Resourcing change in small schools.
Anderson, Michelle ; White, Simone
Introduction
Being a principal in the 21st century entails new responsibilities
amid rapidly changing policy conditions and contexts for learning. New
responsibilities for principals include managing and monitoring
curriculum development, assessment and reporting; staff selection and
performance management; financial management; mission building and
managing reform; managing professional learning; school accountability;
and community relations and marketing (Ingvarson, Anderson, Gronn &
Jackson, 2006). In keeping with changing conceptions of leadership,
school principals are also expected to work in shared or distributed
school leadership models (Ingvarson et al., 2006).
Other emerging responsibilities include community and social
welfare roles, supervision of major building works, and grief
counselling (Lacey & Gronn, 2007; Redman, 2007). Increasingly,
education interacts with other social challenges, including mental
health and well-being, obesity, economic disadvantage, and access to
products and services, requiring school leaders to actively engage with
the complexity of schools within their communities.
More recently, policy developments at the national level in
Australia--such as national professional standards for teachers,
national curriculum and the reporting of individual school
performance--require principals to negotiate and manage internal
responses to these external pressures for change. These new
responsibilities and policy developments are more acute for leaders in
small schools as their own visibility and the relationship and position
of the school to its community heightens the intensity of educational
change management. Recent research (Halsey, 2005; Roberts, 2004;
Sharplin, 2002; Starr & White, 2008) has confirmed that schools in
rural locations continue to experience more staffing pressures than
their metropolitan counterparts. Equally it is recognised that rural
schools are more likely than city schools to be vital to the social and
economic network and sustainability of their local community (Barley
& Beesley, 2007; Halsey, 2005; Moriarty, Danaher & Danaher,
2003).
Within the study of school leadership, the differentiated
experiences of those leading 'small' schools can be overlooked
(Southworth, 2004). This article focuses on the challenge of resourcing
change in small schools. The term 'resourcing' includes
grants, in-kind and volunteer support, sponsorship, awards, prizes or
donations, and, more broadly, relationship building within the school
and externally. In particular, this article examines the experience of a
principal in a small school as he and others sought to resource change.
The concept of 'social capital' is used to examine why support
is given to various ideas and practices of leadership, what the
consequences are and on whom they fall.
Social capital
Social capital can be framed from different conceptual starting
points, such as advantages to the individual (McGonigal et al., 2007).
We adopt the definition of Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992) that social
capital is:
the sum of the resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an
individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of
more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance
and recognition. (p. 119)
We take our lead from the school leadership research that views
change as a socially contextualised collective approach and practice
(Blackmore & Sachs, 2007). Viewed in this way, inclusive school
leaders are said to engage people in networks of support and relations
based on trust (Duignan & Marks, 2003; Fullan, 2001). These are also
the sorts of images and expectations conveyed of small-school leadership
in the research literature.
Social capital has its origins in historical, cultural, social and
political contexts of trust (Bottery, 2003; Bourdieu, 1997; Kilpatrick,
Johns, Mulford, Falk & Prescott, 2002; McGonigal et al., 2007).
Social capital includes the notions of cooperation for mutual benefit
(Putnam, 1995), and the use of networks to access resources (Bourdieu,
1997). McGonigal and colleagues (2007) concluded that common to theories
of social capital are structures and processes that seek to bind and
bridge social relations. The values, beliefs and attitudes of members of
the school and its community are strongly aligned.
From these social capital perspectives, particular conditions for
school leadership are necessary for change: trust, access, cooperation,
reciprocity, proximity, ties, norms and networks, support and learning.
These conditions for change can be viewed as 'qualities' and
'assets' but they are not 'commodities'. From this
perspective, social capital is thought of as a process that develops and
contracts over time. This view flies in the face of an assumption
sometimes attributed to small schools, especially within rural
locations, that social capital is something automatically bestowed on
small schools by virtue of their 'smallness' and geographic
location within a small community. This is not the view we adopt in this
article. We argue that successful principals find ways for putting
social capital to work for community change to flourish and be
sustained.
A leader as social entrepreneur?
Small-school leaders believe networks and relationships are vital
for the sustainability of their school (Anderson et al., 2010) but often
they turn to the same 'institutionalised' networks,
relationships and resources that they have always used. In this article,
we propose the nature of social challenges increasingly demands that
leaders adopt creative ways to counter social disadvantage. The key for
leaders in creating the conditions for student well-being, learning and
achievement (often in places of social and economic stress) could lie in
putting social capital to work entrepreneurially.
