Land of Necessity: Consumer Culture in the United States-Mexico Borderlands.
Wood, Andrew Grant
Land of Necessity: Consumer Culture in the United States-Mexico
Borderlands, edited by Alexis McCrossen. Durham, North Carolina, Duke
University Press, 2009. xix, 414 pp. $99.95 US (cloth), $26.95 US
(paper).
Land of Necessity offers a tantalizing variety of perspectives on
consumerism and the circulation of merchandise in the US-Mexico
borderlands. Transcending tidy distinctions between the two nations,
Alexis McCrossen writes that "the transnational consumer culture
and society that had been developing in the borderlands ... undermin[ed]
the geopolitical boundaries that [had been so carefully] drawn and
redrawn with such exactitude over the course of the nineteenth
century" (p. 5). Appropriately, McCrossen observes the fact that
"[c]ontemporary marketing specialists, more so perhaps than
scholars, recognize that rather than one type of borderlands consumer,
there are many, with identities rooted in particular configurations of
ethnicity, nationality, class, religion, gender, and sexual
orientation" (p. 22).
In addition to two opening essays by McCrossen and two concluding
chapters, Land of Necessity features nine original essays. Amy S.
Greenberg's essay considers early-nineteenth-century Anglo (as
contrasted with fronterizo Mexican) constructions of domesticity and
gender in relation to US territorial expansion. Here, various
publications by northeastern politicians and, interestingly, many women,
she observes, promoted Anglo settlement as synonymous with "civilization." Greenberg's fascinating discussion
focuses on US-Mexico Boundary Commission head John Russell Bartlett whose efforts, despite being an enthusiastic proponent of Manifest
Destiny, nevertheless argued against incorporation of the Northern
Mexican Mesilla Valley. Bartlett's reasoning followed from the
notion that he considered the area unsuited for US colonization because
of its "worthless" and "barren" lack of "the
necessities" and various "comforts of life" (p. 83).
Although Bartlett's political stance would eventually be cast aside
with the signing of the Gadsden Purchase in December 1853, his writings
on the issue nevertheless "both shaped and reflected a conflict
between divergent views on the place of consumption and domesticity in
American society and the potential value of the borderlands within
American civilization" (p. 84).
Rachel St. John's piece on tourism in Baja California offers a
concise take on the rise of the borderlands hospitality industry during
the first decades of the twentieth century. Lawrence Culver's
interesting work on leisure in Southern California hammers home the fact
that Mexican workers (and other exploited "types") bore the
brunt of this development, whether as fishing guides on Catalina Island
off the California coast or prostitutes working the notorious red-light
districts of Mexicali and Tijuana. Laura Serna's essay on early
borderlands cinema (and particularly in El Paso, Texas) considers how
cinema "promoted education and signified modernity" while also
reminding us that going to the movies "contributed to the [Mexican]
nation-building project, despite the fact that most of the films being
distributed and exhibited were products of US film studios" (p.
143).
Evan Ward takes up former President Adolfo Lopez Mateos's
(1954-1964) vision of the borderlands by examining the 1961, initiated
National Border Program, dubbed PRONAF, as a site not for ill repute but
instead for upscale spending and family-style diversion. Masterminding
this effort was Chihuahua native and former Petroleos Mexicanos (PEMEX)
head Antonio Bermudez. As Ward explains, PRONAF's well-laid plans
did not necessarily lead to the desired outcome, which was aimed at
attracting wealthy consumers, but instead paved the way for the ensuing
Border Industrial Program (BIP) and its attendant maquiladoras.
Nevertheless, new and different borderlands sites (for example, along
the Caribbean and Pacific coasts) sprung up thanks to heavy borrowing
from the Banco de Mexico in collaboration with the Mexican federal
government's new tourism initiative (FONATUR).
Josef Barton's critique of rural peoples negotiating a new
production and consumption paradigm during the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries reveals a complex process of globalization at work.
Far from being passive purchasers of products, "land hungry rural
poor in Northern Mexico," Barton writes, "engaged in a
"collective assertion [that] widened to include social movements
[which] claimed not only human rights, but consumer rights as well"
(p. 221). The irony of this process is not lost on Barton, who contends
that "in the act of seizing the political and economic initiative,
communities had made permanent the very discipline of market-oriented
consumption that they had sought to fend off" (p. 228). From this
came "the full immersion of Mexican laborers in a consumer economy
[and an ensuing] near complete exploitation" (p. 232). Networking,
solidarity, consumer strategies, and collective action on the part of
the rural (and, one might add, urban) poor did make a difference for a
time in certain instances, but nevertheless most effectively remained
hogtied by "the never-ending regime of provisioning" (p. 236).
The same can be said for Native peoples of the borderlands, who, as
Robert Perez aptly discusses, have largely been kept at the margins. In
his essay, Perez traces an enduring pattern of negotiation, adaptation,
and struggle on the part of indigenous groups as they entered the market
economy as--among other things--international drug smugglers.
Two of my favourite essays in this fine collection derive from
ethnographic projects. Anthropologist Peter S. Cahn's interesting
piece on direct selling (including Avon, Mary Kay, Herbalife, and,
especially, Omnilife) reveals an alternative consumerism propelled by
individuals on both sides of the border. Although buyers have been
promised improved financial, physical, and mental health by company
heads as well as rank and file members, Cahn shows how the results have
proven mixed at best. Environmentalist/anthropologist Sarah Hill's
careful analysis of consumerism and transnational recycling (writ large)
in the El Paso/Juarez political economy reveals not only the divergent
paths of various discarded materials, but also the contrasting
signifiers of this stuff on both sides of the border.
Concluding pieces by Howard Campbell and Josiah McC. Heyman, in
addition to an insightful essay by Mauricio Tenorio-Trillo, round out
the volume. Interestingly, Heyman and Campbell challenge the 1990s
"hybridity" perspective, considering this more a passing
academic trend than social fact. They write that "[m]any border
residents resist hybridity more fervently than do their compatriots
living in the interior: they espouse nationalist, ethnic, or racist
reasons for wishing to "buy American" or to maintain their
mexicanidad" (p. 331). In the light of recent nativist legislation
in Arizona, Nebraska, Oklahoma, and several other states, not to mention
changing cultural, economic, and political realities in Mexico during
recent years, this is indeed a notion well worth contemplating. Mauricio
Tenorio's caution at the end of the volume is one that encourages
us to avoid "perpetuat[ing] the unquestioned assumption [of] two
clearly demarcated and opposed US and Mexican cultures, defined
historically, culturally or racially" (p. 341). Instead, as much of
Land of Necessity suggests, Tenorio urges us to challenge the stubborn
binaries of "nation," "race," and
"civilization" so as to appreciate more significantly the
complex history of North America. In the end it is a matter--to again
quote Tenorio--of not only appreciating the "social transformation
of the border," but also an "intellectual struggle over the
category border (sic) as ... [a] ... barrier between civilizations"
(p. 345). Focusing on transnational consumer culture, as Land of
Necessity so ably does, is an approach that will no doubt provide
further insightful riches to be distributed, contemplated, and shared.
Andrew Grant Wood
University of Tulsa