The chronology of the introduction of pastoralism to the Cape, South Africa.
Sealy, Judith ; Yates, Royden
A careful survey of reports of early sheep in southernmost Africa
combines with new radiocarbon dates to revise our knowledge of early
pastoralism in the Cape. The new chronology shows the keeping of
domestic stock and the making of pottery are not simultaneous and
intertwined but separate events in a more complex history.
Introduction
Early European visitors to the Cape met local pastoralist people whom
they called 'Hottentots', and who called themselves
'Khoikhoi'.
These people, and especially their sheep and cattle, were of great
interest to scurvy-afflicted sailors in search of fresh meat. As a
result, the surviving historical records preserve a certain amount of
information about 17th- and 18th-century pastoralist communities. Since
the social fabric of these societies broke down rapidly after European
colonists dispossessed the local inhabitants of their lands and
livestock, the many unrecorded aspects of pastoralist life and the
history of these communities are accessible only through archaeological
investigation.
Sheep and cattle have no wild progenitors in southern Africa, and so
must have been brought into the region, presumably from further north in
Africa. Stock were kept, in the drier western parts of southern Africa,
by pastoralist peoples who did not grow crops, and made only very
limited use of metals. In the wetter eastern and northern areas,
stock-keeping was practised mainly by grain agriculturists who also
smelted iron.
Investigations into the origins of pastoralism at the Cape have
focused on how and when this took place. As early as 1905, Stow
suggested that pastoralists from East Africa moved southwards into the
area that is now Zambia and Zimbabwe, then westwards into southern
Angola, and then south again until they reached the southernmost tip of
Africa. Stow drew mainly on surviving fragments of oral traditions. A
similar route was suggested by Cooke (1965), arguing that the
environment of these areas would have provided suitable grazing for
domestic animals, whereas the adjacent semi-desert countryside was too
arid to support large herds of stock. In addition, this route follows
the distribution of rock paintings of sheep, known mostly from Zimbabwe
and from the southwestern Cape. An alternative route, suggested by
Elphick (1977) on the basis of linguistic data, postulates movement from
northern Botswana southwards towards the Orange River, then a split into
two streams, one of which moved westwards along the river, and the other
continued south through the central Karoo. These proposals need not be
mutually exclusive. Domestic animals may have been brought to the Cape
more than once, via different routes. Whichever way they came, though,
the earliest pastoralist sites should be in the north, with
progressively younger remains as one moves further south.
Archaeological research has found a large number of sites with sheep
bones in western Southern Africa post-dating 1600 b.p.
Cattle, rarer in archaeological deposits than sheep, may have been a
somewhat later addition (Inskeep 1969; Klein 1986). The lack of
archaeological evidence for large-scale cattle-keeping, as documented in
the historical records, remains a puzzle. In this article, we evaluate
the earliest evidence for sheep in a Stone Age context: material
presently believed to date to 2000-1600 b.p. Pottery first appears in
this part of the world c. 2000 b.p.; sheep and pottery are generally
assumed to be parts of a pastoralist 'package'.
We suggest that this conventional interpretation may need to be
reconsidered. The case study considered here is one example of a wider
issue: the extent to which different components of a food producing way
of life emerged in concert in various regions around the world.
Archaeological evidence for early stock
Early pastoralist residues have been claimed for several
archaeological sites in Namibia. Klein (1986) tabulates radiocarbon
determinations associated with stock at sites in western South Africa and Namibia, including results in excess of 1800 years b.p. at both
Falls Rock Shelter and Snake Rock. A more recent account of these sites,
however, indicates that none of the faunal material has been positively
identified as sheep (Kinahan 1991). At Mirabib, in the Namib, a dung
layer yielded a radiocarbon result of 1550|+ or -~50 b.p. (Pta-1535),
with sheep hairs identified in the dung (Sandelowsky et al. 1979). At
Geduld, horizons containing dung range from before 1980 b.p. to after
1790 b.p. Sheep bones have recently been identified in the most recent
of these horizons (Jacobson 1987; A.B. Smith pers. comm.).
Little Witkrans, Equus Cave and Dikbosch Shelter 1, in the northern
Cape, have yielded sheep bones from excavation units with determinations
of 1830|+ or -~50 (Pta-3418), 2390|+ or -~55 (Pta-2452) and 3060|+ or
-~60 (Pta-1065) b.p. respectively. In all three cases, the deposits were
poorly stratified and the excavators removed arbitrary horizontal spits.
