Intensive fostering: an independent evaluation of MTFC in an English setting.
Biehal, Nina ; Ellison, Sarah ; Sinclair, Ian 等
Introduction
This article reports on the first independent study of
Multidimensional Treatment Foster Care (MTFC), the evaluation of the
MTFC programme for serious and persistent young offenders in England.
The MTFC programme, known as Intensive Fostering (IF) in this
incarnation, was piloted in three areas with initial funding provided by
the Youth Justice Board. MTFC is a community based intervention grounded
in social learning theory, which was developed by the Oregon Social
Learning Centre (OSLC) during the 1980s. As its name suggests, MTFC
differs from routine foster care in that it offers treatment as well as
substitute care. It provides young people with a short-term foster
placement, followed by a short period of aftercare, and is delivered by
a professional team and highly trained and supported foster carers. MTFC
was initially designed for work with boys with serious criminal
behaviour and was later extended to delinquent girls, but it has
subsequently been adapted for use with other groups of children and
young people (Chamberlain and Reid, 1991, 1998; Chamberlain et al, 1996;
Fisher et al, 2005).
The programme developers have conducted a number of evaluations of
its use with young offenders. An early study of 32 'severely
delinquent youth', of whom half who received Specialised Foster
Care (SFC, a precursor of MTFC) and half who were placed in group care
or on intensive parole supervision, found that the SFC group were less
likely to enter custody over a two-year follow-up. However, the group
difference diminished during the second year of follow-up (Chamberlain,
1990). A subsequent randomised control trial of 79 male young offenders
compared a group placed in MTFC with others in community-based
residential programmes. By follow-up, one year post-discharge (or
expulsion) from the programme, the MTFC group were found to have had
fewer criminal referrals and to have spent 60 per cent fewer days
incarcerated. A further trial with 81 female young offenders also
reported positive effects for MTFC. At 12 months post-baseline, girls in
MTFC had spent significantly fewer days in locked settings than those
placed in community-based residential care, but although they also had
fewer criminal referrals, this difference was not statistically
significant (Leve et al, 2005).
In Sweden, MTFC has been used as an intervention for young people
with a diagnosis of conduct disorder and who were at immediate risk of
out-of-home placement. A randomised controlled trial followed up 35
young people for two years, comparing a group placed in MTFC with others
placed in foster or residential care or remaining at home (Westermark et
al, 2011). In this study MTFC was found to have a positive effect on
externalising behaviour, as reported by the young people. Parent reports
also indicated a group difference in externalising behaviour in the same
direction, but this did not reach statistical significance (Westermark
et al, 2011). However, we cannot compare patterns of reoffending with
those in England or the USA because in Sweden all anti-social behaviour
by young people is defined as a child welfare problem and is not,
therefore, categorised as a criminal offence.
The independent replication of studies of MTFC in different
locations was recommended by the Cochrane review of MTFC (Macdonald and
Turner, 2009). All previous evaluations have been conducted either by
the programme developers or, as in Sweden, by the team responsible for
the implementation of MTFC in that country. This study there fore
represents the first independent evaluation of the intervention. (1)
The intensive fostering programme
The English IF programme closely followed the MTFC programme
developed by the OSLC. Fidelity to the Oregon model was monitored both
by the national co-ordinator of the IF programme and through distance
super vision provided by a member of the OSLC, who viewed videos of
clinical meetings and provided telephone advice. The key elements of
MTFC include: the provision of a consistent reinforcing environment in
which young people are mentored and encouraged; a clear structure, with
clearly specified boundaries and consequences for behaviour; close
supervision of young people's activities and whereabouts at all
times; diversion from associations with anti-social peers; and help to
develop positive social skills and promote the formation of
relationships with more positive peers (Chamberlain, 2003). This daily
programme of positive reinforcement is delivered by specially trained
foster carers, who are provided with intensive support. Behaviour is
closely monitored and positive behaviours are reinforced using a system
of points and levels. The intention is that after six to nine months,
young people will accumulate sufficient points to move to the highest
level on the programme and then return to their families or move to
alternative carers.
