Technological organization and settlement in southwest Tasmania after the glacial maximum.
McNiven, Ian J.
A growing quantity of data about the late Pleistocene sequence in
Tasmania has not been matched by an equivalent clear understanding of
just what are the patterns of its lithic record. A new model is
developed.
Introduction
The discovery over the last decade of numerous sites dating within
the period c. 35,000-11,000 b.p. in the densely-forested limestone
valleys of southwest Tasmania has heralded a new era in late Pleistocene
archaeological research in Australia. Many of these sites exhibit rich
stone artefact assemblages unparalleled in density and volume by their
chronological counterparts on the mainland (Cosgrove 1989; 1991;
Cosgrove et al. 1990; Jones 1990; McNiven et al. in press). Pioneering
research at Kutikina Cave identified an important change in stone
artefact assemblages commencing at the time of the last glacial maximum around 18,000 b.p. (Jones 1988; 1989; 1990). However, more recent
insights drawing on a larger sample of assemblages have down-played this
pattern of dramatic change. This more conservative and static view sees
the stone industries as 'largely amorphous' (Cosgrove et al.
1990: 70) and limited for analysis by theoretical problems of temporal
scale and resolution in the archaeological record (Cosgrove 1991).
This paper develops Jones' model of chronological change at the
time of the last glacial maximum. A new model is outlined which
discusses chronological change in southwest Tasmanian stone assemblages
in terms of technological organization and settlement restructuring. It
is based on a synthesis of recent data on chronological changes in the
use of raw materials (quartz and Darwin Glass) and thumbnail scrapers,
and how these may reflect broader-based changes in mobility and the
relative employment of curated components to the toolkit.
Quartz and Darwin Glass
The main raw material change after the glacial maximum is quartz and
Darwin Glass use. In the lower part of the Kutikina sequence 'some
60% to 70%' of artefacts were quartzite, while in the upper levels
'over 90%' were quartz (Jones 1990: 279-80). Jones (1990: 280)
notes that this changeover occurred 'between 16,000 and 18,000
b.p.'. The increased use of quartz has also been documented at Bone
Cave, where the relative proportion of quartz artefacts changes from 5%
before the glacial maximum to 14% after the glacial maximum (McNiven et
al. in press).
Darwin Glass is a distinctive-looking raw material which occurs
naturally as small, marble-sized pebbles. It was formed around 0.7 mya
by meteorite impact and can be found within topsoil across its
strewnfield which extends up to 20 km west of Darwin Crater (Fudali
& Ford 1979; Jones 1990: 282). Artefacts of Darwin Glass were
restricted to the upper section of Kutikina, with most of the top 14
levels containing 'a few glass flakes' (Jones 1988: 37; 1989:
769; 1990: 282). At Nunamira, 80% of all excavated Darwin Glass
artefacts came from the upper levels of the site dated from c. 16,000 to
12,000 b.p. (Cosgrove 1991: 77-8, 153-4). A little further to the south,
the single fragment of Darwin Glass recovered from Bone Cave is dated to
after c. 18,000 b.p. (Allen et al. 1988: 82).
Thumbnail scrapers
The only distinctive and recurring implement type identified from the
southwest Tasmanian assemblages is the thumbnail scraper (Cosgrove et
al. 1990: 70). Characteristically, thumbnail scrapers tend to be small
(maximum dimension |is less than~2.5 cm), discoid or semi-discoid in
outline with a sub-tabular cross section. Retouching tends to be steep,
finely executed and located on the dorsal surface of the distal half of
the flake (cf. end scrapers). Of all the assemblages examined to date,
Kutikina provides the best example of change in the use of thumbnail
scrapers after the glacial maximum. Jones notes that the tools from the
upper assemblage 'consisted almost entirely' (1990: 280) of
thumbnail scrapers with 'some 80 examples' recovered from less
than one cubic metre of deposit (1988: 36). No thumbnail scrapers are
reported for the lower |is greater than~18,000 b.p. levels of the site.
A similar dramatic increase in thumbnail scrapers occurs in Bone Cave,
where over 95% of all specimens were recovered from levels dating to
after 18,000 b.p. (Allen et al. 1988; McNiven et al. in press). Nunamira
thumbnail scrapers register a slight increase in discard in the upper
parts of the sequence with 63% occurring in levels dated between c.
16,000 b.p. and c. 12,000 b.p. (Cosgrove 1991: 140).
