The case for simple rules and limiting the safety net.
Hoenig, Thomas M.
For the last 100 years, government officials and bank CEOs have
insisted that new policies, rules, and laws--combined with greater
market discipline, resolution schemes, and enhanced supervision--would
ensure that future financial crises, should they occur, would be more
effectively handled. In the United States, the creation of the Federal
Reserve System and Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation are examples
where such assurances were given to the public. More recently, the FDIC
Improvement Act of 1991 and other legislation were intended to end
public bailouts of failing banks and, in particular, prevent the moral
hazard problem inherent in "too big to fail." Such assurances
seem even more significant following a U.S. Treasury (1991) study that
found that "too big to fail" resolution policies used for six
of the largest banks cost taxpayers more than $5 billion (in current
dollars). If only the cost of the six largest bailouts in this recent
crisis were just $5 billion. Unfortunately, it was many times greater.
Incentives matter and the incentives toward risk taking among the
largest financial firms remain basically unchanged from pre-crisis
times. Despite the enormous regulatory burdens placed on financial
firms, post Dodd-Frank, these firms continue to be driven toward
leverage. With time, we can be confident that our financial system will
once again become highly leveraged and the economic system will become
more fragile as a result.
To change outcomes, you must change incentives. With the safety
net, you alter the market's incentives, create moral hazard, and
drive toward leverage that creates its oven set of adverse consequences.
There are three steps that I suggest be taken to control these negative
effects: (1) limit the safety net's protection, (2) simplify and
strengthen capital adequacy standards, and (3) improve bank supervision.
Each of these will be discussed in turn.
Limiting the Safety Net's Protection
It is important to recall that following the Great Depression, when
the safety net was greatly expanded with FDIC insurance, which was in
addition to the Federal Reserve's discount window, Congress and
other policymakers understood that something needed to be done to
control the moral hazard problem inherent in the safety net. The
tradeoff was to limit FDIC insurance to commercial banks because of
their importance to the payments system and the intermediation process
from saver to borrower. Higher-risk investment banking and broker-dealer
activities were forced out of commercial banks and away from the safety
net.
For several decades, under this structure, we had relative
stability within our financial system. With that stability, however,
over time market participants began to say that the market would be more
competitive and the consumer would be better served if investment banks
and commercial banks were allowed to compete directly with one another.
This was eventually allowed with the passage of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley
Act of 1999, which ended Glass-Steagall.
In doing so, we may have temporarily increased competition, but we
also encouraged the industry to leverage their balance sheets further
using the advantages of the safety net and expanded the safety
net's coverage of more risky activities. It did not take even a
decade for the industry to leverage up and engage in the highly risky
activities that eventually led to the crisis of 2008.
Therefore, if we are going to continue to have a financial safety
net, then its coverage should be narrowed to what it was intended to
cover--namely, the commercial banking industry narrowly defined (i.e.,
the payments system and the intermediation process). If we do not do
that, then we are on our way to making these firms public utilities, or
they will be nationalized because the safety net will be at extreme
risk.
We need to move the broker-dealer and trading activities out of the
banks into separate corporate entities (see Hoenig and Morris 2012).
With this action, we would reestablish narrower coverage of the safety
net and provide greater market discipline and, in time, greater
financial stability to a broad range of financial activities.
I am often told that the largest banks were not the cause of the
2008 financial crisis. Lehman Brothers is often given as an example of
why this is true. I suggest Lehman was a commercial bank in every sense.
It had very-short-term liabilities, such as repos, that were used to
fund longer-term assets, just as banks use demand deposits. Many repos
were overnight instruments and were not subject to the same rules as
other liabilities should the firm fail. Furthermore, major investors in
repos were money market mutual funds, which do not mark the net asset
values of their shares to market. As a result, they were understood by
most consumers to be deposits and were treated as deposits. As Lehman
and other institutions leveraged themselves and built complexity and
size around these instruments, the presumption formed that the
government would protect creditors, and the moral hazard problem
worsened. These investment firms leveraged up to an incredible degree
and increased the vulnerabilities of the system. Moreover, I also would
note that the recipients of TARP funds were mostly the largest banks in
the country.