The associations between the charcoal on which the dates were run, and
the other materials in the grid squares are questionable, as the
excavators themselves have cautioned (Humphreys 1974; Humphreys &
Thackeray 1983).
Further south, at the site of /Ai tomas or Vaalhoek, one distal sheep
phalange was recovered from the same grid square and stratigraphic level
as a radiocarbon result, on burned bone, of 1980|+ or -~120 b.p.
(Pta-5530) (Webley 1992a). At Spoegrivier, a sheep phalange was
stratified below a determination of 1920|+ or -~40 b.p. (Pta-4745)
(Webley 1992a; 1992b). In both sites, more recent levels contain many
additional sheep bones.
At Elands Bay Cave, the affinities of some of the stratigraphic units
are still under investigation. The available information, however, is
that sheep first appear in Layer 5, at 1120|+ or -~85 b.p. (GaK-4335)
(Parkington 1977; 1981; Klein & Cruz-Uribe 1987). The nearby
Tortoise Cave has approximately two dozen fragments of sheep bone
associated with results of c. 1600 b.p. (Klein & Cruz-Uribe 1987;
Robey 1987). Additional work on the site and excavated material is
needed before we will know how much deposit (and faunal material) may
relate to underlying determinations of c. 1800 b.p.
The site of Kasteelberg A is the remains of a large pastoralist
encampment, with numerous sheep remains (Klein & Cruz-Uribe 1989).
There are two radiocarbon results of 1860|+ or -~60 (Pta-3711) and
1790|+ or -~40 (Pta-3461) b.p. from the very bottom of the sequence, but
it is unclear what volume of deposit, and hence which faunal and other
material, is associated with this early period. Other dates from the
site are substantially younger (Smith 1987).
The best evidence for early sheep at the Cape comes from the site of
Die Kelders, on the southern Cape coast (Schweitzer & Scott 1973;
Schweitzer 1979). The Later Stone Age levels at Die Kelders fall into
two groups: the lower deposits, Layers 12 to 7, are bracketed between
two indistinguishable radiocarbon determinations, one for Layer 12 of
1960|+ or -~85 (GX-1688), and one for layer 7/9, of 1960|+ or -~95 b.p.
(GX-1687). Above Layer 7, there are a series of younger deposits
clustered around 1500 b.p. Sheep first appear at Die Kelders in Layer
10. In addition to sheep bones, Die Kelders has yielded numerous
potsherds: 946 from Layer 12 alone.
The nearby shell midden of Hawston contained a single sheep bone. The
original report (Avery 1975) stated that this bone was stratified
between two radiocarbon results of 1860|+ or -~60 and 1900|+ or -~40
b.p. (Pta-834 and 835 respectively). A subsequent account (Avery 1976)
makes it clear that the specimen came from a unit overlying the 1860
determination (confirmed by the excavator: Avery pers. comm.). This bone
is younger than originally believed.
Sheep bones from Byneskranskop occur only in Layer 1, which ranges
from the recent past to c. 3200 b.p. (Schweitzer & Wilson 1982).
During the first season of excavation in 1974, Layer i was removed as a
single unit. During the second, 1976 season, when grid squares O 29-30
and O and P 31-32 were excavated, three subdivisions of Layer 1 were
recognized: from top to bottom, Adam, Clara and Eva. Two radio-carbon
determinations of 255|+ or -~50 (Pta-1864) and 535|+ or -~50 (Pta-1866)
were obtained from charcoal samples from the uppermost sub-unit. The
middle sub-unit yielded a result of 1880|+ or -~50 (Pta-1865), and the
lowermost sub-unit one of 3220|+ or -~45 (Pta-1631). The excavators
comment that the lowermost level probably should have been included with
the underlying Layer 2, which is dated to 3400|+ or -~55 b.p. (Pta-1569)
(Schweitzer & Wilson 1982: 22). Sheep remains are recorded from the
lower sub-units, and may be older than 1600 b.p.
Boomplaas A yielded a single sheep upper dentition from the BLD Member, for which there is a radiocarbon result of 1955|+ or -~65 b.p.
(UW-336) (Klein 1978). The excavator believes, however, that this
specimen was intrusive, and belongs with the overlying stratum, the DGL member (Deacon et al. 1978; Deacon 1979). DGL ranges from 1700|+ or -~55
(UW-338) to 1510|+ or -~75 (UW-307) b.p. This site, therefore, does not
have sheep from levels unequivocally dated to earlier than 1600 b.p.
Is the picture reliable?
