascan, Cazcan, Guachichil, Huichol, Lagunero, Tepehuan, Cora, Acaxee, Tamaulipeco, Coahuilteco, Tarahumara, Opata, Pima Bajo, Jumano, Julimeno, Lipan Apache, Carrizo, Tonkawa, Karankawa, Mescalero Apache, Caddo, Otomi and Tlascalan (Shonle 1925; Stewart 1987). Peyote was, and in some cases still is, utilized as a medicine taken internally or as a poultice. It has been utilized as an anti-witch medicine, to foretell the future, to find lost objects, to stimulate the nervous system, to suppress appetite and to contact the supernaturals for assistance (La Barre 1957; Parsons 1974; Anderson 1980; Bye 1985; Stewart 1987).

There is considerable controversy regarding the origins of peyotism and the content of the earlier cult from which it emerged (Slotkin 1955; Stewart 1987). The earliest historical reference to peyotism was made in the 1560s by Friar Bernardino de Sahagun. His General history of the things of New Spain credits the primitive nomadic tribes of northern Mexico, the 'Teochichimeca', with the discovery of the hallucinogenic peyote cactus. The 'Teochichimeca' peyote ceremony described by Sahagun shows a strong resemblance to the contemporary peyote ritual conducted by the Huichol Indians of northern Mexico (Furst 1972; Myerhoff 1974; Stewart 1987). Furst (1972) and others have suggested that the ancestors of the modern Huichol migrated as nomadic Chichimec hunters into the Sierra Madre Occidentales from a northern homeland, perhaps even the American Southwest.

In a conference paper, one of us (Boyd 1995) argued that the Lower Pecos pictographs provide the earliest record of peyotism. The following summary of that paper focuses primarily on the pictographic representation of peyote in the Pecos River Style art as it is understood through ethnographic analogy.

A contextual analysis of Pecos River Style art revealed distinct patterns in motif association. One of the patterns that became apparent is the association of antlered anthropomorphs with black dots on the ends of their antler tines, impaled deer and impaled dots. A review of the ethnographic accounts of Huichol peyote ritual reveal that analogies with the Pecos River Style rock-art are numerous. Those that led to the identification of peyote in the Pecos River Style art are:

1 The metaphorical relationship between deer and peyote

To the Huichol, deer and peyote are woven into one inseparable sacred symbol: deer is peyote and peyote is deer (Lumholtz 1900; 1902; Furst 1972; 1978; Myerhoff 1974; Benitez 1975).

2 Peyote on deer antler tines

In Huichol myth, the deer god descended from the heavens bringing peyote on his antlers to the Huichol sacred homeland, Wirikuta. Peyote buttons collected while on the hunt are attached to the tines of the deer antler carried by the shaman on the peyote pilgrimage (Lumholtz 1900; 1902; Furst 1972; Myerhoff 1974; Benitez 1975).

3 The shooting of the peyote-deer with an arrow

On the peyote hunt, the peyote is hunted, like a deer, with bow and arrow. Once the shaman has found the peyote-deer while on the hunt he takes aim and shoots it with an arrow. Bursts of colours are believed to be emitted from the slain peyote - deer. These coloured rays are considered to be the soul of the peyote and of the deer (Furst 1972; Myerhoff 1974; Benitez 1975).

These three elements of Huichol peyotism provide insight into the motifs found in association in the Pecos River Style art. The black dots on the antler tines, impaled deer and impaled dots, when found in association are representative of the hallucinogenic peyote cactus.

This association can be seen at several sites in the Lower Pecos. At Fate Bell in Seminole Canyon the antler tines of an antlered anthropomorph are bedecked with black dots. Found in close proximity to this image are impaled dots bursting with colour and numerous depictions of antler racks. The panel at Cedar Springs also contains the association of impaled dots, impaled deer and black dots on the tines of an antlered anthropomorph. At Panther Cave, within Seminole Canyon, impaled dots and impaled deer are repeatedly found in association [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 3 & 13 OMITTED]. The clearest association can be seen at the White Shaman site along the Pecos River [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 14 OMITTED], where an antlered anthropomorph with a black dot on the end of each antler tine is associated with both impaled deer and impaled dots. The impaled deer at this site is covered with large black dots. In comparing this image to the sacred art of the Huichol, again we find striking parallels [ILLUSTRATION FOR FIGURE 15 OMITTED]. In Huichol sacred art the deer is commonly depicted with dots or flowers that represent the peyote button. It is important to remember that to the Huichol the deer is peyote and peyote is the deer. Images of impaled deer within the Lower Pecos rock-art, such as the one identified at the White Shaman site, are metaphors for peyote when found in association with impaled dot motifs or antlered anthropomorphs.

Conclusions

Our examination of three important hallucinogenic and medicinal plants identified in the sediments in conjunction with the art of the Lower Pecos region has resulted in the following conclusions:

1 Depictions of Datura seed pods are a frequently occurring motif in the Pecos River Style art.

2 The Datura motif is found in association with anthropomorphic figures identified as shaman.

3 A metaphorical relationship between peyote and deer existed during the Lower Pecos Archaic. When found in association with each other, impaled dots, impaled deer and dots on deer antler tines are representations of peyote.

4 In Pecos River Style art, the representations of peyote occur in direct association with shamanic figures.

5 Although mescal beans are not identified in the art, both ethnographic and archaeological evidence attest to its importance in ritual, as an emetic and purgative, and as a decorative seed bead.

These findings illustrate the benefits of considering rock-art as a part of the archaeological record; a fundamental component to interpreting the function of plants identified in the sediments. In this case, we have been able directly to link two of the plants identified in the sediments - peyote and Datura - to the shamanic figures depicted in the Pecos River Style art. The ethnographic literature provides an explanation for the association of the plants with shamans. Ethnographies of Chihuahuan and Sonaran Desert societies report Datura and peyote as two of the most prominent plants used by shamans to facilitate access to the spirit world.

We have presented evidence in the archaeological sediments and in the art indicating great antiquity for the use of two powerful psychoactive plants, Datura and peyote. Andrew Sherratt (1995:33) maintains that 'the deliberate seeking of the psychoactive experience is likely to be at least as old as anatomically (and behaviourally) modern humans: one of the characteristics of Homo sapiens sapiens'. At least 4000 years ago, Datura and peyote were important hallucinogenic and medicinal plants used by shamans of the lower Pecos River region of southwest Texas and northern Mexico.

Acknowledgements. We would like to extend a very sincere thank you to Dr Harry Shafer of Texas A&M University for his valuable assistance and support throughout our research and in the preparation of this manuscript. A very special thanks also to Dr David Whitley whose enthusiasm, constructive comments and patience were invaluable in bringing this manuscript to fruition. We would also like to thank Dr Katherine Dettwyler at Texas A&M University for her helpful comments and suggestions. Sincere thanks also to the reviewers of this manuscript for their time and their valuable comments.

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