MTFC teams are led by programme supervisors, who act as case
managers and co-ordinate the intervention. Individual therapists work
with young people to develop problem-solving skills and help them change
identified behaviours. Skills workers help them improve and practise
their social skills and try to involve them in positive recreational
activities. Birth family therapists undertake work with parents or
alternative follow-on carers during the foster placement and a
three-month aftercare period, to ensure that desired behaviours continue
to be encouraged and reinforced in a positive manner after they complete
the programme. The IF teams also aimed to find appropriate education or
training for the young people, help them settle into school or college
and to encourage regular attendance. The English teams made minor
adaptations to programme delivery by creating additional posts for
programme managers and family placement social workers, to allow
programme super visors to focus on clinical work.
Design and methods
Design
A prospective, quasi-experimental design was used to compare
outcomes for 47 serious and persistent offenders facing an imminent
custodial sentence, of whom 23 entered IF placements and 24 were either
sentenced to custody or, in four cases, sentenced to an Intensive
Supervision and Surveillance Programme (ISSP), a community-based
initiative for persistent young offenders. The primary outcome measures
were reconviction and the use of custody. Secondary outcomes were also
assessed, including living situation, participation in education,
training or employment and peer relationships.
Baseline for all the young people in the study was the date of
their index sentence. This was the date that the IF group moved to their
foster placements and that the comparison group entered custody (or
began their ISSP sentence). Outcomes for the IF group were measured at
two points in time: Stage 1, one year after the date of entry to the IF
placements; and Stage 2, one year after the date of exit from IF
placements.
The second follow-up after the young people left their IF
placements was essential to ensure a valid comparison of outcomes, since
while in placement they were under very close supervision. Their
opportunity to reoffend therefore only became equivalent to that of
young people released from custody once they had left their IF
placements.
For the comparison group there was only a single point of
follow-up. For those sentenced to custody, follow-up was one year after
the date of their release as they only had the opportunity to reoffend
once they returned to the community, but for those sentenced to ISSP
follow-up was one year after the sentence began as they remained at
liberty throughout. (2) Average time in custody was 5.8 months.
Sample recruitment
Young people were sentenced to IF if they were serious or
persistent offenders who were at imminent risk of a custodial sentence
and who also met certain eligibility criteria, namely severity scores of
three or more (on a four-point rating scale) on the 'family and
personal relationships' and 'lifestyle' sub-scales of the
Asset assessment tool. The Asset is a structured assessment tool used by
Youth Offending Teams (YOTs) with all young people who come into contact
with the criminal justice system. It is used to identify the factors
which may have contributed to an individual's offending behaviour
and to inform decisions about intervention and the assessment of the
risk that they will reoffend (Youth Justice Board, 2011). Only 15 IF
placements were available across the three pilot sites and, due to the
small numbers entering IF and the lengthy duration of the placements
(which were intended to last for nine months), it was possible to
include only 24 young people in the intervention group during the
evaluation timescale (one of whom died prior to follow-up). The
intervention group included all young people who entered the programme
during our recruitment period.
Young people in the IF group were compared to 24 others who met the
eligibility criteria for the IF programme, that is they (a) were
sentenced to custody or ISSP (the 'service as usual') and (b)
had scores on the 'lifestyle' and 'family and personal
relationships' domains of the Asset tool which indicated serious
difficulties in these areas. We worked closely with local YOT teams to
identify young people who had just been sentenced to custody or ISSP and
who also met the additional eligibility criteria for entry to the IF
programme in respect of their Asset scores. There were no significant
differences in Asset mean scores between the IF and comparison groups.
(3) All but three of the young people who met the criteria for our
comparison group during the study time frame agreed to participate in
the study.
Data collection
Official data on dates and types of all offences and sentences ever
received were available for the measurement of baseline sentencing
histories and primary outcomes for the total sample, so there was no
sample attrition in relation to the primary outcome measures. All
offences were systematically coded for offence gravity using the
official government scoring system, the 'counting rules,'
which were developed to ensure consistency between police forces in the
classification of crime (Home Office, 2011). This standardised system
was used to assign a gravity score to each crime committed by the young
people up to and including baseline and subsequently between baseline
and follow-up.