The accepted picture is based on radiocarbon dates, usually on
charcoal, and apparent associations between the dated charcoal and
faunal and other material in the same stratigraphic units. Early sheep
have usually been indirectly dated. Even so, there are only a handful of
sites at the Cape in which sheep bones seem reliably associated with
radiocarbon determinations of 1600 b.p. or older: /Ai tomas,
Spoegrivier, Kasteelberg, Die Kelders, possibly Byneskranskop. In each
case, there are relatively few fragments from the lower levels, and
examination reveals them to be small. All of these sites have younger
overlying deposits in which sheep remains are much more numerous. Given
the well-documented mobility of objects within archaeological deposits
(e.g. Hughes & Lampert 1977; Villa 1982; Villa & Courtin 1983;
Gifford-Gonzalez et al. 1985), one wonders whether the
'earliest' sheep might in fact be more recent bones which have
become mixed with older deposits. Many of the sites are coastal, and
include large quantities of marine shell, making the deposits
coarse-grained and porous. Anomalously early dates for domesticated grain in North Africa have been shown to be the result of small objects
moving downwards through the deposit (Wendorf et al. 1984).
site |is less than~1600 b.p. |is greater than~1600 b.p.
/Ai tomas (Area 3) 56 1 (2)
Spoegrivier 52 1 (3)
Die Kelders 692 2 (10)
TABLE 1. Numbers of sheep bones (NISP) in units older than 1600 b.p., compared
with younger deposits. For the older units, the first number is the number of
bones which re-examination for this project showed to be unquestionably sheep.
The number in brackets is that from the faunal report, which in all cases
includes some probable identifications.
Data for Die Kelders is from Klein (unpublished records), for /Ai tomas and
Spoegrivier from Webley (1992a; 1992b). This information is not currently
available for Kasteelberg A or Byneskranskop.
New dates
We assembled a series of bones which could reliably be identified as
sheep, from excavation units older than 1600 b.p. This comprised one
specimen from /Ai tomas, one from Spoegrivier, two from Kasteelberg, two
from Die Kelders and one from Byneskranskop. Additional specimens are
available from the same units at Kasteelberg and Byneskranskop. Each
bone was measured and photographed, and then dated by the radio-carbon
accelerator technique at the Research Laboratory for Archaeology and the
History of Art at Oxford University.
The specimen from /Ai tomas unfortunately contained insufficient
protein for a date. The results for the other bones are presented in
TABLE 2.
The two specimens from Die Kelders Layer 7 (museum accession number SAM-AA 8725) yielded results of 1325|+ or -~60 and 1290|+ or -~60 b.p.
respectively. Although the site report records sheep in Layer 10
(Schweitzer 1979), we did not relocate any other bones from the lower
series of deposits which could confidently be identified as sheep.
These specimens were the only two candidates for dating. We conclude
they are intrusive into the layer in which they were found, and must
derive from younger overlying deposits, in which sheep are much more
numerous. Examination of the Die Kelders stratigraphy shows that, at
least in the section drawn here, the older series of deposits (Layers
12-7, c. 1960 b.p.) seem to have been truncated by the younger series
(Layers 6-2, c. 1500 b.p.), perhaps affording an opportunity for small
fragments of bone from the more recent occupation to have become mixed
with Layer 7. Layer 12, thought to be the same age as Layer 7, has a
larger faunal sample than the whole of the rest of the site: over 17,000
fragments of bone. Yet there are no sheep in Layer 12, although there
are numerous potsherds (Schweitzer 1979: 203). If sheep really were
present at the site at 1960 b.p., we would expect to find them in Layer
12, as well as in the much smaller faunal assemblages of the layers
above.
The specimen from Spoegrivier is, at 2105|+ or -~65 b.p., the only
one of our series significantly TABULAR DATA OMITTED older than 1600
b.p. We conclude that this bone was found in situ, stratified below a
hearth which yielded a result of 1920|+ or -~40 b.p. (Pta-4745).
Unfortunately, it is the only specimen from this level. Site reports
indicate that two overlying layers (Shelly Patch & Brown) also
yielded sheep bones, a rib and a distal sesamoid respectively, neither a
very diagnostic element. It is unwise to rely upon them for dating
purposes (Klein pers. comm.). The many sheep bones higher up in the
sequence are likely to be much younger (Webley 1992a; 1992b).
The sheep mandibular condyle from Byneskranskop gave a result of
1370|+ or -~60 b.p. This specimen comes from the middle sub-unit of
Layer 1, which also yielded a radiocarbon determination, on charcoal, of
1880|+ or -~50 (Pta-1865). The excavators' lumping of the three
sub-units of Layer 1 into a single entity in their report suggests some
uncertainty as to their stratigraphic integrity. The relatively recent
date for this specimen is not surprising.
