Bringing them in: The experiences of imported and overseas-qualified teachers.

Sharplin, Elaine

Introduction

In times and places of persistent teacher shortages, foreign teachers and migrants with teaching qualifications have been sought to fill teacher vacancies. International recruitment campaigns appeal to teachers seeking opportunities for adventure in unique locations and different climates with financial incentives. Migrants with teaching qualifications are offered opportunities to re-establish their careers and improve their financial stability in their new country, but the experiences of these teachers and the quality of their working lives are poorly researched. This paper reports the experiences of imported and overseas-qualified teachers commencing in 'difficult-to-staff ' rural and remote Western Australian schools. These findings result from a broader study also investigating the experiences of interstate and novice teachers.

In Australia, Canada, the USA and South Africa, teacher shortages are well documented (Amosa & Cooper, 2006; Archibald et al., 2002; Barley & Beesley, 2007; Clarke et al., 2003; McEwan, 1999; Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs, 2001, 2003; Western Australian Department of Education Services, 2006). Shortages occur in subject specialist areas such as mathematics; science, enterprise and technology; languages other than English (LOTE); and special education (Western Australian Department of Education Services, 2006; Lonsdale & Ingvarson, 2003) and in marginalised locations, such as rural and inner-city areas. Research that examines the impact of strategies adopted to deal with teacher shortages, such as the importation of teachers or recruitment of teachers with overseas qualifications is limited.

This paper presents the experiences of a small group of imported and overseas-qualified teachers recruited to rural schools in Western Australia, where persistent staffing difficulties exist. Over half of public rural and remote schools in Western Australia are classified as 'difficult to staff ' (Western Australian Department of Education and Training, 2007), with high rates of teacher and leadership turnover (Workman & Fielding, 2006). Similarly, Catholic and independent schools also have difficulty recruiting and retaining rural teachers (Home, 1999), with staffing shortages increasing in recent years (Edith Cowan University, 2007;Western Australian Department of Education Services, 2006). Two strategies being used by the Department of Education and Training to tackle the teacher shortage are the importation of overseas teachers and the use of migrants with overseas teaching qualifications. This paper identifies significant aspects of imported and overseas-qualified teachers' experiences, tentatively suggests factors associated with retention and attrition, and highlights areas for further research.

Imported teachers are those directly recruited and appointed from overseas to a teaching position in another country. The label of overseas-qualified teacher is applied to teachers already resident in Australia, who gained their first teaching qualification and the majority of their teaching experience outside Australia. Overseas-qualified teachers have not yet established teaching careers in Australia. The findings of this study provide some preliminary thoughts for further investigation of the phenomena, opening up a valuable research agenda.

Teacher shortages

In Western Australia, with the largest rural and remote area in Australia, the challenges of recruiting and retaining qualified and experienced teachers are particularly evident. At the end of 2007, the Minister for Education acknowledged a teacher shortage of 10%, mainly in rural secondary schools, while the State School Teachers' Union of Western Australia forecast shortages of up to 600 teachers for 2008 (Haynes, 2007). There is a public perception that imported teachers are increasingly sought to fill vacancies (Hiatt, 2006), but with inter-national teacher shortages, there is fierce recruitment competition and global teacher mobility (GHK Consulting, 2005; Goodenough, 2001). The Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs (2003) predicted continued imbalances between supply and demand for teachers in Australia until 2012.

Information about the extent of international recruitment in Australia is difficult to locate. The Western Australian Department of Education and Training has a labour agreement with the Commonwealth government to import teachers from the UK and New Zealand. In 1999, 150 applicants from the UK were interviewed and 30 appointed in rural and remote areas (Ryan, 2000). Australia has reciprocal working holiday arrangements with the UK, Canada, the Netherlands, the Republic of Ireland, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Malta, Germany, Sweden, Denmark, Norway and Hong Kong (Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs, 2003).

