The Limits of Boundaries: Why City-Regions Cannot be Self-Governing.
Lightbody, James
The Limits of Boundaries: Why City-Regions Cannot be Self-Governing
By ANDREW SANCTON. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's
University Press, 2008. Pp. xiv, 173, bibliographical references, index.
Let us get a few small things out of the way. For a few centuries
now it has been cities that have generated the wealth of more developed
nations. Stand-alone cottage craft entrepreneurialism has yielded to an
era of integrated multinational economic, intellectual and political
activity. Global urbanization is inexorable; the populace of prosperous
city-regions has spilled across historically fixed boundary lines but
commerce and people have continued to expect the sort of public services
traditionally associated with municipal administration. Concurrently,
the art of municipal governing, always inherently messy in its
institutional expression, has become somewhat more complex in response.
If in this concise volume Professor Sancton had simply assumed that
all this is pretty much understood, then he might have moved directly to
explore, more clearly and with just a little bit of fresh research, the
economic, population, jurisprudential and spatial basis for local
self-governing in the twenty-first (or twentieth) century and not in the
nineteenth (or ninth). Instead, he appears genuinely perplexed by the
continuing capacity of leadership in the urban regimes of the
world's advanced city-regions (he includes Toronto) to manage
institutional adaptation to their changed circumstances. He does,
however, agree with the proposition that "city-states are the wave
of the future" (p. 35).
The Sancton hypothesis is simple enough: "[C]ities in Western
liberal democracies will not and cannot be self-governing.
Self-government requires that there be a territory delimited by official
boundaries [and city] boundaries will never be static" (p. 3). As
an exception, Singapore and its static boundaries are frequently cited
throughout despite a somewhat cautious embrace of Western liberal
democratic principles. In the beginning, Sancton creates his canon that
"the exceptions will help us understand the general rule" (p.
6), and his principal exceptions, apart from Singapore, are Brussels,
Madrid, Copenhagen and Berlin, which are all national capitals.
Disappointingly, this triggers neither curiosity about that pattern nor
any interest in Washington (D.C.), Canberra or Brasilia.
The problem for Sancton is essentially sustained confusion that is
grounded in his flexibly imprecise definition of
"self-government" and its synonyms. It warbles from absolute
sovereignty (pp. 23, 67,100) to a kind of taxonomy (pp. 32, 38,108,133)
as his argument and secondary sources dictate. Why not concede that
whenever a city derives its legitimacy from an exogenous authority it
cannot, by definition, be sovereign, accept that boundaries do not drive
sovereignty, and let Charlemagne rest in peace (pp. 37, 134)? The
research question could then be productively re-phrased so as to explore
the bare requisites of relative autonomy for communities in an
integrated age.
The Sancton method is familiar. The brand is a kind of academic
strip-mining in which the author proceeds seriatim from a narrow range
of selected works, cherry-picks the observations congenial to his
investigation, and draws his own "bold" conclusion. For
instance, in Chapter two, we learn that "[c]reating new boundaries
for national entities is a politically perilous undertaking, and most
politicians avoid it" (p. 55). Or, in Chapter four, the lesson is
that "[a]dvocates of the secession of cities from existing
jurisdictions receive little support from political philosophers"
(p. 101, emphasis added). Sources cited in the latter chapter, apart
from Warren Magnusson and Robert Young, include Jim Faught, Mel Lastman
and Wikipedia but none of the persons more conventionally thought of as
philosophers in the western liberal democratic tradition. Where
Sancton's sources are silent on the detail of the subject matter,
the author himself is either mute or retreats into the western
hemisphere (north of the Rio Grande) and cites himself (p. 105ff).
From previous work, Sancton continues with his Man of La Mancha
quest to rout unnamed but apparently still persistent
"consolidationist" antagonists (pp. 21, 63, 89). He flogs
other dead horses throughout, but especially the Public Choice staple
that a government may provide service without producing it (pp.
110-111). Sancton's preferred governing solution for world cities
is exactly what he has favoured in Canada, as presented in his 1994
monograph, Governing Canada's City-Regions. For him, city-regional
governing is best accomplished via multiple special purpose districts
with functionally specific boundaries (p. 108). Sancton has, however,
progressed to conceding that the time for two-tier metropolitan
federations has probably passed (p. 5), and he notes, "I have ...
expressed my belief that central governments are the authorities best
placed to make strategic decisions about future public infrastructure in
their major city-regions" (p. 111). Because this reviewer made
precisely these points in this Journal in 1997, amour-propre impels him
to observe that he does not receive the scholarly courtesy of an
attribution.
Be that as it may, the extent of Professor Sancton's
twenty-first century Pauline conversion is recorded in his book's
brief chapter on the Toronto-centred region, which is clearly influenced
by Alan Broadbent's recent Urban Nation (HarperCollins Canada,
2008). After flirting with Broadbent's notion of a new
"Province of Toronto," Sancton doubtless gives comfort to
senior provincial officials (and to academics who abhor constitutional
change) when he acknowledges that such an innovation flies in the face
of a setting in which the Ontario Government acts as planner-in-chief
for the "Greater Golden Horseshoe." Wave of the future though
they may be, city-regions can indeed not be self-governing.
James Lightbody is Professor of Political Science at the University
of Alberta.