The two specimens from Kasteelberg come from the same grid square and
spit as a charcoal sample which gave a result of 1860|+ or -~60 b.p.
(Pta- 3711) (Smith 1987). At two standard deviations, this determination
just overlaps with the older of the two sheep results (1630|+ or -~60).
The other (1430|+ or -~55 b.p.) is clearly younger. A conventional
radiocarbon determination on a composite sample comprising a number of
bone fragments, also from the same square and spit, yielded a value of
1230|+ or -~40 b.p. (Pta-5937). The site is an open one, in the lee of
some large granite boulders. The level under discussion forms the very
bottom of the sequence of archaeological deposits, directly overlying
sterile gravelly sediments. There may be a very slight archaeological
presence, too slight to have been detectable as a separate stratigraphic
unit, represented by the 1860 b.p. result. Most of the material in the
unit, however, is probably rather younger. The direct dates on the sheep
bones are consistent with the general pattern mentioned above, with firm
evidence for a substantial pastoralist presence only from 1600 b.p.
Other sites have yielded apparently early sheep remains which direct
dating subsequently demonstrated to be out of position in the sequence.
At Nelson Bay Cave, a sheep bone was recovered from a layer with a
radiocarbon determination, on charcoal, of 1930|+ or -~60 b.p.
(GrN-5703). Direct radiocarbon accelerator measurement of the bone
itself produced a re-suit of only 1100|+ or -~80 b.p. (OxA-873) (Gowlett
et al. 1987; Inskeep 1987). Striped Giraffe Shelter, in Namibia, yielded
a sheep horn core from Spit 3 (Plug 1979). This horn was stratified
between spits for which there are radiocarbon determinations of 4590|+
or -~100 (S.R-63) and 3080|+ or -~100 b.p. (SR-64) respectively
(Sandelowsky & Viereck 1969; Vogel & Visser 1981). The horn core
itself, however, is only 370|+ or -~40 b.p. (Pta-2230) (Vogel &
Visser 1981). At Wonderwerk Cave, in the northern Cape, sheep hair was
recovered from several units, extending as far down as the lowest
sub-unit of layer 3a (Humphreys & Thackeray 1983). The top of layer
3a gave a result of 1890|+ or -~50 b.p. (Pta-2542), but the hair itself
was only 460|+ or -~120 b.p. (OxA-622) (Gowlett et al. 1987).
Should we revise the chronology?
FIGURE 4 summarizes our picture of the introduction of stock to the
Cape before and after direct accelerator dating. The new radiocarbon
dates indicate that we have no direct evidence for stock-keeping in the
southernmost Cape before about 1600 b.p. We have only a few direct
determinations for sheep, of which just one is c. 2000 b.p.
Obviously, interpretations of this small sample must be extremely
cautious. On current evidence, the earliest reliable determination for
sheep in southwestern Africa is 2105|+ or -~65 b.p., from Spoegrivier on
the northwestern Cape coast. This result is consistent with a west coast
route for the introduction of sheep to the region.
Formerly, the most secure evidence for early sheep seemed to be that
from Die Kelders, which is also the most southerly site. Archaeological
surveys in areas to the north, along the supposed routes of
introduction, failed to produce significantly earlier evidence of
pastoralism (Webley 1992a; Sampson et al. 1989). It is entirely possible
that stock-keeping spread so fast that we cannot resolve its expansion
through radiocarbon dating, as seems the case with the spread of
Matola-type ceramics associated with Iron Age farmers down the eastern
coast of Africa at more or less the same time (Maggs & Whitelaw
1991). If, however, pastoralism in the southern Cape has a time depth of
1600 years, rather than 2000, while sheep were present in Namaqualand
500 radiocarbon years earlier, then we may be starting to detect a
southerly progression of stock.
If stock-keeping in the southern regions of the Cape Province began
only 1600 years ago, then the use of pottery and the keeping of domestic
stock are not inextricably linked. We are fairly certain that pottery
does date to c. 2000 b.p.: almost 1000 potsherds in Layer 12 at Die
Kelders constitute a substantial body of evidence. Several authors have
noted that early dates for pottery are more common than those for sheep
(Sandelowsky et al. 1979; Deacon 1984; Klein 1986). Mazel (1992) has
argued that, in the eastern parts of the country, use of pottery
preceded the keeping of domestic stock. Our results strengthen this
pattern considerably. Pottery is common at Die Kelders, and occurs at
other sites, c. 2000 b.p. Domesticated animals, nowhere common until c.
