The Australian curriculum: continuing the national conversation.
Atweh, Bill ; Singh, Parlo
Bernstein (1975, p. 85) argued that the stakes are high in the
struggle over the selection, organisation and assessment of what a
society counts as valid knowledge. This is because what knowledge is
selected, how it is taught and how it is evaluated in schools goes to
the very heart of issues of individual and social identity. As Moore
(2007, p. 3) argued, 'what we know affects who we are (or are
perceived to be). Issues of knowledge entail issues of identity'.
Questions around the Australian curriculum have focused on issues of
content (the question of what is selected as valuable knowledge) and
form (the question of how the selected knowledge is organised within and
across stages of schooling). This type of questioning inevitably leads
to particular types of discussions around knowledge, teaching, learning
and assessment.
The release of the Australian curriculum in March 2011 was the
culmination of a period of wide consultation. Public and professional
debate around the latest endeavour to develop a national curriculum has
tended to focus on issues of form and content rather than on the need
for a national curriculum. The official political rationale given for a
national standardisation of the curriculum has remained largely
uncontested in the media, and in several consultation responses. There
appeared to be a sense of inevitability in the consultation phase and
the parameters for debate and discussion seemed to be clearly demarcated
or confined. The consultation opportunities that were generated included
public website surveys, forums at state and territory level with key
stakeholders, national panel meetings with a range of
'experts', meetings with professional associations and state
and territory authorities, participation in trial schools and teachers,
and critical readers and reviewers across the country (Australian
Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority, 2011). But some
commentators (for example, Allum, 2009) suggested that the time frame
for consultation was restrictive and prohibited the generation of
meaningful and substantive conversations. In addition, concerns were
raised about equitable state and regional access and participation in
the national curriculum conversation (Atweh & Clarkson, 2010).
Our task in writing this article is to identify some areas of the
national curriculum that remain sites of struggle and should be the
subject of further debate and discussion, as identified by the
contributions to this Special Issue. We identify the following aspects
of the Australian curriculum that are still contested.
Why an Australian curriculum?
At least four contributors in this Special Issue (Aubusson; Atweh
& Goos; Gilbert; Brennan) question whether the rationale(s) given
for an Australian curriculum (for example, the efficient use of
resources, achieving world standard curriculum, ensuring curriculum
consistency) were based on political rather than educational agendas.
Moreover, Brennan questions whether these goals are actually achievable
through a national curriculum initiative. Some contributors suggest that
there already is considerable curricular consistency or standardisation,
particularly in the disciplinary fields of science and mathematics
(Aubusson; Atweh & Goos). In addition, Aubusson and Brennan argue
that current curriculum models in Australia have served the nation well
in terms of international benchmarking data. These data indicate that
Australia has a high-quality education system, although it performs less
well in terms of dealing with issues of educational inequality (McGaw,
2007). Research has clearly shown that issues of educational inequality
are best tackled at the local level of the school and classroom by
teachers actively engaged in diagnosing learning difficulties and
adapting curriculum to suit the needs of specific cohorts of students
(see, for example, Glasswell, Singh, McNaughton & Davis, 2008). The
question of how a national curriculum might add value in dealing with
issues of educational inequality and student engagement remains
unresolved. Indeed, Brennan proposes that a federated system of
education may have benefits over a unitary model, and points to
countries such as the USA, Canada and Germany that have chosen not to go
down the national curriculum path.
What role(s) should the curriculum play?
All five contributions to this collection question the framing of
the disciplinary curriculum documents. On the one hand, Aubusson reports
on interviews with leading science educators who suggest that the
science curriculum does not constitute a syllabus because it does not
contain a lot of detail. Rather, the document provides broad guidelines
and directions. From this perspective it is a 'bold' document
that is focused on trying to engage learners in scientific knowledge and
enquiry. But Aubusson questions whether a national science curriculum is
the best strategy for achieving the goal of learner engagement in
science. Rather, research shows that learner engagement is best achieved
through 'pedagogy, school science environments, teacher preparation
and professional learning'. On the other hand, Brennan, looking
more generally at the national curriculum project as a whole, suggests
that the curriculum with its emphasis on 'specifying content and
sequence of content by year level of schooling' is a syllabus
rather than a curriculum document. Gilbert also picks up on this theme,
arguing that the essential requirements of successful curriculum
include, firstly, clarity of purpose and intended outcomes; secondly, an
effective rationale and framework for selecting knowledge content; and,
finally, a central explanatory framework that gives the curriculum its
intellectual power. His article questions the adequacy of the Australian
history curriculum against these criteria.
So, within the set of articles, there is contestation around the
terms syllabus and curriculum and around the criteria by which to judge
the adequacy of specific curriculum documents.
What is the rationale guiding the different subject areas?