There have been no significant changes to these arrangements post
Dodd-Frank, and unless the structures of these firms are simplified and
they are made more accountable for their actions, we will see the same
mistakes made in the future. Now is the time to act.
Simplifying and Strengthening Capital Adequacy Standards
In addition to narrowing the safety net, we must rethink the role
of capital and the Basel capital standards. Basel's risk-weighted
capital requirements are too complicated and too easily gamed. Basel
allows banks to shrink their risk-weighted assets so that their capital
ratio increases while their real leverage is extended. Under Basel I,
for example, the ratio of risk-weighted assets to total assets was
around 7.5 percent. In 2007, Basel I risk-weighted to total assets for
the largest firms averaged just over 60 percent.
When the crisis was emerging in 2007, the advertised total
risk-based capital ratios of the largest banks were around 11 percent.
However, their average tangible capital to total assets, which excludes
deferred tax benefits and other intangible assets, was less than 3
percent. That is, there was less than three cents for every dollar of
assets available to absorb losses. Using tangible capital, a far more
meaningful measure, it becomes clearer why the crisis occurred and the
industry imploded. There simply was too little capital to absorb losses,
and banks had to shrink their balance sheets to survive.
We need to simplify our measure to judge the adequacy of bank
capital. We need a measure that is easily calculated, understood, and
enforced. The tangible capital ratio comes closest to doing this. Today,
most investment managers rely on this measure of tangible capital to
tell them how strong or weak a bank is.
We need to go to tangible capital as the global standard. The
debate in Basel should be about the correct tangible capital level
requirement and what the transition period to that level should be.
Currently, the eight global systemically important banks (G-SIBs)
in the United States have a tangible equity capital ratio of about 6
percent under U.S. accounting rules, while it is just over 3.5 percent
using international accounting standards. But, under either of these two
accounting standards, the top 10 largest non-G-SIB banks and the 10
banks up to $50 billion in assets have a tangible capital ratio that is
around 8 percent. The 10 community banks up to $1 billion in assets have
a ratio that is over 8.5 percent. So, most banks have ratios already
close to a 10 percent level. Also, if you go back to a time just before
the safety net was created, the market demanded that the average equity
capital to asset ratio be between 13 and 16 percent.
Again, unless we enforce meaningful capital standards for these
largest financial firms, we will continue to have a system that is
highly vulnerable to shock. Now is the time to act.
Improving Bank Supervision
Finally, if we hope to understand the condition of these largest
banks, we need to do a better job of examining them. Today, our
oversight skims only the surface. Stress tests, for example, are useful,
but there are more comprehensive methods to examine the quality of a
firm's assets by sampling across their portfolios and assessing
whether capital is adequate relative to risk. Also, control systems need
to be checked and verified. "Trust but verify" is the
supervisors' responsibility. Some sampling is done now, but if we
used this tool more vigorously, we could gain considerably greater
insight into the condition of these firms.
If supervisors continue rely on management's assurances alone,
they also will continue to be surprised. Now is the time to act.
Conclusion
We will never end financial crises. Capitalism and fractional
reserve systems are very successful systems, but they also are volatile.
However, we can contain the effects of the volatility and make these
firms more accountable for their actions. Simplifying and strengthening
capital standards and improving supervision of the largest, most complex
firms are steps in that direction. Furthermore, if we expect the market
to drive outcomes, then we must narrow the safety net's coverage of
liabilities and increase the ability for the market to identify and deal
with these firms without the government's ever-expanding support.
References
Hoenig, T. M., and Morris, C. S. (2012) "Restructuring the
Banking System to Improve Safety mad Soundness." Federal Reserve
Bank of Kansas City Working Paper.
U.S. Treasury (1991) Modernizing the Financial System:
Recommendations for Safer, More Competitive Banks. Washington: U.S.
Treasury Department (February).
Thomas M. Hoenig is Vice Chairman of the Federal Deposit Insurance
Corporation and a former President of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas
City. The views expressed in this article are his own.