Enlightenment Phantasies: Cultural Identity in France and Germany.
Davis, Eric
Enlightenment Phantasies: Cultural Identity in France and Germany,
1750-1914, by Harold Mah. Ithaca, New York, and London, Cornell
University Press, 2003. xii, 227 pp. $41.95 US (cloth), $19.95 US
(paper).
Harold Mah argues that German and French thinkers in the eighteenth
and nineteenth century, and historians, since have used an
oversimplified and untenable model of "identity." In an
unusually clear and subtle manner, Mah uses poststructuralist notions of
the unstable nature of identity to throw new light on central works of
German and French intellectual history. This results in a profound
revision of long-established historiographical tenets about the culture
of the Enlightenment, the romantics, and beyond.
The principal target of Mah's revisionism is Peter Gay's
claim (The Enlightenment: An Interpretation, 1966 and 1969) for a
uniformly liberal Enlightenment produced by independent, self-assured,
liberal philosophes. Recent historiography, asserts Mah, has undermined
that picture of uniformity, while post-structuralist theory encourages
us to re-read the philosophes' sense of self as conflicted and
multiple. Moreover, Mah believes that because their senses of self
"always involved ... an idealization of character," they were
"always to some extent phantasies" (p. 3). As such, they were
subject to internal contradictions and external challenges from a
changing historical reality. French and German artists and intellectuals
became increasingly aware of these problems and wrestled with the
implications for the Enlightenment notion of French culture as universal
and the late eighteenth-century idea of German culture as singular and
specific to the linguistic and cultural history of the German people.
Hence, beneath the surface stereotypes--the civility of French language
and culture, the "spiritual depth" (p. 4) of German
identity--lay profound anxieties about the limitations and
inappropriateness of these concepts. Though often forcefully asserted,
French and German cultural identity was "uncertain or
unstable" (p. 11).
The standard account of modern German-French relations is that
German nationalism and cultural identity emerged in reaction to the
dominance of French culture in the late eighteenth century and during
the revolutionary and Napoleonic wars. Mah complicates that picture by
showing, first, that German thinkers and artists borrowed from
long-standing French critiques of their own culture and language and,
second, that rather than being based on consistent hostility, the
relationship was a love-hate one with a fair amount of (national)
self-doubt involved. Hence, Mah reveals that the founder of German
cultural nationalism, J. G. Herder, was plagued with doubts about both
German and his own identity and actually went through a pro-French
phase, temporarily adopting a persona of the refined, cosmopolitan,
French philosophe. Later, Karl Marx inverted the tradition of asserting
German cultural superiority by claiming that, since the French
Revolution, the Germans' culture was hopelessly anachronistic and
doomed for extinction in the face of modernity's progress.
Rebelling against his earlier German romanticism, Friedrich Nietzsche,
in 1872, took what were supposedly distinct French and German character
traits--ultra-rational artificiality in the former case, complex
profundity in the latter and universalized them as the Apollonian and
Dionysian tendencies inherent in all humanity, thus undoing the identity
constructions and oppositions so central to German cultural nationalism.
Underlying all of these changes, argues Mah, were fundamental
uncertainties and instabilities that inevitably were built into the
discourses of identity constructed in the eighteenth century.
Classicism, for example, was meant to express a moral, rational, and
autonomous self, but it also articulated the different gender and social
anxieties of Jacobin republicanism, Goethe, and Germaine de Stael.
Finally, Thomas Mann used it in Death in Venice (1912) to demonstrate
the ambivalent, even doomed nature of the classical self.
Mah does not present a comprehensive narrative history of cultural
identity in France and Germany from 1750 to 1914. He is concerned with
selected, representative texts and themes. This has obvious advantages;
he is able, for example, to situate Death in Venice in the context of a
discursive tradition of classicism in Germany and, as a result, make
more sense of some of the complexities of that text than much
traditional literary criticism. At the same time, his selectivity leaves
gaps in the narrative and raises unanswered questions. (How was Marx
able to move beyond his early "phantasy" of capitalism as a
force for the elimination of cultural illusions to his later critique of
capitalism as the necessary generator of fetishisms/phantasies?)
Mah might also be faulted for privileging the post-modern concept
of instability of identity as much as earlier scholars assumed the
coherence of identity. That individuals go through changes of identity
is, perhaps, obvious: that this implies that identity is always unstable
is not. As a corrective to the tendency to elide the inconsistencies in
an individual's thought and work, however, Mah's focus on
instability is valuable and yields important insights. His intelligent
and provocative analysis and his close and careful reading of texts
deepen our understanding of the nature of, and connections between, a
variety of intellectual movements from the Enlightenment of the
eighteenth century to the modernism of the twentieth.
Eric Davis
University College of the Fraser Valley