The importance of social entrepreneurship as a phenomenon in social
life has a long-standing literature base, largely outside education
(Harding, 2007). In the literature, social entrepreneurship is
recognised as a feature of corporate social responsibility whereby a
business makes the decision to 'give back' to the communities
from which it derives a business benefit (Brown, 2010; Mertkan, 2011).
Ball's (2007) analysis of private sector participation in public
sector education explored the broader policy implications of such
developments. He questioned where business ended and philanthropy began,
suggesting that there may be self-serving purposes beyond such activity.
We acknowledge and recognise the complexities, contradictions and
challenges that Ball's work raised to do with the motivations and
purposes of school-business/philanthropy engagement in education. Ball
suggested that 'giving' can be a medium through which to
register a presence and make relationships with contacts and
opinion-makers. Viewed from this perspective, Ball questioned whether
such involvement in education marks it as another policy device: to try
things out, to accomplish things, to change things, to avoid established
public sector lobbies and interests, and to inject innovation into
spaces of social policy that are seen as resistant or risk averse.
We use 'social entrepreneurship' in this article to
explore how putting social capital to work in change in small schools
might play out for school leaders in practice. We acknowledge that,
while over the last decade social entrepreneurship may have been an
important agenda item in some countries, clarity around its meaning and
impact is still an area of discussion in the literature (Mustapha,
Loyola & Loyola, 2007). As such, the concept and practice of social
entrepreneurship cannot simply be transposed into school education. We
are mindful of these constraints but there is a dearth of empirical
school leadership research on this topic (Mertkan, 2011) and so we draw
on research from outside education to develop our thinking about this
issue for leaders of small schools.
While entrepreneurship shares some similarities with social
entrepreneurship (for example, new combinations of resources to deal
with a need) there are distinct differences. Entrepreneurs are
explicitly associated with a business benefit, and therefore with
economic growth and the business motives of profit, expansion of
networks, markets or 'the brand'. Mustapha, Loyola and Loyola
(2007) concluded that 'unlike the conventional entrepreneurs,
social entrepreneurs seek to alter the "status quo" of mainly
rural, marginalised, disadvantaged and poor citizens' (p. 27).
Common features of social entrepreneurs and social entrepreneurship
include a passion to tackle a local social need and to act as a catalyst
for change, combined with an ability to attack the issue with
'business-like' discipline, tenacity and innovation towards a
community goal. While the focus of social entrepreneurs is on a social
mission, they understand the need to find a revenue stream to further
fund their project. In broad terms, it can be argued that these
characteristics of social entrepreneurs and social entrepreneurship also
relate to contemporary challenges for school leadership.
In their study to identify what school leaders perceived was needed
to meet the challenges facing them, Angus, Olney and Ainley (2007) found
that on the issue of principals' estimates of sufficiency:
only 6 per cent of principals reported that they had sufficient
resources to meet expectations; at the other end of the scale, only
3 per cent reported that their school's resources were grossly
insufficient. Overall, the responses could be divided into thirds:
nearly a third felt they needed considerably more; a third had
identifiable, fundamental unmet needs; and a third felt they had
sufficient--or nearly sufficient--resources. (p. xi)
In this context, the starting points for identifying and resourcing
'needs' clearly varied. Whether school leaders know where and
how to find potential funds and partners, historically, has not been a
topic of research. An analysis of Philanthropy Australia's annual
reports (2007-2009) indicated a sharp rise in the total dollar amount
distributed by its top 10 foundations to education. But research
commissioned by the Commonwealth (2005) suggested that philanthropic
resources are often 'untapped'. To explore the issue of
resourcing school change further, we will look at policy conditions
spurring on these developments, examine what the literature reports as
the nature of school-community relations, and follow this with an
illustrative case study of leading change in a small school.
Policy conditions: Encouraging new social partnerships
The Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young
Australians (Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and
Youth Affairs, 2008) presented visionary statements of expectation. The
first goal is to promote 'equity and excellence'; and the
second is 'for all Australians to become successful learners,
confident and creative individuals and active and informed
citizens' (p. 7).
Within the Declaration is the expectation that partnerships be
formed to help forge connections between young people and the
communities in which they learn, live and work. The Declaration promoted
new social partnerships among schools (for example, networks) and with
groups external to their school (for example, parents, businesses).