Recent media reports suggest that importation of teachers into rural and remote schools is problematic, with some imported teachers resigning within six weeks (Hiatt, 2007; Spencer, 2007). This study investigated the experiences of two imported teachers and four overseas-qualified teachers appointed to rural and remote schools in Western Australia because these teachers' experiences, and the ways they deal with them, have consequences: for the teachers personally and professionally; for the cost to and quality of education systems; and, most importantly, for the educational outcomes of students.

Imported and overseas-qualified teachers

Research about imported and overseas-qualified teachers is scarce (Barber, 2003; Inglis & Philps, 1995; Michael, 2006), despite calls for collection of data at state and national levels (Inglis & Philps, 1995). Kamler, Santoro and Reid (1998, p. 16) emphasised the need to 'better understand the professional and cultural isolation overseas-born teachers may experience in rural and/or small communities'. In the USA, approximately 15 000 foreign teachers were employed in the 2002-2003 school year (Barber, 2003). In Australia, data indicates that 'school teaching, of all the professions, includes the lowest rates of overseas recruits-0.6% in 1981 decreasing to 8.6% in 1986' (Baker, Robertson & Sloan, 1993, p. 12). More recently, migration contributed only 0.2% of the teaching workforce in 2000-2001 (Ministerial Council on Education, Employment, Training and Youth Affairs, 2003).

Inglis and Philps (1995) identified immigrant teachers as those who achieved direct entry as part of a 'Skill Migration' program (1995, p. x), but half of those arriving in the 1990s entered 'under other immigration programs or as accompanying persons, typically with their spouses'. Conditions of employment contracts were typically for two years, providing tax concessions and travel.

The countries of origin of overseas-qualified teachers have changed significantly since the late 1970s, when overseas-qualified teachers were recruited from mainly English-speaking countries. In a study by Bassett (1980, cited by Inglis & Phillips, 1995), 3% of teachers were from the UK, 1% were from New Zealand and the USA, and another 3% were from a range of countries. Fewer than one in five overseas-qualified teachers came from non-English-speaking backgrounds. In contrast, since the 1970s, overseas-qualified teachers represented a broad range of non-English speaking countries: Japan, Fiji, the Middle East, Malaysia and Hong Kong (Inglis & Philps, 1995).

Australian studies of overseas-qualified teachers completed since the 1990s focused on teachers of languages other than English (Kamler, Santoro & Reid, 1998; Kato, 2001). In a study of 308 secondary schools in Victoria, Kamler, Santoro and Reid (1998) found that two percent of teachers were bicultural and born overseas. Only 44% of these teachers had taught in their country of origin. The study also indicated that 42.7% of surveyed schools had at least one overseas-born teacher on staff. The majority of overseas teachers were employed in metropolitan schools, with 7.6% employed in regional cities and 12.7% employed in rural areas. No rural school had more than one overseas-born teacher (Kamler, Santoro & Reid, 1998). From this study, overseas-born teachers in rural schools were predominantly Asian, 20-29 years of age, with less experience and located in current schools for shorter times than overseas-born teachers in non-rural areas. They were teachers in their country of origin, had lived in Australia for an average of 12.4 years but taught in Australian schools for only an average of 7.3 years. This gap suggests that teachers had retrained or waited for processing of overseas qualifications (Kamler, Santoro & Reid, 1998).

Because of visa requirements, overseas-qualified teachers worked in less desirable locations, accepting positions in schools supporting visa requirements, without 'understanding the nature of the community' they were entering (Kamler, Santoro & Reid, 1998, p. 10). Teachers from the UK and New Zealand noted that conditions in schools:

did not encourage them to stay longer than they were bound by their contracts. Unfamiliar curriculum, difficult classroom situations and pupils with different cultural expectations of the pupil-teacher relationship were also compounded by hostility from local colleagues. (Inglis & Philps, 1995, p. 51)

Those on permanent resident visas remained in the Australian labour force for only short periods (Logan et al., 1990). This is consistent with findings of Phillips KPA (2007) and Sharplin (2008) that teachers from non-English-speaking backgrounds reported difficulties communicating in English, in understanding principles of behaviour management in Australian classrooms and in implementing contemporary teaching and learning methodologies.