The debate on the curriculum is as strong within each discipline
area as it is among subject areas. Debates within each disciplinary area
include views on the nature of the discipline and on its role in the
overall aims of student learning. Several authors in this collection
have expressed concerns about the conceptualisations of their respective
disciplinary areas.
In discussing the science curriculum, Aubusson indicates that the
focus placed on 'Science as a Human Endeavour' is considered
to be a huge improvement to previous science curriculum initiatives. But
many of the respondents interviewed by Aubusson lamented the absence of
the term 'scientific literacy' (see Christensen, 2007), an
international trend in the field of science education, which seems at
odds with the stated purposes of the curriculum. In the mathematics
curriculum, Atweh and Goos argue that the development of an appreciation
of mathematics for its beauty and elegance, and developing mathematics
that is useful for careers and jobs and further study (goals identified
in the mathematics curriculum) need to be seen as secondary to the
development of mathematics that has the capacity to understand and
transform aspects of the lives of students, both as current and future
citizens.
In discussing the history curriculum, Gilbert argues that it fails
to present a justification for its role as a compulsory school subject.
The current justification appears to have emerged from political and
popular media pressures, rather than on the basis of sound educational
rationales. Moreover, Gilbert argues that the debate about the history
curriculum has focused on 'which history to teach' rather than
on 'why teach history'. Consequently, the conversations about
history curriculum have been narrowly delineated. This means that there
has been a deafening silence around some crucial issues. One such
crucial issue is which approach to the history curriculum, out of all
possible approaches, is best suited for Australia right now. In
addition, Gilbert suggests that the final history curriculum document
generates an illusion of consensus and smooths over the controversies
within the history education community. This, he argues, sheds some
doubt on its ability to provide quality learning--outcomes for students.
The relationship between disciplinary and school knowledge is also
considered by Macken-Horarik who argues that the principles underpinning
the national English curriculum--coherency, cumulative knowledge and
portability--are flawed, as they fail to acknowledge that subject
English has 'very different orientations to disciplinarity',
is 'an unstable epistemological mix' and is 'a
heterogeneous subject'. She proposes an alternative way of
conceptualising subject English that takes into account the different
curriculum modes that have informed the discipline over time: namely,
growth models, skills models, cultural heritage models and cultural
analysis models.
What constitutes valid knowledge?
Knowledge is socially constructed, and therefore all knowledge
'bears traces of the social' (Moore, 2007, p. 18), but the
various authors, perhaps as a result of their disciplinary orientation,
differ in their relative positioning in terms of weak or strong versions
of social constructionism (Schwandt, 2000). Weak versions of social
construction or social realist perspectives advise that:
knowledge is socially produced, but at the same time has the
capacity to transcend the social conditions under which it is produced
... The emergent property of knowledge is itself intrinsically
social--it is something that people do in a particular, socially
organized, way. It depends upon a distinctive 'configuration'
... of values, principles and social procedures that became
institutionalized and achieved sufficient autonomy from traditional
sites of power (the state, religion) to constitute itself as a culture
and model of social organization in its own right. (Moore, 2007, p. 18)
Each of the articles in this Special Issue questions the
epistemological principles of its respective discipline: not only which
version of knowledge is legitimate, but also whose version of knowledge
is legitimated in the official state discourse of the Australian
curriculum. This raises further questions about which groups are granted
access to privileged and privileging forms of knowledge, and thereby
reap the benefits of schooling in terms of life choices and
trajectories.
In addition, many of the contributors point to the heavy emphasis
on content knowledge as opposed to process knowledge in the national
curriculum documents (see, for example, Macken-Horarik and Gilbert).
Theorists such as Bernstein (2000) have argued that a process curricular
orientation prioritises the inherent competencies of the learner,
constructs the teacher as facilitator, and tends to be used in early
years schooling or with students at risk of educational failure. In this
model of curriculum, teachers and students have greater autonomy and
control over what is taught and learnt, when, where and how.
Moreover, effective implementation of this type of curricular model
requires significant initial and ongoing professional development of
teachers. Aubusson, along with Atweh and Goos, argues that a
content-based curriculum based on disciplinary divisions within
mathematics and science could fail to provide students with the
opportunity to participate in real-world authentic situations that
require interdisciplinary approaches. Gilbert argues that a
content-based curriculum may lead to overcrowding and a focus on
learning historical facts rather than historical modes of enquiry.
Macken-Horarik suggests that the focus on content in the English
curriculum is the main source of mounting concern by professional
organisations representing the concerns of many English teachers.
The crucial question remains unanswered: what is signalled by this
shift in curriculum orientation? Bernstein (2000, p. 66) argued
'Curricula reform today arises out of the requirements to engage
with ... contemporary cultural, economic and technological change'.
Does the current form of the national curriculum effectively engage with
these contemporary social changes?
What are the implicit models of pedagogy?