1600 b.p., are from that time found in significant numbers in many
different sites.
The new dates answer some rather specific questions about the sites
from which they come. They raise many additional questions, and
highlight the probability that the introduction of domesticated animals
into southwestern Africa was a complicated process. The belief that both
pottery and stock appeared in the Cape simultaneously has underlain the
hypothesis that these items were brought into the region by an immigrant
herder population. If there was, instead, a two-phase introduction, then
this scenario is too simplistic.
An early date, c. 2000 b.p., for stock in western South Africa sets
it prior to the arrival of the first iron-using farmers. A late date, c.
1600 b.p., makes a remarkable coincidence in the timing of the
appearance of pastoralism in western South Africa, and agro-pastoralism
in the east and north. We would like to know more about contacts between
stone-tool using pastoralists in the western part of the sub-continent,
and iron-using agriculturists who first settled in the eastern and
northern parts of South Africa in about the 3rd century AD. Both groups
made pottery, and kept domesticated sheep and cattle.
The pottery made by the western pastoralists includes so-called
'Cape Coastal' ware; thin-walled, relatively high-fired
vessels of distinctive shape, often with spouts, lugs and pointed bases
(Rudner 1968). Some pottery, however, is less distinctive. As Schweitzer
(1979) remarked, at Die Kelders, the pottery from Layer 12 is different
from the Cape Coastal ware in the overlying Layer 2. Layer 12 pots are
very diverse: some sherds are thick, tempered with shale/siltstone
inclusions, and were fired at low temperatures. Others are thinner and
fired at higher temperatures. There are a number of bowls, and vessels
with rounded, rather than pointed bases. Inskeep (1978) hypothesized
that pottery might have been invented independently by sedentary
hunter-gatherers; Deacon (1984) regarded this as unlikely. Schweitzer
(1979) noted the similarity between Layer 12 pots and other globular pots from Oakhurst and Tsitsikama Cave, some 300 km to the east. He
wrote (1979: 216):
The whole question of the relationship between the Later Stone Age
Hottentot or 'Strandloper' pottery and that of the Iron Age
peoples to the north is urgently in need of examination . . .
The Khoikhoi encountered by European colonists at the Cape kept
fat-tailed sheep. Presumably, the ancestral sheep recovered from the
archaeological sites were also fat-tailed, although there is no direct
osteological reflection of this soft-tissue feature. Different breeds of
cattle, on the other hand, can be separated osteologically. Historical
pictures of Khoi cattle suggest mixed Sanga and Afrikaner genetic
origins, and both kinds of animal are found in the faunal assemblages of
the 9th century AD site of Schroda, and the 10th-11th century AD sites
of K2 and Mapungubwe, all in the northern Transvaal (Voigt 1986). Cattle
remains from archaeological sites in the western part of the country
are, thus far, too fragmentary to be assigned to particular breeds.
Clearly, much work remains to be done. We need more sites with large
assemblages of fauna and pottery, and many more direct radiocarbon dates
on the bones of domestic animals. The results reported here demonstrate
this limitations of the archaeological record. We cannot trace the
beginnings of pastoralism on the basis of dating by association. Direct
radiocarbon dates on the objects of enquiry, however, can help us to
unravel the complicated interactions associated with the adoption of
food production in southern Africa.
Acknowledgements. We are indebted to Richard Klein for a great deal
of help with the identification of specimens, and information from his
unpublished records. Graham Avery and Mike Wilson helped us to obtain
material for dating, and Mike Wilson also furnished detailed information
on the stratigraphies of Die Kelders and Byneskranskop.
Andrew Smith and Lita Webley supplied specimens and unpublished
information from their excavations. James Brink identified the bones
from /Ai tomas. Gavin Evans photographed the specimens before they were
submitted for dating. Ray Inskeep began a programme of direct
radiocarbon dating of sheep bones some years ago, and we have benefitted
from his results, and discussion and advice. Leon Jacobson brought to
our attention the date for the horn core from Striped Giraffe Shelter.
Francis Thackeray supplied information on the sheep hair from
Wonderwerk. The dates were funded by a grant from the Swan Fund, and run
by the Radiocarbon Accelerator Unit at Oxford University. Many members
of the South African archaeological community, and especially John
Parkington, discussed the project design and the results with us,
providing many useful insights.
Janette Deacon, Ray Inskeep, John Parkington and anonymous referees
read and commented on the manuscript. We thank them all.
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