Government, Industry, and Re-Armament in Russia: 1900-1914, The Last Argument of Tsarism.
Neilson, Keith
Peter Gatrell, Senior Lecturer in Economic History at the
University of Manchester, will be best known to many for his fine
examination of late imperial Russian economic history, The Tsarist
Economy 1850-1917 (London, 1986). However, for specialists interested in
Russian defence policy, Gatrell has a solid reputation as one of the
most insightful writers about the nature of Russian defence industries
before the First World War. For them, this book has been awaited with
interest.
The wait has been well worthwhile. Gatrell's new monograph
is, in my view, perhaps the most important book written in the last
twenty years about the interactions between late imperial defence,
economics, high polities, and the origins of the First World War. This
is a heady claim, and requires some contextual amplification. Prior to
1975, the Russian armed forces (both before and during the First World
War) were largely dismissed as a colossus with feet of clay, supported
by a backwards economy. In that year, Norman Stone (under whom Gatrell
did his Ph.D. at Cambridge) challenged this view in his Eastern Front
(London, 1975), showing that the Tsarist army was a capable force, that
the Tsarist economy was up to the demands of the war (narrowly defined)
and that, far from being an irremediably backward state whose
backwardness led inevitably to her defeat and dissolution, Russia was
suffering instead from a crisis of modernization. Since that time,
studies of the Russian armed forces have flourished. William C. Fuller,
Jr., in his Civil-Military Conflict in Imperial Russia 1881-1914
(Princeton, 1985) demonstrated that the officer corps of the Russian
army itself was undergoing a transformation from a premodern to a
modern, professional force, a process that, as John Bushnell illustrated
in Mutiny amid Repression (Bloomington, IN, 1985), was complicated by
the stresses induced by the Russo-Japanese War. Recently, Bruce Menning
-- in his Bullets before Boyonets: The Imperial Russian Army, 1861-1914
(Bloomington, IN, 1992) -- has shown that the Russian army was engaged
in the same sort of professional debate as was its European
counterparts. Finally, in a book that goes against the flow of the
above, Fuller has produced a second book -- Strategy and Power in Russia
1600-1914 (New York, 1992) -- that argues for the existence of a
peculiarly Russian style of warfare, one that failed to come to terms
with Russia's military and economic inferiority before 1914.
Such debate about modernity (or the lack thereof) is also
reflected in works dealing with the functioning of the Tsarist
government. The traditional view of a Russian autocracy populated by
faceless bureaucrats directed by an incompetent Tsar has been replaced
by much more nuanced works. In two books, Russia's Rulers under the
Old Regime (new Haven, 1989) and, more broadly and comparatively, in The
Aristocracy in Europe 1815-1914 (London, 1992), Dominic Lieven has
brought to life the personalities behind the titles and shown the
efforts made to create a more modern and efficient state. David MacLaren
McDonald has demonstrated that the formulation of Russian foreign policy
was done in an arena where various ministers struggled for supremacy.
Andrew Verner, in his The Crisis of Autocracy: Nicholas II and the 1905
Revolution (Princeton, 1990) has added to this, although his view of
Nicholas II is more traditional than is that found in the best modern
account, Lieven's superb, Nicholas II: Emperor of all the Russias
(London, 1993). Finally, and in a linked fashion, there is the debate
about the role of foreigners in Russia's economic development, in
which the work of Clive Trebilcock and J.P. McKay has figured
prominently.
Such a lengthy introduction is necessary to appreciate
Gatrell's achievement. By looking at the efforts of the Russian
government to maintain its military status as a great power in the
period from 1900 to 1914, Gatrell speaks to all the issues mentioned
above. The book is divided into two parts. The first deals with the
period from 1900 to 1907 (and not, as the table of contents rather
confusingly has it, "1911-1904"), that is, with the periods
both before and after the Russo-Japanese War, as well as with the
conflict itself. On the eve of that war, Gatrell argues, the Russian
military economy was well placed to provide the equipment necessary for
the Russian army. Arguments as to who should manufacture this equipment
-- private or state enterprises -- were the same as could be found in
other European countries, although for ideological reasons the Tsarist
state preferred to assert its own primacy in such matters, as part of
the justification of its mandate to rule. The war, the defeats in which
Gatrell attributes largely to the inadequacies of the Russian
army's training and higher command rather than to any inferiority
in materiel, resulted both in Russia's virtual bankruptcy and in
revolution. But how to reconcile dealing with these two problems and
maintaining Russia's status as a Great Power?
The exploration of this question forms the substance of part two.
What Gatrell shows convincingly is that the tsarist re-armament policy
provided a stimulus to the Russian economy battered by the
turn-of-the-century depression and that it was he engine of growth in
the period from 1908 to 1914. However, the tsarist government was not
the pawn of the industrialists, for it continued to maintain a state
sector in defence, while co-opting a willing bourgeoisie into supporting
re-armament. Gatrell, following in the footsteps of such Soviet writers
as K.F. Shatsillo, demonstrates that re-armament was pursued in a
lopsided fashion, with the navy receiving a disproportionate amount of
funds, this reflecting a failure by the government to create a unified
defence policy. He is excellent on the complicated infighting between
the various ministers, where men like V.A. Sukhomlinov, the minister of
war, struggled with fiscal conservatives like V.N. Kokovtsov, the
minister of finance. In the period from 1907 to 1914, Gatrell shows that
Russia was spending much more on defence (as a percentage of national
income) than any other great power.
Gatrell argues that, by 1914, the Russian ability to wage war had
improved out of all recognition from its level of 1905. Able too much
money had been spent on a navy whose purpose was in any case badly
defined, the army was larger and better equipped, the defence industries
stronger and more sophisticated, the transportation system expanded and
more efficient (Although plans for moving large numbers of troops over
an extended period of time were simply not made), and finances repaired.
The First World War produced pressures on the Russian ability to sustain
a military effort, but such pressures (the result of a failure to
anticipate the kind of war that occurred) were common to all the
belligerents.
The above sketch does not do full justice to Gatrell's
achievement. The book is based on a wide range of primary material (from
Russian, British, and American archives), exhaustive reading in the
secondary literature, and is informed by Gatrell's sophistication with respect to economic matters. Fortunately, and unlike many economic
historians, Gatrell never stoops to mind-numbing and essentially sterile
mathematical analysis; instead, he sees economic activity in Russia as
essentially a political activity. And, as he is fully conversant with
the political and military realities of imperial Russia, Gatrell's
interpretation is both satisfying and convincing. In short, this
magnificent book is essential reading for anyone interested in
understanding the nature of Russia in the generation before 1917.