In addition, semi-structured interviews were conducted with young
people at baseline (n = 36) and one year after entry to IF
placements/release from custody (n = 37), and with the parents of the IF
group, although not many parents agreed to participate in these (11 at
baseline and nine at follow-up). Although sample attrition meant there
were some missing interview data, a complete dataset was available for
all measures of reoffending (reconviction, number and nature of
offences, use of custody), as this information was drawn from official
administrative sources. The interviews explored the young people's
histories, circumstances, behaviours and views of MTFC. The young
people's YOT workers also completed questionnaires at the same
points in time and provided their standard (Asset) assessment records
and updates. IF teams and foster carers completed questionnaires six
weeks after the foster placements began and again at Stage 1 follow-up,
or sooner if the placement had already ended.
This evaluation did not have the resources to independently assess
treatment fidelity, but we were aware that problems with staff
recruitment and turnover may have had an impact on programme delivery at
times. However, staffing or other operational difficulties may occur
with the wider implementation of any evidence-based programme, so our
results are likely to reflect the effects of 'real'
implementation, as opposed to implementation by programme developers in
more controlled conditions.
Analysis
Analysis of data at baseline and Stage 1 drew on all data sources,
but only official data on sentencing histories were collected at Stage
2. Quantitative data from official records and postal questionnaires
were analysed using SPSS 17. Bivariate analyses were used to compare the
characteristics, histories, behaviour and offending of the two groups,
using Chi-square tests for the analysis of nominal variables and
Mann-Whitney U tests for interval data. Logistic regression was used for
multivariate analysis of patterns of reconviction. For reasons of space,
the results of our qualitative analysis will be reported in another
article, although at times we briefly refer to findings from it in this
one.
Results
Characteristics and histories of the young people and families
The IF and comparison groups were well matched in terms of their
demographic characteristics and criminal histories. The two groups were
also equally likely to have committed a range of index offences. The
only significant difference at baseline was that the comparison group
was more likely to have committed an index offence of 'violence
against the person'. No significant differences were found in mean
scores for the gravity either for the most serious index offence or in
relation to the most serious previous offence ever committed. Table 1
compares the characteristics and histories of the two groups.
Professional reports indicated that many of the young people were
highly vulnerable. One in six had a learning disability and one in ten
had a diagnosis of Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Dis order (ADHD).
One-fifth were known to have previously self-harmed or attempted
suicide, and six had been diagnosed with mental health problems. Family
and peer-related risk factors for youth offending were common among both
groups (Farrington, 1995; Rutter et al, 1998). Nearly half (46%) had
experienced disrupted family relationships, 40 per cent had experienced
family conflict, and one-quarter had parents with criminal convictions
of their own. According to professional and self-reports, over
three-quarters of those in both groups were associating with
pro-criminal peer groups at baseline.
Over half had experienced maltreatment during the course of their
lives, with emotional abuse the most common form, followed by physical
abuse and neglect, both of which have previously been found to be
associated with juvenile offending (Runyan and Gould, 1985; Widom, 1991;
Thornberry, 1995; Thornberry et al, 2001). Around 40 per cent of those
in each group had spent some time in out-of-home care during the course
of their lives, including 15 per cent who were in care at the time of
the conviction for the index offence. Only half were living with a
parent at the time of conviction and, again, the groups were well
matched in this respect.
One-third of the young people had difficulties with basic literacy
or numeracy. Over half of those who were still of compulsory school age
had truanted from school during the three months prior to conviction and
only 23 per cent of them were known to have spent any time at all in
mainstream schooling during this period. Among those who were beyond the
minimum school leaving age, half were not in education, employment or
training at baseline.
Programme completion
Placement duration ranged from one week to nearly 17 months.
Two-thirds of the young people remained in placement for nine months or
more, including four who remained for 12-16 months.
Overall, the mean number of days in placement was 260.48, higher
than the mean of 207.91 days found in a study of MTFC with young
offenders in the USA (Chamberlain and Reid, 1998). Two-thirds (15) of
the IF group were 'graduates' who formally completed the
programme, a completion rate reason ably close to that of 73 per cent
reported in the above US study. A further three young people left the
programme when their placements disrupted after nine to 15 months. Over
three-quarters (18) of the young people, therefore, either graduated
from the programme or remained on it for the intended period.
For the remaining five, placements disrupted at an early stage.
Four absconded and the fifth was arrested for criminal damage two weeks
after placement. In total, therefore, eight placements disrupted at some
point, a disruption rate of 35 per cent, which is not dissimilar to the
disruption rate of around 40 per cent (during the first year of
placement) found in other studies of adolescents in out-of-home care
(Farmer et al, 2004; Sinclair, 2005; Sinclair et al, 2007; Biehal,
2009).