While Inglis and Philps concluded that overseas-trained teachers 'constitute only a small proportion of primary and secondary teachers' and that their impact on the labour force and the operation of Australian schools and education has 'inevitably been limited' (1995, p. 28), anecdotal discussion with school executives suggests that overseas-qualified teachers have a significant impact within schools, particularly in rural and remote areas, affecting the quality of education for students. These divergent views prompted further empirical examination, in the form of this study.

Relocation for employment

For imported and overseas-qualified teachers, relocation to a rural or remote town is likely to be a culturally and geographically unfamiliar experience, directly affecting all aspects of their lives. Similarities may be drawn with the experiences of teachers relocating to international schools. Joslin described this as a 'logistically, legally and emotionally complex' experience (2002, p. 34), yet there is a paucity of data about teachers relocating for work (Canadian Employee Relocation Council, 2005). Churchill and Carrington (2000) suggest that relocation affects self-confidence, self-esteem, family harmony, stress levels and teacher health.

Unlike employees of transnational corporations, teachers relocating internationally typically do not receive pre-departure cross-cultural training and orientation programs (Joslin, 2002). On arrival, they can experience culture shock, passing through a honeymoon phase of euphoria and optimism, a period of confusion and anxiety, and then recovery and readjustment (Joslin, 2002). Some new arrivals retreat into 'culture-bubbles', relying heavily on support from culturally familiar others as 'anchors'. Others 'go native', immersing themselves in local culture. In rural Australian locations there may not be others of a culturally familiar background within the community.

Imported and overseas-qualified teachers, like all new Department of Education and Training employees, are offered a three-day general induction, if they commence employment at the beginning of the school year, but practical and effective induction remains patchy (Sharp, 2006; Sharplin, 2008). For teachers commencing after the beginning of the school year, no formal induction process exists. Since 2000-2001, when a short bridging course was discontinued, there has been no additional induction available for imported or overseas-qualified teachers.

The research project

The study was conducted in the interpretivist paradigm, seeking to understand the lived experiences of participants by accessing their perspectives (Patton, 2002). A longitudinal collective case study examined the perspectives of six imported or overseas-qualified teachers commencing employment at four rural or remote Department of Education and Training schools in Western Australia and followed their experiences for up to 15 months.

Participants

Initially, it was difficult to identify imported and overseas-qualified teachers. No records identify employees in this way. All new employees appointed to rural and remote schools were provided with information about the research with appointment notices, but only one overseas-qualified teacher volunteered from this approach. Subsequently, potential participants were identified through 'snowballing' (Patton, 2002) from other participants and researcher contacts in rural and remote schools. Three additional overseas-qualified and two imported teachers were identified through this process. Three of these participants commenced at the school during Semester 2.

The participants presented from diverse backgrounds. Four participants were from English-speaking backgrounds and two from non-English-speaking South Asian backgrounds. They ranged in age from 25 to 55. All participants were married, with four of the participants living separately from their partners and/or children for some period of time. Three of the participants were teaching in the curriculum area of mathematics, with one teacher each in the area of science, English and primary education. They had prior teaching experience of between 2 and 20 years.

Data was collected from participants through an initial questionnaire, ongoing telephone interviews, site visits and email contact. All interviews were recorded with the permission of participants and transcribed. The data was analysed using an inductive process in the initial stages and, later, more emergent grounded theory approaches (Punch, 2005). Case studies were constructed for each participant, then analysed collectively. For the two participants who departed from locations prematurely, significantly less data was available for analysis.

Findings

The findings of this research are not consistent with the negative media representations and anecdotal views of rural school executives about the experiences and impact of overseas-qualified and imported teachers. While both groups encountered difficulties with appointment, relocation and adaptation to their Australian contexts, four of the teachers (two imported and two overseas-qualified) remained in their appointed school for at least two years. One overseas-qualified teacher left within three months; one left within six months. The following discussion presents the experiences of these teachers, identifying the challenges they faced and concluding with factors influencing retention and attrition.

