Posthistoire: Has History Come to an End?
Kent, Christopher
Such a title as this is guaranteed to cause many historians to
snort with disgust and walk away muttering about intellectual faddists,
paradox-junkies, and theory-mongering vagrants of no fixed disciplinary
address. That would be a pity, though it would also make one of the
author's points. To the historian who doesn't immediately walk
away, but stays at least long enough to ask of the title "What
history? Who says? and, So what?," Niethammer's responses may
prove very worthwhile. But first off - relay, academic votaries of Clio:
nobody in this book is threatening your jobs. If anything, the end of
history makes them even more secure. Despite the pretensions of
historians to control its definition, history does not just mean the
past: it also means the present (the journalist's "History was
made today when . . ."), and the future (the deposed
dictator's "History will be my judge!"). To the extent
that this temporal promiscuity embarrasses historians, the end of
history might seen welcome to them, since it chiefly means the
abandonment of the present and the future, and the definitive
confinement of history to the past. It means history is over; the
historical process has stopped. Things will still happen, of course, but
they will have no direction and will be essentially repetitious,
unworthy to be called events. History will be diminished, impotent,
indeed, dead. And historians will have no tiresome rivals in their
claims to the corpse.
One way for historians to dismiss all this is to note that every
use of the word history in the last paragraph should be capitalized,
that it is all about History, the fabrication of philosophers, and not
historians' history. It is all part of the unfortunate legacy of
Hegel, in particular. Certainly Hegel figures in Niethammer's book,
but he is not alone, and is certainly not the sole progenitor of the end
of history. As Niethammer (who is, it should be emphasized, an
historian) shows, the idea of the end of history has a rich and
fascinating history. It had a considerable past before Hegel in the
great Judaeo-Christian tradition of salvationism, and a rich future lay
ahead of it after Hegel. And whatever else it is today, the end of
history is certainly not dead. But in contrast to today, when the
majority of its prophets view the end state in a decidedly pessimistic
light (a notable exception being the light-hearted, and somewhat
light-headed Fukuyama), most of the nineteenth century's end of
history men (and men they generally were) viewed it optimistically -
Marx, notoriously, Saint Simon, Comte, and even John Stuart Mill, whom
Niethammer does not mention. But Niethammer gives particular attention
to the less well known mathematician Antoine Cournot, for whom the
triumph of scientific knowledge would transform the chaos of human
existence into a precisely calculable, self-regulating, technological
society of world peace and prosperity in which history would be
"reduced to an official gazette, recording regulations, statistical
data, the accession of heads of state . . . which therefore ceases to be
history in the customary sense of the word." For a darker, late
nineteenth-century version of the end of history, Niethammer turns to a
bona fide historian, a president of the A.H.A., no less, Henry Adams,
who plotted the historical curve in world energy consumption, inferring
from it a "law of social acceleration," and predicting a
societal enactment of the second law of thermodynamics - a state of
social entropy. Not a bad prediction this, at least of what people would
be worrying about.
In the twentieth century the end of history has become firmly tied
to the ideologies of left, right, and even centre. Niethammer assembles
some interesting clusters of intellectuals, of different, and often
shifting ideological positions, all of whom at some time or another felt
themselves to be at one with the movement of history, but with the
defeat or collapse of their cause attempted to effect an "escape
from history" in the form of intellectual withdrawal, or even
actual physical flight, which was subsequently rationalized and
universalized by some variant of the end of history theme. The
historical dynamic to which they had committed themselves had somehow
failed them, and rather than admit that they might have been mistaken,
they preferred the much more dignified alibi that history had come to a
stop, an alibi that had the additional attraction of exonerating them
from responsibility.
As two exemplars of this strategy, drawn from the right, Niethammer
offers us Martin Heidegger and Ernst Junger, two sometime Nazis who
elevated self-exculpation literally to an art form - poetry (and, of
course, philosophy) for the former, the novel for the latter. Which
brings us to another of this book's important themes, the problem
of aestheticization. Niethammer examines closely the implications of a
number of metaphors, Hegel's man on horseback, and master-slave
dialectic, the wreck of the Titanic, and the rustic metaphors beloved of
German self-apologists, as well as the several influential scientific
metaphors such as entropy, indeterminacy, crystallization and neurosis.
He is extremely rewarding on the ways in which metaphor can be used as a
substitute for explanation, scientific metaphor especially having a
particular allure since science, for historians as much as others, has
come to be seen as the privileged arbiter of explanatory validity. The
end of history is, of course, a metaphor in itself. Niethammer gives
equal attention to fugitives from history of the left such as Walter
Benjamin, whose cryptic metaphors of the blown-away angel, and the chess
playing automaton have generated a virtual industry of exegesis. The
extraordinarily influential and adaptable Alexandre Kojeve receives his
share of attention, as does the currently reigning star of end of
history thematics, Jean Baudrillard, refugee from the 1960s new left and
Althusserite structuralism, whose notion of hyper reality is seen as an
appropriately up-dated version of what is evidently a very durable and
flexible idea.
So who cares? Well, perhaps from this review it will be evident
that intellectual historians, at least, might be interested in the
history of the idea. But I would suggest that all historians who spend
any of their time in the present and think at least occasionally about
the future would profit from this short book, the richness of which I
have inadequately conveyed here.