Reconviction during Stage 1
During Stage 1 follow-up (that is, the year after the young people
entered their foster placements and the comparison group was released
from custody), the IF group was significantly less likely to be
reconvicted. Thirty-nine per cent of the IF group were reconvicted
compared to 75 per cent of the comparison group. These figures include
all young people who entered IF placements during the study's
recruitment period, including the five whose placements disrupted at an
early stage. There was no significant relationship between placement
duration and the likelihood of reconviction (Mann-Whitney U test p =
0.431). Importantly, only three young people (17% of the IF group)
committed any recorded offences during the time they were living in
their IF placements.
Placement on the IF programme was not only associated with a lower
rate of reconviction per se, but also with a lower frequency and gravity
of offending during the Stage 1 period. On average, the IF group took
roughly three times longer to reoffend than the comparison group, and
the comparison group were convicted for five times as many substantive
offences as the IF group. Even when we took account of the young
people's opportunity to offend, that is the total number of days
not spent in custody during Stage 1, the mean number of recorded
offences per day at liberty remained significantly lower for the IF
group. The mean gravity score for the most serious recorded offences
committed during this period was also significantly lower for the IF
group. Patterns of reconviction at Stage 1 are summarised in Table 2.
Overall, young people with a higher number of previous convictions
were more likely to be reconvicted during Stage 1 (Mann-Whitney U test p
= 0.042). The reverse was true in relation to offence gravity. Those who
had committed more serious offences during the 12 months prior to
baseline (including the index offence) were less likely to be
reconvicted than those who had committed less serious offences during
this period. Only 43 per cent of those with higher baseline gravity
scores [6-7] were reconvicted, compared to 76 per cent of those with
lower gravity scores [3-5] (Chi-square Test p = 0.020). (4) Offences
with a high gravity score included both violent offences and other
serious crimes. Committing a violent offence at baseline was also
associated with reconviction. We saw in Table 1 that the comparison
group was more than twice as likely to have an index offence of
violence. At Stage 1 follow-up, 77 per cent of those who had committed
an index offence of violence were reconvicted, compared to 47 per cent
of those who had not committed a violent offence at baseline (Chi-square
Test p = 0.047).
To further test our finding that the IF group was less likely to be
reconvicted, we used logistic regression to determine the factors which
predicted reconviction by Stage 1 follow-up. A series of logistic
regressions were run, initially without controlling for other factors.
The only independent variables which showed a significant bivariate
relationship with reconviction were the intervention group and the
offence gravity score in the 12 months prior to baseline. These two
variables were then entered into a multivariate logistic regression
(enter method). Table 3 presents the results of the bivariate analyses
and (in the column on the right) the final model.
Multivariate analysis confirmed that during the year after entry to
the placement, Intensive Fostering significantly lowered the odds of
reconviction once the gravity of previous offences was taken into
account. The model explained 31.5 per cent of the variance in
reconviction. The inclusion of these variables in the model increased
the percentage of outcomes correctly predicted from 57.4 to 72.3. The
regression was run again with conviction for a violent offence at
baseline as a covariate, as this came close to significance in the
bivariate analysis. However, intervention group and previous offence
gravity remained the only two significant variables, so conviction for
an index violent offence was not related to reconviction once
intervention group and offence gravity were taken into account (p =
.202).
Reconviction during Stage 2
In contrast to our findings on reconviction during Stage 1, during
the year after the young people left their IF foster placements they
were as likely to be reconvicted as the comparison group. The proportion
of the IF group who committed recorded offences during this period (74%)
was virtually identical to that for the comparison group (75%).
During the Stage 2 follow-up period, the number of offences
committed by the IF group rose sharply, from a mean of .61 (a group
total of 14) during Stage 1 to a mean of 2.7 (62 offences in total) by
the end of Stage 2. Although this was still lower than the mean of 3.29
for the comparison group (78 offences in total), the group difference in
the number of offences committed was no longer significant. Nor was
there any longer a significant difference in the mean number of offences
per day at liberty during Stage 2, or in the gravity scores for the most
serious offences committed during this follow-up period, as shown in
Table 4.