Motivation for migration and employment

Imported and overseas-qualified teachers accepted appointments in rural or remote Australian schools for lifestyle and career goals. The imported teachers were motivated by short-term 'sea-change' reasons, desiring career and lifestyle opportunities for periods of up to five years. Both imported teachers applied from New Zealand for a working holiday, with opportunities to see new places. They were from English-speaking backgrounds and had travelled widely. Overseas-qualified teachers had long-term lifestyle goals of settling in Australia and re-establishing careers for financial security. All overseas-qualified teachers had migrated to Australia within the last five years and were committed to remaining in Australia. They sought improved social, political, employment, economic and climatic circumstances for their families:

We decided that we would leave ... for long term investment in our lives ... because of the political situation in Zimbabwe. (Graham)

As the current political situation in my country Burma has not reached at a good point, I must have to find a country where I can get a secured job and living. Thus, after I have completed half terms of my contract in Fiji, I tried to migrate to Australia. (Uken)

They were trying to manage financial pressures and immigration requirements. All had achieved some degree of career competence in other countries, but faced the challenge of developing competence in an unfamiliar cultural context, sometimes beyond their teaching area or educational sector of expertise (Sharplin, 2008). All overseas-qualified teachers had completed some further training or educational qualification in Australia to improve their career prospects. The courses ranged from two weeks to one year in duration.

The employment application process

All participants experienced difficulty navigating government bureaucracies. Porter telephoned the Department of Education and Training three times and submitted two applications before receiving a response. Teachers with qualifications from countries other than New Zealand experienced difficulty with recognition of their qualifications and requirements to upgrade them.

I faced very discouraging experiences. Whenever I consulted with my friends, most of them told me that it would be very difficult for me to get a teacher position. Although there is EEO [Equal Employment Opportunity] policy, being an applicant from NESB [a non-English-speaking background] is very disadvantageous for us to get a job as a teacher. (Uken)

They referred me to the overseas qualifications unit ... [The] OQU [Overseas Qualification Unit] could not do anything with my qualifications and referred me back to NOOSR [National Office for Overseas Skills Recognition-it provides information, advice and assistance in relation to qualifications and work skills gained overseas, establishing the comparability of international qualifications with Australian standards] ... I spent all of the money and I just have to do it myself again. Finally it was just not necessary ... Everybody's pussyfooting around. (Cherry)

Cherry, from Singapore, and Donna, from India, gave up initial attempts to gain employment. Without knowledge of the system and the confidence to interact with government departments, these overseas-qualified teachers did not have the cultural capital to proceed. Information gained from family members, friends and a local course assisted their second applications and by selecting schools designated as 'Difficult to Staff ', a previously unfamiliar term, they were offered employment. Applying for Australian teaching positions was considered a difficult process, with scant information, often presenting embellished views of teaching contexts.

Adaptation to location of appointment

Imported teachers were more frequently appointed to locations of their choice than overseas-qualified teachers. They were selective about placements: 'The first offer was Foldguild, but we decided we didn't want to be there. It didn't have access to places that I wanted to visit' (Porter). Only the two imported teachers had knowledge of their appointment location gained from visits by family, Internet research or telephoning the school. Overseas-qualified teachers accepted non-preferred locations from desperation to re-commence their profession (Gerard Daniels, 2007) and financial pressures:

It was a pre-requisite on my visa that I have to have worked so many months ... over the last three years ... you've then got to be employed within the next three months; otherwise you fail on work experience ... it was a very tricky thing. I had to get employment as soon as possible. (Graham)

Participants' experiences were influenced by their prior knowledge of locations. Participants with limited or inaccurate knowledge of their location faced greater difficulties with adjustment, but those who remained at their appointed locations responded favourably to their geographic location, over time. They valued proximity to particular geographic features or recreational areas, natural beauty and environmental attributes as having a positive impact on their lifestyle. Location factors such as isolation and lack of services were not dominant factors in the attrition of overseas-qualified teachers.