Establishment of new sites
Recent excavations at Mackintosh 90/1 Shelter (Mack 90/1),
Condominium Cliffs 2 Rockshelter (CC2) and Maneena Langatick Tattana
Emita Cave (MLTE) reveal stone assemblages with important similarities
to the upper occupation levels of Bone, Kutikina and Nunamira Caves. In
terms of chronology, all three sites show remarkable overlap with
occupation commencing after the glacial maximum. Pleistocene cultural
remains at Mack 90/1 are bracketed between c. 17,000 b.p. and c. 14,800
b.p. (Stern & Marshall 1993: 12), while the main in situ cultural
sequence at MLTE is dated between c. 17,200 b.p. and c. 15,500 b.p.
(Pocock 1992: 39-41). The sequence at CC2 produced a comparable basal
date of c. 17,500 b.p. and a near-surface date of c. 13,800 b.p. (Brown
et al. 1991: 33).
Stone assemblages from these later sites show important similarities
to stone assemblages from the post-18,000 b.p. levels of the long
duration sites. For example, Darwin Glass flakes and thumbnail scrapers
were recovered from Mack 90/1 (Stern & Marshall 1993: 14), while 40
Darwin Glass artefacts were documented from MLTE (Pocock 1992: 48).
Although only a single Darwin Glass flake was recovered from the small
sample of 28 artefacts excavated from CC2 (Brown et al. 1991: 33),
further excavations may reveal more examples. Thumbnail scrapers have
been recorded at Mack 90/1 (Stern & Marshall 1993) and MLTE (Pocock
1992: 28).
Increased mobility and use of curated toolkits
From the above data it is clear that cultural systems operating
across southwest Tasmania during the late Pleistocene underwent a change
after the glacial maximum involving re-organizations of both technology
and settlement. In technology, distinctive changes included the relative
increased use of quartz, Darwin Glass and thumbnail scrapers. Although
in some cases these changes were subtle, the presence of quartz, Darwin
Glass and thumbnail scrapers in other sites established after the
glacial maximum corroborates the notion of a region-ally consistent
pattern. In terms of settlement, the relative synchronous establishment
of new sites (e.g. Mack 90/1, CC2 and MLTE) identifies both a
re-organization and possible areal expansion of land-use activities (cf.
Lourandos 1993: 74).
It appears that the post-18,000 b.p. re-organization was associated
also with an increase in both the magnitude and frequency of mobility
arrangements (see Shott 1986; 1989). In terms of mobility magnitude, the
increased use and movement of Darwin Glass across southwest Tasmania
during this period suggests an increase in the area over which people
were moving. In this sense, it is not necessary to view Darwin Glass as
either 'highly prized' (Jones 1990: 282) or a 'central
trade item' (Pocock 1992: 85). Alternatively, the increased use and
spread of this raw material with suggested 'bad flaking
qualities' (Cosgrove 1991: 168), at least in terms of brittleness
and small nodule size (Fullagar 1986: 339; Jones 1990: 282), may only
reflect changing settlement and mobility patterns which increased
people's relative access to Darwin Crater and its splash zone
(Cosgrove 1991: 168; Cosgrove et al. 1990: 71; Fudali & Ford 1979;
Jones 1990: 281-2).
With respect to the number of camp moves per year or mobility
frequency, the establishment of new sites immediately after the glacial
maximum may reflect an increase in both the number of sites used by
group(s) operating in the region and the number of residential moves per
unit time. It should be noted, however, that in some cases the
establishment of new sites may have been complementary to the
abandonment of other sites in the region.
Is it possible that increases in mobility frequency after the glacial
maximum were causally related to synchronous increases in the use of
thumbnail scrapers? Shott's (1986) analysis of ethnographic data
found that a strong positive correlation exists between mobility
frequency and the curated component of tool kits. Put simply, 'the
more you move, the less you carry and the more you conserve what you
carry' (Shott 1989: 221). This observation may have some
explanatory value for southwest Tasmania assemblages if it can be
demonstrated that many thumbnail scrapers used after 18,000 b.p.
represent curated or long-term maintainable tools. Although data are
sketchy at present, three lines of evidence are consistent with this
hypothesis.