As we saw in Section 4.3, during the year after entry to the IF
placement, the mean number of recorded offences committed by the IF
group per day at liberty (that is, out of custody) was 0.0024. However,
during the year after exit from the placement, this increased nearly
fourfold to 0.0086 offences per day at liberty, a statistically
significant increase (Wilcoxon Signed Ranks test significant at p =
0.005).
The variables presented in Table 3 were again entered into logistic
regressions to test for any bivariate relationships. This showed that
intervention group no longer predicted reconviction. The only variable
which predicted reconviction during this follow-up period was the
gravity score for the most serious offence in the 12 months prior to
baseline. As at Stage 1, a lower baseline score for offence gravity
increased the risk of (recorded) reoffending, raising the odds of
reconviction by 0.080 (significant at p = .022).
Entry to custody
Only 22 per cent of the IF group entered custody during Stage 1,
whereas 50 per cent of the comparison group had (re)entered custody by
follow-up. In the year after entry to the foster placements, therefore,
the IF programme appeared to have a protective effect on many young
people it served, as the IF group spent just under 60 per cent fewer
days in custody than the comparison group (an average of 32 days
compared to 75 days). This was similar to the difference in
incarceration rates found in studies of MTFC in the USA (Chamberlain,
1990; Chamberlain and Reid, 1998; Leve et al, 2005).
All five of those in the IF group who entered custody during this
period were young people whose placements disrupted in the early stages
of the programme, but only one of them did so as a consequence of a
substantive offence (criminal damage). The other four were sentenced to
custody following convictions for the technical offence of breach of
sentence after they absconded from their foster placements.
During the year after the young people in the IF group left their
foster placements four additional young people entered custody, making a
total of nine (39%) sentenced to custody by the end of Stage 2. By this
point, the difference between the groups in the use of custody was no
longer significant. Neither was there a significant difference in the
mean number of days in custody, although this remained lower for the IF
group (44) than for the comparison group (75), as shown in Table 5.
Results were more positive for the 18 young people who remained in
their IF placements for a minimum of nine months (the intended duration
of the placements). These had significantly fewer days in custody by the
end of Stage 2 than the comparison group, with a mean of 14 days in
custody for the IF group and 75 for the comparison group (Mann-Whitney U
test p = .018.).
Secondary outcomes
Secondary outcomes were assessed at the end of Stage 1, at which
point four of the IF group were still living in their IF placements. One
young person in the comparison group had also been sentenced to IF by
this time and was in placement at this point. One year after entry to
the IF placement or, for most of the comparison group, release from
custody, the IF group were more likely to be living with parents and
less likely to be in custody (Chi-square test p = .002), as shown in
Table 6.
The IF teams successfully reintegrated many of the young people
into education. This was often difficult, as the teams struggled to find
any suitable schooling or training places. Due to the large geographical
areas covered by two of the IF teams, some young people moved to new
schools close to their foster placements but were unable to remain in
them once they returned to their home area. However, schools willing to
offer a place could not always be readily found in their home areas.
Having an anti-social peer group is a known risk factor for
offending (Leve and Chamberlain, 2005; Wilson et al, 2006). Research on
MTFC in the USA reported that it was significantly better at reducing
delinquent peer association than group care, but this was not the case
in our study (Leve and Chamberlain, 2005). As we saw in relation to
characteristics and histories of the young people and families, at
baseline the majority of young people in both groups were associating
with pro-criminal peers. Data from YOT workers on 43 (91%) of the sample
at Stage 1 indicated that the two groups remained equally likely to have
pro-criminal peers (67% of each group). By this point most of the IF
group had left their foster placements. Young people reported to be
associating with anti-social peers at Stage 1 were significantly more
likely to have been reconvicted (72%) than those not reported to have
anti-social peers (21%) (Chi-square test p = 0.002). They also committed
roughly five times as many offences per month at liberty in the
community as those not reported to have anti-social peers (0.33 offences
per month compared to 0.06 offences per month at liberty for those
without an anti-social peer group (Mann-Whitney U test p = 0.007).
Three-quarters (17) of those sentenced to IF were interviewed at
follow-up, 13 of whom had been reported to have antisocial peers at
baseline. Follow-up inter views with these young people indicated that
nearly half (six) of those with antisocial peers at baseline had been
diverted from them while they were living in their IF placements. Two of
the IF teams covered a wide geographical area, so diversion from former
peers was some times reinforced by placement many miles from home.