Aubusson proposes two scenarios for how the national science
curriculum might be implemented by teachers. The first scenario is built
on trust in teacher professionalism and knowledge exchange and the
second scenario is built on standardisation, compliance and control. The
first scenario is likely to treat teachers as professionals capable of
interpreting curriculum documents in relation to the learning needs of
cohorts of students, and planning learning and teaching resources to
ensure effective learning outcomes. The second scenario potentially
leads to increasing regulation of the work of teachers and increasing
disengagement of the profession. Aligning the national curriculum to
national testing regimes is likely to take the Australian schooling
sector down the path of high-stakes testing as in the USA, which, many
have argued, 'regulates pedagogy in poor schools, and stops
teachers from generative transformative pedagogies that could make a
difference' (Au, 2008, p. vii). From this perspective, it is
important to question the implicit models of pedagogy (teaching,
learning and the knowledge generated in this encounter) in the
Australian national curriculum (see Lusted, 1986).
Of crucial concern to Macken-Horarik is the knowledge base that
teachers need to implement this type of national curriculum. She argues
that teachers need to develop a common meta-language for talking about
the subject English, but this requires significant investment in
pre-service and ongoing teacher professional development. Similarly,
Gilbert identifies the need for a common language to talk about the
history curriculum, one founded on 'meta-historical concepts'.
What does a 'future orientation' mean?
A major principle behind the development of the Australian
curriculum, highlighted in much of the political and media rhetoric, is
its future orientation. Two contributions in this collection have raised
questions as to whether this version of the curriculum is indeed future
oriented. Brennan argues that a Tylerian construction of the curriculum
based on separate disciplinary subjects might be contrary to the needs
of a future-oriented curriculum. Atweh and Goos reflect on the
mathematics curriculum using the lens of future orientation. They argue
that future orientation is best achieved by concentrating on new basics
and generic capabilities, rather than on disciplinary content knowledge,
and by a deeper conceptualisation of the role of technologies that may
change the nature of knowledge (Australian Council of Deans of
Education, 2001). In addition, Gilbert suggests that the focus on facts
of the history curriculum harks back to a bygone era. And Macken-Horarik
points to the potential 'present tense' of learning given that
the principles underpinning the literacy tasks and processes included in
the English curriculum are invisible or not explicit to learners.
A number of the contributors thus point to past and present
temporal orientations in the current form of the Australian curriculum.
The debate about the role of disciplinary, process and generic knowledge
remains open, in particular in the light of the work of sociologists
such as Bernstein, who wrote about the national curriculum reforms in
the UK. Bernstein (2000) suggested that the disciplinary (singular) mode
of the curriculum code, although 'based on a past narrative of the
dominance and significance of the disciplines' (p. 61), is more
likely to exhibit a future orientation for the learner than curriculum
codes that prioritise process learning. By contrast, process-oriented
modes of curriculum (for example, liberal progressive, popular and
radical) emphasise where the learner is at, and the inherent
competencies of learners, rather than performance-oriented learning
outcomes. He observed that primary and secondary schooling continues to
be dominated by singular disciplinary knowledge, while universities were
increasingly dominated by regional disciplines, and technical and
further education institutes by competency-based models of generic
knowledge.
Again there is contestation about whether the national curriculum
is past, present or future oriented, and the extent to which particular
modes of curriculum organisation give students access to valued and
valuable knowledge.
Concluding comments
Curriculum development and implementation is always a contested
activity. Unanimous agreement is simply not achievable given the
diversity of stakeholder groups vying for input in the formation of
'official knowledge'. Official knowledge 'refers to the
educational knowledge which the state constructs and distributes in
educational institutions' and
changes in the bias and focus of this official knowledge brought
about by contemporary curricula reform emerges out of a struggle between
groups to make their bias (and focus) state policy and practice. Thus
the bias and focus of this 'official knowledge' are expected
to construct in teachers and students a particular moral disposition,
motivation and aspiration embedded in particular performances and
practices. (Bernstein, 2000, p. 65)
The articles in this Special Issue raise significant issues about
the national curriculum. Given that the Australian curriculum is a
project still in the making, it is timely to add to the national
conversation. We see this issue as an opportunity to ask confronting
questions. What is being imagined for Australia and Australian young
people in these curricular documents? The Australian curriculum is an
endeavour worthy of much more curricular conversation.
Acknowledgement
Parlo Singh's research was supported by the Australian
Research Council's Linkage project scheme LP0990585: Smart
educational partnerships: Testing a research collaboration model to
build literacy innovations in low socio-economic schools (Glasswell et
al., 2008).
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Bill Atweh
Curtin University of Technology, Perth
Parlo Singh
Griffith University, Brisbane
Bill Atweh is an Associate Professor in the Science and Mathematics
Education Centre at Curtin University.
Email: b.atweh@curtin.edu.au
Parlo Singh is Professor of Education and Dean of the Graduate
Research School at Griffith University.