First, the manufacture of many thumbnail scrapers from exotic raw
materials is consistent with the inter-site transportation aspect of the
curation hypothesis. For example, at Kutikina, Jones (1990: 282)
identified thumbnail scrapers made from Darwin Glass and chert sourced
26 km and 50 km respectively from the site, while the Darwin Glass
thumbnail scrapers at Mack 90/1 are located 70 km from Darwin Crater
(Stern & Marshall 1993: 14). At Nunamira, Cosgrove notes 20% of
thumbnail scrapers were made from silcrete which outcrops
'approximately 20 to 30 kilometres' from the site (1991: 135,
144). Although he argues that the 'most parsimonious explanation
for the source of the chert' from which most (54%) thumbnail
scrapers are manufactured is local within the Florentine Valley, exotic
sources cannot be ruled out given that his own surveys failed to locate
sources with the same high-quality properties exhibited by the
archaeological samples (Cosgrove 1991: 130-34, 144, 167). Similarly,
over 80% of thumbnail scrapers at Bone Cave are manufactured from either
high-quality chert or silcrete for which no local sources are known.
Second, the manufacture of a disproportionately high number of
thumbnail scrapers from chert, a high-quality raw material with
excellent flaking properties, in eastern southwest Tasmanian sites (e.g.
Bone and Nunamira Caves) is consistent with the design requirements of
reliability, maintainability and flexibility associated with curated
tools (see Nelson 1991: 6673). By definition, curated tools are
'curated and transported to and from locations in direct
relationship to the anticipated performance of differing
activities' (Binford 1973: 242). As such, a bias should exist
towards high quality raw materials which allow both reliability and
flexibility during tool use/maintenance/reshaping activities over the
long term. As Goodyear (1989: 4) states, 'such materials can be
said to have a high degree of "plasticity" because they can be
transformed from design to design with the greatest ease and
success'. It defeats the purpose to manufacture curated tools from
poor-quality raw materials with limited potential for long-term use and
manipulation (Gould & Saggers 1985). In this light, evidence for
thumbnail scraper resharpening (Cosgrove 1991: 145; Fullagar 1986: 342;
Stern & Marshall 1993: 14) is consistent with the curation
hypothesis. Similarly, thumbnail scraper flexibility is demonstrated
further by the wide range of task applications (e.g. butchering,
bone-working and woodworking) exhibited by thumbnail scrapers from
Kutikina (Fullagar 1986: 325-51; Jones 1990: 281).
Increases in both the use of quartz and the manufacture of quartz
thumbnail scrapers after the glacial maximum seen at some sites (e.g.
Kutikina and Bone Caves) may also reflect the need for a
micro-crystalline raw material with excellent edge-holding qualities.
However, it is likely that quartz was ranked below chert in terms of
overall raw material quality, given that much quartz in southwest
Tasmania exhibits flaws. Quartz may only have been used instead of chert
to manufacture thumbnail scrapers if local chert sources were
unavailable.
Third, the possibility of thumbnail scraper hafting is consistent
with observations that 'curated tools are likelier to be halted
than expedient tools' (Shott 1986: 39; see also Binford 1979: 269;
Fullagar 1986: 350; Jeske 1989: 36; Keeley 1982: 799). Many thumbnail
scrapers exhibit a small, extra section of marginal retouch on the
ventral surface near the platform. Studies on small end-scrapers similar
to thumbnail scrapers from other parts of the world suggest that this
ventral retouch may be to shape and taper the tool to accommodate a haft
(cf. Clark 1959: 202; Deacon & Deacon 1980; Gallagher 1977: 410;
Holmes 1912: 140; Lothrop 1989: 114; Rule & Evans 1985: 216).
Similarly, Fullagar (1986: 348-9) found that many of the 'small
rounded convex tools' (thumbnail scrapers) from Kutikina exhibited
signs of wear consistent with having been hafted. Diagnostic wear
patterns included
1 'abrasion, slight rounding and scarring on the edge opposite
to that with extensive distinctive use-wear (working edge)', and
2 'restricted abrasion, rounding and short striations on ridges
and some surfaces away from the edge with distinctive use-wear (working
edge)'.
The mobility/curation hypothesis may be tested further by examining
the association between thumbnail scrapers and exotic raw materials in a
larger sample of sites. In this context, the absence of thumbnail
scrapers from late Pleistocene levels of ORS7 Rockshelter located in
southeast Tasmania is consistent with the near-exclusive use of locally
available hornfels and quartzite (Cosgrove 1991: 180, 206, 310; Cosgrove
et al. 1990: 70). Such patterning suggests differing settlement/mobility
arrangements compared to southwest Tasmania, a finding consistent with
Cosgrove's model of systemic differences between southwest and
southeast Tasmania during the late Pleistocene (see Cosgrove 1991;
Cosgrove et al. 1990).