Consistent with our quantitative findings reported above, none of these
had been reconvicted by Stage 1 follow-up, whereas all seven who had
continued to associate with antisocial peers had reoffended by this
point.
Drug use has also been identified as one of a number of interacting
risk factors that may contribute to anti-social behaviour (Farrington,
1996; Hine and Celnick, 2001; Wilson et al, 2006). Professional reports
of drug misuse may underestimate the full extent of the problem.
Nevertheless, these indicated that just under two-thirds of the
young people (30) were known to be using drugs at baseline, in most
cases cannabis rather than hard drugs. Drug use was associated with a
higher frequency of offending (Mann-Whitney U test p = .034) and with
higher scores for the gravity of offences (p = .003). All but one (93%)
of the young people reported to be using drugs were also reported to be
associating with anti-social peers (Chi-square test p = .016). (5) Our
data therefore suggest that drug use, in combination with a return to
associating with antisocial peers, may have contributed to the risk of
reoffending.
Discussion of results
Our findings suggest that Intensive Fostering may be effective in
containing persistent young offenders in a community setting, reducing
the use of custody, delaying reconviction and reducing the number of
offences recorded during the time they are on the programme. However,
the dissipation of the positive effects of the programme after the young
people left their foster placements indicates that it was difficult to
sustain positive changes in maladaptive learning and relationships once
they were re-exposed to the risk factors in their local environment. For
a number of the young people therefore, learned pro-social behaviour did
not appear to be fully internalised, with the result that situational
factors had a powerful effect on their behaviour once they left their
foster placements. The implication of this is that the changes that
occurred when young people entered their IF placements and after they
left them may have been due, at least to some extent, to changes in
their environment.
Our evidence suggests that the change of environment resulting from
entry to the IF placements had a protective effect. The majority of the
IF group spent much of the year after entry to the programme living in
the closely supervised environment of their foster placements, and most
of those reconvicted began to reoffend only after they left these
placements. With training in MTFC and intensive support from a clinical
team, IF carers provided care, a mentoring relationship, supervision,
clear boundary-setting and the consistent reinforcement of positive
behaviours. Although some of the young people's parents were
clearly caring too, they had not provided the consistent, authoritative
parenting and limit-setting that the IF carers were able to offer. The
effects of the IF behaviour management programme delivered in a new
environment were reinforced by the IF team's work to promote the
young people's participation in education and other structured
activities. Apart from any other beneficial effects, this further
reduced the young people's opportunity to offend as they had very
little unstructured and unsupervised time, particularly in the early
stages of the placement.
The close supervision provided while the young people were living
in their foster placements helped to reduce deviant peer influences
while they were in placement and this, too, contributed to the reduction
in antisocial behaviour during Stage 1. Our follow-up inter views with
young people on the IF programme indicated that, for those who committed
only one or two minor offences or did not reoffend at all during Stage
1, a reduction in contact with negative peer groups was often a feature
of the change in patterns of offending, particularly while they were in
their foster placements. This is consistent with research in the USA,
which found that a reduction in deviant peer association and foster
carers' family management skills mediated the effect of placement
in MTFC (Eddy and Chamberlain, 2000). Through diversion from anti-social
peers, the IF programme may interrupt the mediational chains whereby
criminal identities and behaviours are reinforced by association with
negative peer groups, at least while the young people are in their
foster placements. In contrast, for most of the comparison group the use
of custody de facto reinforced their congregation with anti-social
peers. Interventions which congregate anti-social peers may reinforce
negative behaviours rather than reduce them, as research suggests that
young people at high risk of antisocial behaviour may be particularly
vulnerable to negative peer influences when placed in group settings
(Dishion et al, 1999). However, some have suggested that the iatrogenic
effects of negative peer influence in group settings have been
overstated (Weiss et al, 2005).
