Maintaining NATO.
Kaiser, Karl
NATO was fortunate to have two particularly gifted Secretaries
General at moments of historic change for the international community.
At the end of the Cold War the German Manfred Woerner creatively
succeeded in adapting the Alliance to the disappearance of the East-West
conflict that had previously dominated international geopolitics. After
September 11, 2001, with the Iraq War to follow, Lord George Robertson
from Great Britain skillfully held the Alliance together despite the
divisions created by the administration of US President George W. Bush
and the disagreements on the Iraq War. Lord Roberton also assisted NATO
in adapting to new goals and policies.
Lord Robertson's analysis ("The Future of NATO,"
Fall 2004) correctly delineates the future tasks of NATO in a
fundamentally unstable world, ranging from political convulsions in the
adjacent world regions to jihad-terrorism, failed states, and
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. As he points out, NATO has
succeeded in fulfilling completely new tasks: ending ethnic cleansing with military force in Kosovo, keeping the peace by maintaining a
military presence in the Balkans, supporting stability in Afghanistan
through various mechanisms, and helping Poland's military
involvement in the Iraq War by providing command infrastructure support
which the country itself was unable to provide.
But Lord Robertson remains diplomatically silent on NATO's
most important structural problem that it has faced in the recent past
and will likely continue to confront: the tendency of the Bush
Administration to bypass the Alliance or to treat it as a handy
"tool box" from which to select "coalitions of the
willing" to support Washington. Despite many of NATO's
accomplishments, the organization has often been relegated to the
sidelines by the Bush Administration's statements and actions.
When, as Lord Robertson put it, NATO "spectacularly proved its
enduring relevance on September 12, 2001, when Article 5, the collective
defense clause ... was invoked," the absence of a proper US
response immediately demonstrated what has basically remained an ongoing
problem. Not only did the Bush Administration make no effort whatsoever
to involve the Alliance, but, even more importantly, US Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld transformed the concept of "coalition of
the willing" from what was previously a pragmatic approach into a
doctrine.
This new approach adopted by the Bush Administration treated the
"old Europe" that dared to disagree with Washington's
policy with disdain. Perhaps even more disturbing, the policy seemed to
play the European partners against each other.
Though efforts were made to overcome old divisions by creating
NATO's Rapid Reaction Force or the Provincial Reconstruction Teams
for Afghanistan--all of them with Lord Robertson's help--NATO will
only survive as the indispensable alliance of democracies if a proper
compromise can be found between the necessity to conduct operations with
those who are capable and ready and the need for joint decision-making,
preparation, as well as shared command and infrastructure. The
relegation of NATO to Washington's "tool box" would
result in its eventual demise.
Lord Robertson rightly points out that Europe has to enhance and
modernize its military capabilities. Indeed, if the members of the
European Union would only abandon their obsolete and internal
multiplication of military structures and weapons systems, Europe could
do much better with the same budget. But one problem remains: as Europe
(hopefully) grows stronger, Washington will have to abandon its
continued skepticism vis-a-vis a united Europe in the field of security
and return to its former policy that considered a strong and united
Europe as an asset and valuable partner for cooperating on shared
strategic goals.
A concerted effort to resolve these issues within the Alliance is
imperative now that the US Presidential elections have passed.
Karl Kaiser is the former Director of the German Council on Foreign
Relations and is now a Scholar at the Weatherhead Center for
International Affairs of Harvard University.