A Flock Divided: Race, Religion, and Politics in Mexico, 1749-1857.
Eastman, Scott
A Flock Divided: Race, Religion, and Politics in Mexico, 1749-1857,
by Matthew D. O'Hara. Durham, North Carolina, Duke University
Press, 2010. xi, 316 pp. $84.95 US (cloth), $23.95 US (paper).
Building on the work of scholars such as Peter Guardino and
Florencia Mallon who have pointed to the importance of peasant
politicization in nineteenth-century Mexico, Matthew O'Hara
explores the origins of such agency in the late colonial and early
republican periods. O'Hara draws on a wide variety of published and
archival sources, from church records and sermons to documents from the
Inquisition, to assess the relationship between religion and identity
over the longue duree. Making contributions to urban history as well as
to the study of culture and race, the book begins with a recreation of
colonial Mexico City, complete with detailed maps and tables, that had
been divided into ethnically exclusive enclaves. In the sixteenth
century, parishes had been constructed separately for Indians, on the
one hand, and for Spaniards and castas on the other. But with the
Bourbon reforms and a secularization project begun in 1749, districts
were reconceptualized and rigid social hierarchies blurred as parishes
were "rationally" reorganized (p. 96). Mendicant orders were
replaced and secular clerics brought in to oversee multi-ethnic
parishes. In the subsequent conflicts that played out between Indian
parishioners and the regular clergy who previously had been charged with
overseeing the doctrinas de indios (Indian parishes), residents
emphasized their Indian identities in litigation to claim rights over
the churches themselves and the sacred objects they held.
Each chapter contains a snapshot of the tensions between popular
manifestations of Catholicism and the new orthodoxy of reformist
ecclesiastics. For instance, the contest between a priest and a
tanner's assistant over a statue of the Virgin of Guadalupe pitted
an enlightened cleric against the leader of a local devocion, a
neighbourhood religious brotherhood. Occurring in 1772, after the
secularization campaign had seen parish boundaries redrawn, the conflict
illustrated the strength and vitality of popular religiosity. Such
hermandades often operated outside the bounds of the organized church
and continued to maintain a high degree of autonomy throughout the age
of reform in the second half of the eighteenth century. O'Hara
reads these conflicts in a nuanced way, suggesting that they represented
struggles over both historical memory and resources. He likewise
interprets popular piety as "a form of acceptance as much as of
resistance, since [the laity] enthusiastically participated in forms of
religious organization and devotion long recognized as legitimate and
orthodox" (p. 135).
Concomitantly, church authorities attempted to
"de-Indianize" the indigenous population of Mexico City by
fostering Spanish language education and by bringing an end to baroque
spiritual practices such as vivid re-enactments of Passion plays.
Despite the efforts of Jansenist-leaning clerics to Hispanicize and
integrate the city, Indian and non-Indian categorization stubbornly
remained intact. The gendered connotations of an indigenous identity
even affected proposals to establish Indian convents and undermined the
founding of Indian seminaries. While Indian women were portrayed as
passive and docile--ideal subjects for religious training --urban male
indios were denigrated and considered ill-prepared for the rigors of a
seminary education. Thus republican Mexico did not inherit a single
seminary built for male Indians. O'Hara deftly captures the
contradictions of enlightened regalism: "The very reform designed
to eliminate caste distinctions from the city's religious practice
increased the visibility of those divisions" (p. 120).
Later chapters jump into the interplay between politics and
religion in the nineteenth century. Focusing again on legal disputes as
well as on processions and public celebrations, such as feast days to
honor saints, O'Hara recovers transatlantic conversations that
involved church and secular authorities, at times including the Council
of the Indies. Although many festivals continued to be held with few
changes, complaints tended to single out the lower classes, the
plebeians within the city, who were charged with indecency, lascivious behavior, and public drunkenness during such public spectacles. The
beginnings of liberalism in New Spain offered a new language through
which to couch demands and grievances within an emergent public sphere,
and Indians quickly merged a republican syntax with their traditional
colonial religious discourse. O'Hara discusses the impact of the
Constitution of 1812, written in Cadiz by elected representatives from
both Spain and Spanish America. While religion provided a legitimizing
symbolic leitmotif for the new politics of the age, the Constitution
itself had established an inclusive nation of Spaniards endowed with
equal rights, united in their common profession of Catholicism (Article
12). Significantly, Indians were included as active citizens, granted
the right to vote in elections that had begun as early as 1809.
In examining post-independence conflicts between Indian notables
and local curates, however, political affiliations might have been
highlighted in addition to concerns over power and property. Certainly,
priests had played influential roles during the war, and peninsulares
faced violence and retribution at many junctures. Were the priests
facing litigation Creoles, peninsulares, or indigenous? Had the Indians
litigants maintained fidelity to peninsular Spain or sided with the
insurgency, and why? Did tensions from over a decade of civil strife
affect community relationships after Mexican independence had been
achieved in 1821? Although Iturbide abruptly announced an end to the use
of caste in parish documentation in 1822, O'Hara's final
chapter shows the persistence of colonial knowledge in sacred spaces, as
"religious practice operated in a colonial and racialized framework
into the late nineteenth century" (p. 192). Thus this valuable
study conclusively demonstrates the polyvalent relationship between
liberalism and Old Regime norms, a complex legacy bequeathed to the
nineteenth-century Mexican republic.
Scott Eastman
Creighton University