Family circumstances

All overseas-qualified and imported teachers were married: two without children, two with dependent children and two with university-aged children; one also had responsibility for aged family members. Relocation involved separation from partners for two-thirds of participants, for varying lengths of time. For all participants, employment location affected their family and work satisfaction but time without partners in new locations was perceived by all as an opportunity to focus on career development, dedicating extensive time to mastering syllabuses, identify resources and prepare for classes.

All participants arrived without any form of transport and were reliant on others to access basic goods and services. Some participants briefly used bicycles; however, this mode of transport was untenable in locations with temperatures exceeding 40[degrees]C. Without transport, participants experienced trouble returning to their family, increasing their isolation. They were reliant on colleagues to 'go home'.

I'm just lucky that my housemate ... tries to go back most weekends so I get a ride from her. It's a bit difficult because I don't drive and I'm working on my licence. (Cherry)

I've only got the one car and my family need the car in Perth. I have to basically rely on people who are coming and going to Perth. (Graham)

The difficulties of separation from or disruption to family were endured for the attainment of career or other personal goals. While separation and relocation caused anxiety to participants, it was not identified as a reason for teacher attrition.

Adapting to the school and system

Only one participant received any form of induction into the school or the Western Australian education system. There was no time to functionally or culturally orientate themselves to their new location. Hannah, an imported teacher, was teaching on the first day after her arrival. Overseas-qualified teachers were most challenged by the unfamiliar cultural expectations and some language issues. Difficulty in these areas was a common factor associated with the attrition of two overseas-qualified teachers.

Access to information The overseas-qualified and imported teachers were unfamiliar with the Australian education system and curriculum. In rural and remote schools, access to basic, essential information was difficult to acquire. High rates of teacher transience (Mills & Gale, 2003) resulted in the loss of teaching documentation and curriculum materials in schools. This was the situation experienced by Hannah and Porter in the mathematics department at Scootara Senior High School, to which they had been appointed. In the first six months of the year, 13 teachers had been appointed to fill or refill six teaching positions. As newcomers, Hannah and Peter needed information about the curriculum, previous teaching and learning documentation, resources, student achievement and formal support mechanisms; they also needed expertise to assist development of their competence, particularly in behaviour management and curriculum planning. This information was not available. Hannah commented: 'I didn't know what they did in Australia. They didn't give me any information.'

Specifically, participants reported a need for information about school policies (particularly behaviour management), roles and duties of support personnel (technicians, registrars,Aboriginal Education Officers), procedures for using equipment and acquiring resources, and non-teaching roles (yard-duty and pastoral care) that were unfamiliar responsibilities in other cultures.

Cultural adaptation Overseas-qualified and imported teachers had established expectations of students, schools, colleagues and had already developed a degree of teaching competence. Confronted with new cultural, social and organisational contexts, they needed to modify their expectations. Overseas-qualified teachers felt confronted by challenges to their competence and the time it took to regain efficacy.

Overseas-qualified teachers experienced difficulties with cultural integration. For teachers from non-Anglo-Saxon backgrounds, the main issues were related to language, teacher status and Australian school culture (Inglis & Philps, 1995; Phillips KPA, 2007, Sharplin, 2008). Even teachers from English-speaking countries, such as Singapore and Zimbabwe experienced difficulty with the Australian vernacular. Cherry is Chinese, but Singapore is an English-speaking country:

The whites are more fluent and good. They are able to come up with comebacks that really put the kids in place and I think as a Chinese I'm not very good at that. And I find that Aussies in general are very glib ... I don't feel as quite articulate at the moment ... although I'm good at the language I do have deficiencies in terms of not always having the right pronunciation. (Cherry)

They'll say, 'What are you saying?' ... There are still some things that I find difficult. Like I call recess 'break-time' ... But they get used to it ... After a while they just ... learn the new word ... they learn your language and you learn a bit of theirs ... and even your pronunciations change. (Graham)

Teachers from the UK and New Zealand felt comfortable with the language transition and adjustment to the Australian school culture, but teachers from Singapore, India and Fiji were challenged by students' attitudes to teacher status and levels of respect for peers and resources:

It was a culture shock. Aussie kids are very difficult. They are very challenging ... they are very emotional and have an increased dependence ... I found that very difficult ... in Western society, kids no longer have the same respect for authority or teachers ... they have no sense of social distance. They would just touch your things like they were their own and they always sit on the teacher's chair ... The temerity again. (Cherry)

In India we never had any behaviour problems ... I don't know why kids are like this in Australia. Because in India one time I have 65 kids, if you can imagine 65 kids in one room and then they are very serious, nobody will move ... I taught nearly for seven years and not on a single occasion I can remember when I had any problem. (Donna)

This was a common concern shared by the two resigning teachers. The teachers from non-Anglo-Saxon backgrounds were challenged by expectations to use diverse pedagogies and resources, with an emphasis on teacher responsibility for student motivation. Teachers from Anglo-Saxon backgrounds integrated more readily into the learning culture, but all the teachers who remained in schools gradually accepted and adapted to cultural differences, developing positive relationships with students:

If you thought they were being rude then it would upset a person. But I don't think they mean anything by it. I just think it's because they're different and you have to accept that ... They don't come from the same culture and until you accept that I don't think you'd ever be happy. (Graham)

While all overseas-qualified teachers identified some issues associated with linguistic or cultural competence, the key factors distinguishing the teachers who remained from those who left the system were degree of cultural similarity and the level of support provided by schools to assist with induction and the development of competence. Two of the three overseas-qualified teachers from non-Anglo-Saxon backgrounds left the system primarily due to cultural and linguistic alienation. Both Uken and Cherry were concerned about dealing with unfamiliar student behaviour and a lack of linguistic confidence. This is consistent with earlier research (Inglis & Philps, 1995). Conversely, Donna, an overseas-qualified teacher who also experienced some cultural alienation, received effective support within her subject department, from a staff mentor and the principal. With such small numbers, only tentative hypotheses can be proposed.

Contract renewal and continuity

For imported and overseas-qualified teachers, timely renewal of contract was essential. Participants reported uncertainty and anxiety that contributed to stay/go dilemmas. Hannah's case illustrates some of these problems:

I rang the Department beforehand and said when would we find out if we had a position for next year? They said ... the middle of December ... I said, 'It doesn't give us a lot of time to get flights back to NZ if you don't want me here' ... If I'd come here with a two-year contract we would have stayed. We wouldn't even have thought about coming home. (Hannah)

Temporary short-term contracts disadvantaged teachers (Auditor General, 2000). Tromans (2002) reported that 20% of teachers in Western Australia were on temporary fixed-term contracts, significantly higher than rates of 4% to 5% in Queensland. Teachers on short-term contracts in this study experienced increased workloads to enhance chances of re-employment; lack of stability, lack of opportunity to establish relationships in the school community, rural transfer costs and the personal impact of insecurity associated with casualisation (Della Rocca & Kostanski, 2001; Senate Employment, Education and Training Reference Committee, 1998). Imported teachers sought short-term contracts, but of at least 12 months' duration. Overseas-qualified teachers sought tenure.

Tenure is promoted as an incentive to rural and remote teachers to avoid continuing short-term contracts. It was attractive to overseas-qualified teachers re-establishing permanent careers in Australia. Both Donna and Graham, family breadwinners, endured family separation to gain tenure and to stabilise their careers, consistent with their stage of career development (Huberman, 1989); however, placement in 'unclear vacancies', a condition not understood by participants prior to appointment, meant time served did not contribute towards tenure. These participants felt cheated by the organisation, being seen as pawns to 'plug the gaps' in the system (Tromans, 2002, p. 2).

Performance appraisal processes associated with tenure acquisition were perceived by the imported teachers as encouraging optimum staff performance, providing growth and development opportunities. The overseas-qualified teachers were less culturally familiar with the process, expressing concern about lack of procedural information and feedback:

I had a performance appraisal, so now I don't know what happens ... the Head of Department came for two classes and just started watching and writing notes ... I have no idea. They haven't left me one copy ... after that I don't know what happens. (Donna)

Retention: Making the transition easier

All of these overseas-qualified and imported teachers coped with difficulties with their appointment process and transition into a new teaching role, working with new curricula, in an unfamiliar rural or remote location and cultural context. Not surprisingly, teachers from English-speaking Anglo-Saxon backgrounds found the transition easier than those from non-English-speaking or culturally diverse backgrounds, especially if they were imported teachers who had been selective in their choice of location.