Similarly, in the UK, Every Child Matters and the 14-19 Agenda set out
explicit expectations of schools to collaborate with an array of service
providers and, in doing so, to build strong new relationships with
external groups (Mertkan, 2011). Within this mix increasingly were
public-private 'partnerships', providing businesses an avenue
for business-school arrangements (Ball, 2007; Mertkan, 2011).
Illustrative of this involvement were England's early academies in
2002-03 (former schools that have more autonomy than other schools).
Typically, these academies had sponsors who were successful
entrepreneurs from business and who were prepared to contribute
significant amounts of their own money, such as 2 million [pounds
sterling] for infrastructure costs, such as buildings (Leo, Galloway
& Hearne, 2010). More recently, as many as 300, 000 companies have
connected with education through England's National Education
Business Partnership Network (Mertkan, 2011).
In Australia, a new Perth-based philanthropy umbrella group, Giving
West, was established in 2010 to increase the charitable work being done
by the state's wealthy. Similarly, the Victorian Department of
Education and Early Childhood Development set up the Business Working
with Education Foundation in 2010. At the national level, the
establishment of the Business-School Connections Roundtable by the
Australian federal government signalled a commitment to fostering
greater business involvement in education. 'Partnerships' in
education, both in Australia and elsewhere, continue to be a prominent
policy feature, directing the conversation towards preferred ways of
working to deal with key challenges for schools and their leadership.
The nature of school-community relations
An image of small schools, particularly small rural primary
schools, is that of a relationship-rich community, a notion mentioned in
the UK Social Entrepreneurship Monitor (Harding, 2007). Reporting on the
connection between location and the level of social entrepreneurship,
the authors noted that higher rates of social entrepreneurship were
evident in rural locations than in urban locations. This is consistent
with some thinking about small schools: that in rural areas there is
already strong social capital that enables social enterprises to take
hold. But calling a connection with someone or some group 'a
relationship' does not make it so. Consistent with the features
outlined earlier of social capital, relationships need to have
legitimacy at the local school-community level and this involves some
form of accountability--not in a bureaucratic sense but in a
'common good' sense. Clarke and Wildy (2006) found that the
visibility, stability and credibility of the school and its leadership
were also critical to community involvement in rural locations. The idea
that small schools, especially rural, are the 'hub' of the
community with a readymade bounty of social capital is contextual and
contestable; 'parents congregating at the gate do not necessarily
constitute a school-community relationship' (Hargreaves, 2009, p.
123). Typically, much of the research literature about
'involvement' is characterised as relating to fund-raising and
other such 'events' or 'excursions', the use of
school facilities or in formal consultations (Wilson, 2009).
School development research in South Africa of 96 schools exposed
to three innovations found that the most productive relationships
between a school and its community had one thing in common. Schools that
succeeded in decreasing school absenteeism, school-based crime and in
improving student achievement recognised that 'the nexus between
the school, the community and the local economy was important for
sustainable school community development' (Prew, 2010, p. 841).
Similarly, the research of Kilpatrick, Johns, Mulford, Falk and Prescott
(2002) in rural Australia found broad community benefits from
school-community partnerships that included increased retention of young
people in the community.
Case study method
St Arnaud Primary School in central western Victoria provides a
case study of a small-school leader acting, as we define, as a social
entrepreneur. The school is located in Victoria, 235 kilometres
north-west of Melbourne. The 2006 Australian Bureau of Statistics
figures showed 8.5% in the region were unemployed, a figure well above
the State and national average. In the last five years, 25% of the
population has moved to St Arnaud from other communities. Many newcomers
appear to be older retirees or single-income families moving to cheaper
housing.
St Arnaud was selected for this article because it highlighted the
ways in which the principal and numerous other networks of relations
worked together to access resources beyond those typically accessed in
education for the greater good of the whole school and community. The
case provided a setting to explore our premise about the need to put
social capital to work. This principal demonstrated many features of
social entrepreneurship in a town facing the issue of increasing
unemployment and poverty. In turn this was affecting student learning,
as the teachers witnessed students who found it difficult to concentrate
when their basic needs were unmet.
The St Arnaud case study is one of a set of 20 case studies that
has formed part of a larger, longitudinal Australian Research
Council-funded project (now known as TERRAnova, www.terranova.edu.au).