Environmental effects also appeared to be powerful after the young
people left their foster placements. Although we were unable to
investigate the supervision provided in the environments to which the
young people returned, it is highly unlikely that their parents or other
carers/lodgings providers would maintain as high a level of supervision
as that provided by IF foster carers and clinical teams. Many other
studies have similarly found that a wide range of difficult behaviours
may abate when children or young people are removed from troubled
families, but that the behaviour is reinstated when the children return
home (Allerhand et al, 1966; Sinclair, 1971; Zimmerman, 1982; Minty,
1987; Taussig et al, 2001; Sinclair et al, 2005). In particular, those
who return to homes that are disharmonious or marked by poor parenting
have been found to do less well (Sinclair, 1971; Quinton and Rutter,
1988; Sinclair et al, 2005). For some, these environmental effects may
be reinforced by broader neighbourhood effects, as a concentration of
deprivation in the surrounding environment may have a significant impact
both on parenting style and on young people's offending behaviour
(McVie and Norris, 2006).
The distance of some IF placements from the young people's
home areas, which was due to the wide geographical area covered by two
of the pilot programmes, had both positive and negative consequences.
For some young people, diversion from former anti-social peers was
accomplished when they moved to foster placements many miles from home
and, as previous research has found, young offenders placed away from
their home environment are less likely to be pressurised to engage in
criminal behaviour than those placed close to home (Sinclair and Gibbs,
1998). However, at follow-up young people in the IF group were as likely
to have anti-social peers as those in the comparison group. Our
interviews with young people indicated that once they returned home,
they often re-engaged with their former anti-social peer groups. Also,
as we have seen, after entry to the IF programme some young people moved
to new schools close to their foster placements, but schools willing to
offer a place could not always be found once they returned to their home
areas. For some, therefore, the distance of the foster placements from
home meant that the positive effects of re-engagement in education
dissipated once they returned home.
Deficiencies in the follow-up support provided may also have
contributed to the poor outcomes after young people left their foster
placements. The IF programme includes aftercare by the IF teams,
provided for a period of three months. However, in a number of cases
recurring staffing difficulties appeared to compromise the aftercare
support pro vided by the teams. The accounts of the parents interviewed
at follow-up suggested that there were sometimes serious inadequacies in
the nature and intensity of aftercare support provided by the IF teams.
Parents were also unhappy about the low level of support provided by
local YOTs, which are also expected to provide follow-up support, as
this often amounted to little more than a fort nightly interview with
the young people. This lack of continuing support further increased the
risk that young people would fail to make constructive use of their time
and would drift back to their former pro-criminal peers, increasing the
likelihood that they would reoffend.
Studies of youth offending have consistently found that the effects
of treatment on young people's behaviour are weaker once they
return to their communities and have argued that more attention should
be paid to the environments to which they return and to post-treatment
social adjustment (Rutter et al, 1998; Bottoms, 2006). The duration of
the intervention's effects may depend, to some extent at least, on
the nature, intensity and duration of follow-up support provided once
the young people leave their placements, including support with
education or training and diversion from peers. What happens after
placements end is clearly crucial. Local services need to undertake
proactive and intensive work with these young people and families once
they return to their communities, since without this there seems little
chance that any gains made during IF placements will be sustained.
Limitations to the study
The main limitation to the study was the small sample size, which
was determined by the small number of IF placements available and the
research funding available. However, the fact that the results at Stage
1 were highly significant despite the small sample size (which would
normally make it difficult to detect an effect) and were, moreover,
consistent with previous research on MTFC, suggests that the group
difference identified at Stage 1 was unlikely to be a false positive.
Equally, the almost identical proportions of the two groups reconvicted
by Stage 2 suggest this finding was unlikely to be a false negative.
Furthermore, the study's repeated measures design, which showed
that the effect of the intervention dissipated once it was removed,
reduces the threat to causal inference. Nevertheless, it remains a
possibility that, due to small sample size, there may have been a small
to moderate effect at Stage 2 which we were unable to detect.
Acknowledgements
With thanks to Jonathan Green, Catherine Randerson, Sharon Mallon,
Catherine Kay and Linda Cusworth.
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* This article was first published in Children and Youth Services
Review 33, pp 2043-49, October 2011, and is reproduced here with the
kind permission of the Editor.
(1) The authors will shortly be reporting the results of a larger
companion study of MTFC in England (n = 219). This focuses on an MTFC
programme targeted at adolescents in out-of-home care.
(2) The four young people sentenced to ISSP were included in the
comparison group at the request of the government department which
funded the evaluation.
(3) Mean Asset scores were 2.7 for IF group and 3 for comparison
group (family and personal relationships domain) and 2.9 for IF group
and 3.1 for comparison group (lifestyle domain). Both differences were
non-significant.