An apparent inconsistency with the thumbnail scraper curation
hypothesis is their recovery from sites which exhibit local supplies of
alternative raw materials. If thumbnail scrapers were developed for
long-term use, why bother investing in their production when local stone
is readily available at each site? Two possible scenarios may contribute
to this apparent paradox. First, it is possible that the functional
requirements of stone artefacts at these sites could not be met by local
raw materials, necessitating the use of exotic raw materials whose
expensive replacement costs were offset by long use-lives achieved
through curatorial activities (cf. conservation/rationing models of
Bamforth 1986; Hiscock 1986; 1988). Second, while thumbnail scrapers may
have been discarded at sites with ready access to local stone, they may
have been used in different site or off-site contexts where tool
manufacture was limited by either lack of raw materials or time-stress
constraints associated with food procurement (Bamforth 1991; Torrence
1983).
A further dimension to the thumbnail scraper curation hypothesis is
provided by some of the western southwest Tasmanian sites (e.g. Kutikina
and Mack 90/1) which exhibit thumbnail scrapers manufactured from quartz
which is locally available. These artefacts represent a potential
anomaly in terms of the curation hypothesis if they were both
manufactured from local quartz (via-a-vis exotic quartz) and used
locally. In this situation, however, it is likely that these thumbnail
scrapers were used as temporary, low-cost, expedient replacements for
more expensive thumbnail scrapers manufactured from exotic raw
materials. People may have saved high-cost, imported thumbnail scrapers
for use at sites where alternative local raw materials for thumbnail
scraper manufacture were either rare or non-existent. The demonstration
of local use of local thumbnail scrapers would provide compelling
evidence that thumbnail scraper form was also constrained by the
functional requirements of the tasks they performed on-site.
Summary and conclusion
This paper presents a model of chronological change for late
Pleistocene southwest Tasmania which emphasizes the organizational
aspects of stone artefact technology, particularly in terms of changes
in mobility arrangements, raw material procurement, and site usage. In
summary, the model posits that increased use of thumbnail scrapers
across southwest Tasmania after the glacial maximum was largely a
response to increasing mobility which placed extra demands for highly
portable, long-term maintainable components of the tool-kit. These extra
functional demands necessitated increased use of high-quality raw
materials such as chert and quartz. Special cases of local manufacture
and use of thumbnail scrapers are seen as a situationally expedient
strategy for conserving expensive, exotic thumbnail scrapers. These
expedient examples suggest that the manufacture of thumbnail scrapers
was conditioned also by the tasks they performed. Thumbnail scrapers
recovered from contexts pre-dating 18,000 b.p. suggest that these
functional constraints on tool shape may have been operating for a long
time.
Although this model reinforces Jones' conception of pre- and
post-18,000 b.p. stone assemblages, it differs fundamentally to his
social replacement explanation proposed for Kutikina. Jones states
(1988: 37):
The typological differences between the two assemblages must be put
down to different 'fashions' in tool design, reflecting
different technological traditions. Although such views are no longer
fashionable in contemporary archaeology, these would be two different
'cultures' in Gordon Childe's terminology, and they might
possibly reflect two different ethnic groups or 'tribes in a
general sense, the change occurring due to the abrupt intrusion of
members of a second group into territory previously occupied by the
first.
The alternative model of technological organization proposed in this
paper not only is more testable than Jones' model, but also is
flexible enough to cope with chrono-spatial variations in the use of
diagnostic technological/typological markers such as the use of Darwin
Glass and the manufacture of thumbnail scrapers. This flexibility
results directly from an emphasis on changes in mobility arrangements
which can occur at both intra- and inter-regional levels (Mc-Niven et
al. in press). However, despite our recourse to differing
theoretical/explanatory frameworks, my work has reaffirmed Jones'
pioneering work in isolating the last glacial maximum as a turning point
in stone artefact technology in the late Pleistocene of southwest
Tasmania.
Acknowledgements. This study was made possible by funds supplied by
the Australian Research Council and La Trobe University. Special thanks
to Jim Allen for his support during all stages of this research.
Critical and helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper were
provided by Jim Allen, Richard Cosgrove, Joanna Freslov, Rhys Jones,
Brendan Marshall, Tom Richards, Nikki Stern, Robin Torrence, Cathie Webb
and an anonymous reviewer. All errors in fact or interpretation are my
responsibility.
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