This study examined the vexed issue of school staffing in regional and
rural Australia. One component of the study sought to identify and
examine rural schools that were nominated by their community as
'going against the trend of a high staffing churn' (Roberts,
2004) and in which sustainable practices around staff recruitment and
retention were identified (White & Reid, 2008). Each case study,
including the one featured in this article, involved a preliminary
interview with the principal of the school before an in-depth three-day
study was conducted in April 2009 by one of the TERRAnova researchers.
Each researcher travelled to the community and collected data about
the community and its history, geography and economy (Reid et al.,
2010). Photographs, council and school documents and field notes were
also part of the data collected. Interviews and conversations were held
with people from the school and the wider community. Consent in this
case was given for 12 tape-recorded interviews to be used by the
research team. Of note, a significant number of the St Arnaud interviews
were with 'additional' staff who worked in and across the
school and local community, rather than classroom teachers. Within the
interviews, further 'resources and staff' were highlighted. In
one interview conducted with the welfare officer, a further 10 people
were identified as playing a significant support role in the school.
These included local police, chefs, the local chaplain and people
further afield who had made educational resources for the teachers to
use in the classroom. Leadership was identified as a major theme (Reid
et al., 2010) and socially entrepreneurial leadership emerged in a
number of the cases (White, 2010).
Case study
Significant to the economic climate of St Arnaud, and located in
the main street, are two large charity stores. At one end is a Salvation
Army store. Operating in 121 countries in the world, the Salvation
Army's Community Service Centres provide practical assistance such
as food, clothing and household items to individuals and families facing
financial pressure. At the other end of the main street in St Arnaud is
a large St Vincent de Paul store. Like the Salvation Army, the St
Vincent de Paul Society operates internationally in 131 countries to
support families who are struggling financially. Donations to the
society's stores are used to assist vulnerable families or
individuals with free clothing or furniture. The presence of these two
large charity organisations in such a small community indicated a heavy
reliance on social support for everyday living. From the interviews, the
link to the charities was particularly important. The excerpt below from
the principal's interview, provides a rich description of the
experience:
For families and their lives; the effect of the drought and the
effect on business closing, the stress that different families go
through. If they lose their job, do they stay in the community and
try and find something or do they leave? So we see all that through
their kids. We see the pressures and we do a lot of work here in
connecting with family relationships. It's not accepted here to
notice that a kid's not happy and something's going on and not to
follow through as much as we can.
The principal recognised that teaching and learning could not
succeed without taking into account the circumstances of families and
their living conditions and context. As he explained in the interview,
he also recognised that countering disadvantage required the development
of relationships with other not-for-profit organisations:
We've been able to support a lot of families ourselves with our
connections through St Vin[cent de Paul] and the [Salvation Army].
The school even now has a trailer with a water tank on it and a
deal where we can get water for emergency water for families and
deliver it. Anything like that we spend a lot of time looking at
it, making sure we don't step on the toes of local businesses, but
in this case there isn't anyone. So I guess that's a challenge
being able to support the families who are suffering hardships in
rural areas.
The school's demographic data showed a community that was
suffering financial hardship. Also evident was a strong determination
and preparedness to help each other and rally together through community
projects. Unemployment was high but so too was volunteerism. The 2006
ABS data indicated that one in three people in the community volunteered
for an organisation or to care for others in the community.
Asked during the fieldwork what rural teachers need to know, a
local literacy coach at the school remarked:
It's critical they [teachers] have an understanding of how a small
community works and the value of volunteerism and how that is the
strength in the community ... if it wasn't for volunteerism that
[programs] wouldn't happen. It's like the glue and it depends on
how strong your volunteerism is as to how long your glue is in your
community and how fragmented and how united they are. Also, it's
probably critical for your local government to have a collective
vision in that the people know which way they're heading otherwise
you get this 'pulling apart' stuff ... everyone needs to be
connected and there has to be that communication between your
primary and your secondary [schools] and the connections between
all your different services.
The literacy coach's comments suggest that it was important
for teachers at St Arnaud to have a strong social commitment. At St
Arnaud, this required developing relationships with other groups in the
community, including those from the business and not-for-profit sectors.
The principal and teachers worked with and within the broader conditions
of the local community (drought) and the implications this was having on
the families (for example, access to drinking water).