According to the Model of Outcomes of Environmental Integration for Rural and Remote Teachers (Sharplin, 2008), teachers make judgements about their geographic, cultural and organisational environments and the degree to which they fit those environments. In environments where there is a positive fit between the teacher and the environment, teachers are able to integrate. This was the experience for Hannah and Porter. They were imported from English-speaking Anglo-Saxon backgrounds, had specifically chosen their rural location and had flexible attitudes due to previous travel and relocation. Donna and Graham, both overseas-qualified teachers, experienced additional difficulties with integration due to some linguistic and cultural differences, and issues associated with familial separation. Their integration involved a higher degree of effort, supported by the existence of protective factors within their environments (such as high levels of teacher support, collegiality and role congruence). Over time, these teachers were able to 'go native', working through the culture shock (Joslin, 2002). Cherry and Uken were unable to achieve person-environment fit. They remained in a 'culture bubble' (Joslin, 2002, p. 50), experiencing cultural and linguistic alienation. Inadequate levels of support were provided to reduce the risk factors in the environment, ultimately leading to their early withdrawal.

In order to improve the transition for all these imported and overseas-qualified teachers, the Department of Education and Training needs to improve the application and induction process, providing higher levels of school-based support. Participants perceived the organisation as overly bureaucratic and were frustrated with inefficient processes that threatened to derail appointments. Participants resoundingly indicated that accurate information about appointment locations needs to be readily available to shape realistic expectations (Gerard Daniels, 2007).

Once in schools, more effective induction and higher levels of collegial and administrative support are necessary to facilitate the pedagogical and cultural adaptation of the teachers. The overseas-qualified teachers who left schools within the first six months reported high levels of cultural and pedagogical isolation and an absence of appropriate support to assist their adjustment: attention to these factors would have assisted the integration process of all the participants.

A research agenda

These findings highlight the need for more extensive knowledge of the experiences of overseas-qualified and imported teachers who fill teacher shortfalls in Australian schools. With continuing use of overseas-qualified and imported teachers in Australia and internationally, more needs to be known about the implications of this strategy for individual teachers, schools, students and systems.

Given the small numbers of participants, the robustness and trustworthiness of these findings require further investigation. The majority of imported and overseas-qualified teachers in this study remained in their appointed location for similar durations to locally appointed teachers, contrary to the expectations generated by media reports of imported teacher experiences. It is possible that both the small number of participants and the 'snowball' selection process (Patton, 2002) may have skewed the findings. The teachers volunteering to participate in the study may not be representative of the broader population of overseas-qualified and imported teachers, including the diversity of their countries of origin. Further, the pedagogical practices associated with country of origin require investigation. Future research needs to attend to the difficulty of accessing participants. Cultural beliefs about research, bureaucracies and the workload of new teachers may predispose them to avoid participation. Given the extent to which these categories of teachers are under-researched, and changing immigration patterns and teacher recruitment practices, there is some urgency for further research with these populations.

The findings of this study present an optimistic view of the outcomes of employing overseas-qualified and imported teachers that are not consistent with media reports and the anecdotal views of school executives. While this study has identified language competence, classroom management beliefs and values as areas of concern to imported and overseas-qualified teachers of non-English-speaking backgrounds, further examination of the relationship between the categories of teachers and their countries of origin is needed. Clearly, further research is necessary to develop a comprehensive understanding of the experiences of overseas-qualified and imported teachers if they continue to be recruited to fill staffing vacancies.

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Elaine Sharplin

The University of Western Australia

Author

Dr Elaine Sharplin is a lecturer in the Graduate School of Education at the University of Western Australia. Email: elaine.sharplin@uwa.edu.au