The New Politics of Old Age Policy.
Barusch, Amanda Smith
The New Politics of Old Age Policy. Robert B. Hudson (Editor).
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005, 316 pages. ISBN:
0-8018-8074-2 $58.00 hardback; ISBN: 0-8018-8075-0 $22.95 paperback.
Building on his observation that "the contemporary social
policy debate is more about political ideology than it is about
population dynamics" (p. 11), Hudson and his distinguished
coauthors offer an intelligent counterpoint to pervasive rhetoric about
the gray tsunami that threatens to engulf cherished American
institutions.
This scholarly work offers new insights and perspectives for policy
analysts. First, Hudson argues that the debate about aging policies is
fundamentally about the respective roles of government, family, and
charity in meeting the needs of America's elders. Aging policy has
become a flashpoint in the broader dialogue about what Americans can
expect from their government. This view is echoed in Binstock's
later chapter. Holstein argues that universal age-based public policy is
vital to the dignity of older adults as a "visible expression of
community" (p. 36). Canadian John Myles uses principles of
political economy to generate strategies by which pension systems can
adjust to an aging population. In a "broadly Rawlsian"
analysis, Myles argues for a guaranteed minimum retirement income
financed through general revenues. Beginning with the premise that
"policy makes politics," Teles speculates about the political
consequences of social security reforms. The thought-provoking result
might change a reader's approach to policy analysis.
Some chapters explore definitional issues and describe social
trends affecting older adults. O'Rand's work reviews
retirement research, noting both the increased life expectancy and the
longer "active life expectancy" enjoyed by contemporary
Americans. Like O'Rand, Flippen underscored the potential impact of
increasing the retirement age of people of color and Americans with
disabilities. Gonyea offers a sensitive portrayal of the "oldest
old," arguing that a social insurance approach to long-term care
policy should be disability based rather than age based.
Other chapters offer background material that would be useful in
the classroom. Meyer offers a concise description of health and income
policies that affect older adults, organized around her argument that
the exceptionalism of the U.S. welfare state promotes inequality.
Similarly, Herd and Kingson provide a critique of privatization
proposals that offers background on Social Security itself. Moon's
chapter provides a good sense of the dynamics of Medicare financing even
as it reviews various reform possibilities. Grogan's chapter
describes the history of Medicaid to argue that it could evolve into a
universal long-term care program. Pynoos and Nishita deliver a careful
description of housing policies and suggest that accommodation of
frailty and disability will be a major theme in this arena. Finally,
Binstock catalogues recent developments in aging policy.
A broad range of audiences will benefit from this work. Advanced
policy analysts will find new perspectives and intriguing approaches,
and social work students will find useful background material on trends
and key programs that affect elderly people. Practitioners who serve
elderly clients will gain a macro perspective on the programs that help
(and hinder) their clients every day. Activists may find a new funding
strategy in the discussion of local tax levies provided by Applebaum and
colleagues.
Amanda Smith Barusch
University of Utah