Drawing from a large range of staff and services, the principal had
accessed a grant to fund a school-led initiative now known as
'Right Choices' aimed at ensuring student well-being. In 2009
the school won the prestigious school-community partnership National
Australia Bank (NAB) award for its Right Choices program and received
$50, 000 for its contribution to alleviating social disadvantage and
on-going commitment to rural sustainability. Led by the principal, the
school program later attracted further media coverage, which in turn led
to further grants and wider national recognition.
Analysis of the interviews and documents showed that the school had
been able to successfully recruit and retain teachers. Arguably, this
was due largely to the leadership approach of the principal: a clear
vision, a whole school approach, a positive attitude and an identified
working 'culture' or environment that could best be described
as innovative, resourceful and socially entrepreneurial. The principal
actively sought out individuals, teams and institutional networks and
drew them into 'his' network of the school and community.
School staff and others connected in the school then did the same. The
result was a small school with few financial resources that achieved
national recognition and media attention that in turn was harnessed for
further access to resources.
Information collected during the site visit suggested that the
principal and his leadership enabled others to take on a leadership
role. As a team the staff worked hard to develop an ethos of care and a
feeling of familial connectivity within and across the school and its
community. Many of those interviewed identified the principal's
resourceful leadership as important to the success of the school. He
demonstrated the social and creative entrepreneurial skills to attract
the resources (human, technical, economic, physical) that might be
necessary to sustain and support staff and students. His skill helped
teachers to see themselves as leaders in the community. While the
principal of St Arnaud demonstrated a keen vision and skill for
connecting and securing resources to tackle key needs, the same cannot
be said for all school leaders.
Conclusion
It is well documented in the research literature that leadership,
particularly by the principal, matters when it comes to creating the
conditions conducive for student learning to flourish (Dinham, 2008).
Few dispute that school leaders in Australia, in particular those
leading small schools, face complex challenges in seeking to meet the
demands outlined in the Melbourne Declaration goals. It is no great
surprise to see that governments and schools are increasingly seeking to
rally the support of external partners.
In this article, our interest was in the relationships small-school
leaders enter into to deal with key localised needs. These relationships
can include the business, philanthropic and not-for-profit sectors. In
Western countries such as the USA and UK, corporate and philanthropic
engagement in education is becoming increasingly commonplace (Ball,
2007). In Australia, knowledge about the scale, nature and impact of
such relationships is limited by lack of research and evaluation other
than small-scale, one-off studies, and often it is understood from the
one perspective only (for example, grant providers). Contextualised
knowledge on this topic in Australia is in its infancy.
For social capital to emerge, the principal of St Arnaud applied
many of the characteristics we identified from the literature about
social entrepreneurs and social entrepreneurship. This in turn had
implications for the knowledge and skills required of the principal and
others in schools. As the case study showed, a principal can be well
positioned to resource positive small-school change by developing new
relationships with groups, encouraging volunteering, and by seeking and
securing funds to support key educational projects. To do so required
the principal to rethink existing resources and to harness new
opportunities for the school and his school community. The development
of school-community partnerships by the principal and others in St
Arnaud reflected a form of social capital in that community. Based on
our analysis of the literature, our proposition was that perhaps we are
seeing the explicit development and emergence of education-driven social
entrepreneurship in school leadership. For some, this type of thinking
and practice is not a redefinition of school leadership at all, but
merely articulates what many have been doing as principal leaders for
years in their quest to create the conditions for student well-being,
learning and achievement. For others who may be new to principalship or
this way of leading change, more support to develop knowledge and skills
in this area may well be required.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to acknowledge the research from the
Australian Research Council (ARC)-funded project known as Teacher
Education for Rural and Regional Australia: Breaking new ground
(TERRAnova). The researchers for this project are Joanne Reid, Simone
White, Bill Green, Graeme Lock, Maxine Copper and Wendy Hastings.
The authors would also like to acknowledge the Principal, Mr Mark
McLay, from St Arnaud Primary School and his staff who generously gave
their time for this study and for their permission to use this work in
this publication.
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Michelle Anderson
Australian Council for Educational Research
Simone White
Monash University, Victoria
Michelle Anderson is Senior Research Fellow and Project Director of
Tender Bridge at the Australian Council for Educational Research.
Email: andersonm@acer.edu.au
Simone White is Professor and Head of School and Associate Dean of
Education, in the Faculty of Education, Monash University, Gippsland
Campus.