On the edge: threats to Jordanian reform.
Sullivan, Matthew
On many levels, Jordan continues to stand among Arab-Muslim
countries as the best hope for facilitating peace and genuine democratic
reform in the Middle East. Ten years ago, Jordan's King Hussein and
Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin signed a landmark peace treaty
second only to Israel's 1979 accord with Egypt. King Abdullah,
Hussein's successor, has overseen five years of moderate political
and economic reforms and has distinguished himself among Arab leaders as
the most consistent, liberal advocate of reform. Today, committed
reformers, Muslim Brotherhood members, and several women all hold seats
in Jordan's parliament. Yet in light of the stalled US-led
"Road Map" and ongoing violence under the occupation of Iraq,
hope for accelerated democratization in Jordan is waning. Indeed,
external events and domestic pressures are encumbering Jordan's
ability to serve as the region's leading voice for peace and model
for reform.
The Jordanian monarchy's difficult relations with the majority
Palestinian population have been exacerbated by developments since 2000.
The construction of a security fence in the West Bank and the Israeli
plan for unilateral withdrawal from Gaza have produced discontent.
Critics have decried Abdullah's calls for the Palestinian Authority
to complete institutional restructuring and to articulate more specific
demands of Israel that could serve as a point of departure for renewed
negotiations. The al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade issued a statement
condemning Abdullah for betrayal of the Palestinian cause and many
Jordanian Palestinians share this sentiment. While King Abdullah's
marriage to a Palestinian woman with familial ties to the West Bank and
his appointment of Palestinians to ministerial positions reflect a
desire for inclusion, tensions are likely to remain high so long as the
Israeli-Palestinian situation does not improve.
Second, Jordan's tactical support for the war in Iraq and
assistance since the fall of Baghdad have raised the possibility of a
violent response from Islamic militants. In a reversal of King
Hussein's support of Iraq in the 1991 Gulf War, Abdullah permitted
territorial access to US Special Forces in 2003 and has helped with the
training of Iraqi police and soldiers. The shift sparked a new cycle of
outspoken criticism and Jordan, like other coalition members, has been
the target of Islamic terrorism. Last spring, Jordanian police claimed
to have disrupted a plot to employ chemical weapons against governmental
and US targets in Amman. The details of the effort appear consistent
with Al Qaeda operations, which use armored trucks and large quantities
of explosives, and Jordanian authorities believe that Abu-Musab
al-Zarqawi, a militia leader in neighboring Iraq, was behind the plan.
Deviation from reform efforts reflects a need perceived by
Jordanian officials to counteract such opposition and enhance security.
Jordan's most recent major governmental shakeup came in October
2003. At that time, the number of cabinet ministers was cut by a
quarter, a new appointment system for municipal councils was enacted,
and Feisal al-Fayez, a former royal court official with a reputation for
compliance, was selected as prime minister. While the restructuring was
billed as a means to infuse talent and limit tribal influence from
government, many believed its primary motivation was a greater
empowerment of Abdullah. The arrest of more than three dozen Islamic
leaders on September 9, 2004, signaled that the Interior Ministry's
surveillance efforts would extend inside mosque walls, and one cleric
spent three days in prison after refusing to sign a statement promising
to temper his criticisms. It is unclear, however, whether any of the
arrested leaders had ties to violent opposition groups.
The near future will hold further challenges for Abdullah and
Jordanian reformers. Iraq, Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza remain
vulnerable to escalating conflict, and several government officials have
expressed fears that Israeli policy in the West Bank will produce an
influx of Palestinians into Jordan. The United States has been forced to
distance itself from reform efforts so as to avoid contaminating the
cause with a US label. Indeed, the greatest challenge for Abdullah and
other Jordanian leaders is to defeat its increasingly violent opponents
while creating a reform process and peace initiatives with an Arab face.
Speaking last May as host of the World Economic Forum, Abdullah called
for democratic reform, yet added that "for reform to succeed, it
must emerge from within our societies and not through external
influence." While Abdullah's task is great, the price of
stagnation, repression, and violence is greater and demands a
continuation of Jordanian initiative and knowledge.
staff writer
MATTHEW SULLIVAN