(4) Since the offence gravity variable had only five values and the
data were not normally distributed, this was recoded as a binary
variable.
(5) The reverse relationship was less marked, as drug misuse was
reported for just 45 per cent of those reported to have anti-social
peers.
Nina Biehal is Research Director, Sarah Ellison Research Fellow and
Ian Sinclair Emeritus Professor, Children and Young People's Social
Work Team, Social Policy Research Unit, University of York, UK
Table 1
The samples at baseline (n = 48)
Comparison
IF group group Sig. p
Male (a) 83% 83% ns
Mean age (years) (b) 14.9 years 15.5 years ns
Experience of maltreatment (a) 52% 63% ns
Mean age at first conviction 12.7 years 13.1 years ns
(years) (b)
Mean number of previous recorded 15.26 17.38 ns
offences (b)
Mean number of recorded offences 7.54 7.7 ns
in past 12 months (b)
Previous custodial sentence (a) 26% 33% ns
Mean gravity score for most 5.22 5.21 ns
serious previous offence (b)
Mean gravity score for most 4.7 5 ns
serious index offence (b)
Index offence of 'violence 21% 50% .035
against the person' (a)
(a) Chi-square test.
(b) Mann-Whitney U test
Table 2
Patterns of reconviction at Stage 1 follow-up
Comparison
Outcome IF group group Sig.p
Reconvicted n = 47% (n) (a) 39 (9) 75 (18) 0.019
Mean days to first recorded offence 287 89 <0.001
n = 47 (b)
Total number of offences n = 45 (b) 14 78 0.003
Mean number of offences n = 45 (b) .61 3.29 0.003
Mean number of offences per day at .0024 0.0128 0.002
liberty n = 45 (b)
Mean gravity score n = 45 (b) 1.87 3.65 0.004
(a) Chi-Square Test: X2 6.182, df1
(b) Mann-Whitney U test
Table 3
Odds of reconviction during Stage 1 year of follow-up n = 47
Variable Not controlling Sig. p Multiple
for other factors variables
Odds ratio Odds ratio (p)
Age at baseline .778 0.262
Total number of 1.057 0.072
offences
Number of offences 1.162 0.066
in 12 months pre-
baseline
Days in IF placement .988 0.416
Index offence of
violence
No .269 0.053
Yes 1
Highest offence
gravity in 12
months pre-baseline
Higher score(6-7) .229 0.023* .184 (p = 0.019)*
Lower score (3-5) 1
Intervention group
IF group .214 0.015* .174 (p = .013)*
Comparison group 1
Constant = 9.002 ** Nagelkerke R2 = .315.
Significant differences are shown in bold type.
Note: Significant differences indicated with *.
Table 4
Patterns of reconviction at Stage 2 follow-up
Comparison
Outcome IF group group Sig. p
Reconvicted n = 47% (n) (a) 74% 75% .1
Total number of offences n = 45 (b) 62 78 .789
Mean number of offences n = 45 (b) 2.7 3.29 .789
Mean number of offences per day at .0086 .0128 .589
liberty n = 45 (b)
Mean days to 1st offence n = 47 (b) 129 89 .401
Mean gravity score n = 45 (b) 3.26 3.65 .761
(a) Chi-square test.
(b) Mann-Whitney U test
Table 5
Entry to custody during Stage 1 and Stage 2 follow-up
Outcome Stage 1
IF Comparison Sig. P
group group
Entered custody (a) 22% 50% .044*
Mean days in custody (b) 32 75 .038*
Outcome Stage 2
IF Comparison Sig. p
group group
Entered custody (a) 39% 50% .454
Mean days in custody (b) 44 75 .253
(a) Chi-square test.
(b) Mann-Whitney U test. Significant differences shown in bold type.
Note: Significant differences indicated with *.
Table 6
Accommodation at one-year follow-up (n = 43) per cent (n)
IF group Comparison group
Accommodation per cent (n) per cent (n)
With parent (19) or other relative (1) 56(13) 29 (7)
In custody -- 38 (9)
IF placement 17 (4) 4 (1)
Other foster placement 9 (2) 4 (1)
Supported lodgings or own accommodation 9 (2) 12 (3)
Sleeping rough -- 4 (1)