Introduction to the special issue on the Diamond-Dybvig model.
Prescott, Edward Simpson
This special issue of the Economic Quarterly is dedicated to the
1983 model of bank runs developed by Douglas Diamond and Philip Dybvig.
(1) Their model has been a workhorse of banking research over the last
25 years and during the recent financial crisis it has been one that
researchers and policymakers consistently turn to when interpreting
financial market phenomena.
The Diamond-Dybvig model has three basic elements:
* Long-term investments that are more productive than short-term
investments;
* A random need for liquidity on the part of an individual; and
* Private information about an individual's need for
liquidity.
With these elements, Diamond and Dybvig (DD hereafter) show that it
is desirable for people to pool their funds and jointly invest in
productive long-term investments, while allowing individuals to withdraw
their funds on demand, even before the end of the life of the long-term
investments. Furthermore, they show that it is also desirable to set
payouts for early withdrawals high enough so that if every person in the
pool withdrew his funds early, there would not be enough funds available
to meet every withdrawal.
DD interpreted this arrangement as a bank because it contains two
important characteristics that are typically identified with banks.
First, it performs maturity transformation, that is, it backs short-term
liabilities with long-term illiquid assets. Second, it issues
liabilities that are payable on demand, that is, bank deposits. (2)
According to DD, while this arrangement is effective at increasing
output and providing liquidity insurance, it is also susceptible to a
bank run. In their environment, there is a coordination problem among
depositors. If too many people withdraw early, then the long-term
investments are liquidated early causing a loss in output. DD show that
there is such an equilibrium in that depositors who do not need early
liquidity will still withdraw early because they think that other
depositors without an early liquidity need are going to withdraw early.
This inefficient allocation is an equilibrium (as is the efficient
allocation) even if the bank is solvent.
Diamond and Dybvig also discuss several mechanisms for eliminating
the run equilibrium. These include deposit insurance, suspension
mechanisms, and central bank lending. All of these mechanisms have been
used to various degrees over time. The United States has had federal
government-provided deposit insurance since 1933. The precursors to
central banks, the clearinghouses, often would suspend payments during a
financial crisis (Timberlake 1984). Finally, the lender-of-last-resort
justification of central bank lending has been used heavily in this
crisis and it was heavily used historically. For example, Bagehot
(1873), when writing about the Bank of England, gave his famous dictum
that to prevent a financial panic, a central bank should freely lend at
a penalty rate on good collateral.
1. DIAMOND-DYBVIG AND THE RECENT FINANCIAL CRISIS
Until recently, bank runs were not considered a major problem in
the United States. The introduction of deposit insurance in the 1930s
was considered to have essentially solved this problem. There had been
very few bank runs since then. (3) Much of the academic literature
instead focused on the sizeable costs of moral hazard that can come with
a deposit insurance system, as was seen in the savings and loan crisis of the 1980s (see, for example, White [1991]).
What the academic and policy worlds missed was just how much some
of the newer (since the 1970s) financial arrangements were starting to
resemble banks in that they performed maturity transformation and
financed assets with liabilities that resembled demand deposits. Many of
these arrangements ran into trouble during the financial crisis when
they could not roll over their short-term debt. Whether these episodes
match the DD equilibrium in which a solvent bank is run because of a
panic is still a topic of debate. After all, a run on a bank is also
perfectly consistent with a bank being insolvent.
What we do have now, however, are data that are much higher quality
than are available on historical runs. (4) Furthermore, as we will see,
these financial arrangements differ along dimensions such as how excess
short-term withdrawals are managed. My conjecture is that these sources
of variation along with the data will provide an important source of
information for not only evaluating the DD model, but also evaluating
methods for dealing with a potential run.
Bank Runs
In the recent crisis, there were several runs on traditional banks.
In the United Kingdom, Northern Rock bank was unable to roll over its
wholesale funding in the fall of 2007, and that led to large withdrawals
by retail depositors who, at that time, were not protected by deposit
insurance. (5) In the United States, there were large withdrawals from
IndyMac, a bank that specialized in alt-A mortgages, many of which were
made in California (Office of the Inspector General 2009). Washington
Mutual experienced large withdrawals in July 2008 and shortly after the
failure of Lehman Brothers in September 2008 (Grind 2009).
Auction Rate Securities
Auction rate securities (ARS) are long-term debt securities that
are transformed into short-term securities through regular periodic
auctions. (6) The auctions set the short-term interest rate and allow
for the transfer of ownership. If a holder wants to sell the bond, he
places a sell order, and if there are enough bids in the auction, he
sells his security. If there are not enough bids, then he keeps the
security and the issuer of the bond pays a predetermined rate in the
contract, often one that is relatively high. ARS are issued by
municipalities, student loan pools, and closed-end mutual funds.
At first glance, ARS look like any other security with varying
liquidity. They were, however, marketed and treated as cash-like
securities. Furthermore, if there were not enough bids to clear an
auction, the sponsoring entity, which was either a large bank or
investment bank, would often provide enough bids to clear the market.
(7) However, in the spring of 2008, the sponsoring banks started pulling
their support. This contributed to a sizeable demand by investors to
pull out of the market, and there was a large increase in the number of
auction fails. Han and Li (2008) interpret this event as a run.
Special Purpose Vehicles
Another group of bank-like entities that developed are trusts that
hold securities and are financed by a mix of short-and long-term debt
(along with a small amount of equity occasionally). These trusts, set up
by banks and investment banks, are also known as structured investment
vehicles and collateralized debt obligations. Many of these trusts hold
long-term securities, such as mortgage-backed securities, and finance
part of their investment with commercial paper, which is a short-term,
cash-like liability. The commercial paper issued by these trusts is
similar to bank deposits in that a lender who chooses to roll over the
commercial paper is analogous to a depositor who withdraws his deposit
from a bank.
Covitz, Liang, and Suarez (2009) use daily data from August 2007 to
December 2007 on the ability of these vehicles to roll over their
commercial paper. They found that specific features of the programs,
such as the existence of liquidity support, affected the ability to roll
over commercial paper. They also found difficulties in rolling over debt
that are not explained by these differences and conclude that this is
evidence of a bank-like run caused by a panic.
Repo Markets
Repo transactions are short-term agreements to sell and repurchase
securities. They are essentially short-term collateralized loans. The
loans are often made by wholesale institutions such as money market
funds, corporations, hedge funds, and other entities that have a lot of
cash to invest. Since their cash holdings are too large to benefit from
deposit insurance, they instead make these collateralized loans.
The broker-dealer investment banks (e.g., Bear Stearns, Lehman
Brothers, Merrill Lynch, Morgan Stanley, and Goldman Sachs) partially
financed their investments with these repo transactions. They would
invest in long-term assets, often through securities, and partially
finance the investment with the cash lent as part of the repo
transactions. Gorton and Merrick (2009) argue that these repo
transactions looked a lot like demand deposits. The lender could
withdraw all his funds by not rolling over the repo or even partially
withdraw his funds by requiring a large haircut on the valuation of the
collateral. Gorton and Metrick also argue that there was a wide-scale
panic in these markets as investors began to doubt the quality of
collateral and shifted their funds to safer forms such as Treasury
securities. Partly because of this movement, the five large investment
banks either failed or converted into banks.
Money Market Mutual Funds and Other Investment Pools
Money market mutual funds (MMMFs) are investment pools that invest
in short-term liquid assets such as Treasury securities, commercial
paper, repos, and certificates of deposit. Unlike other mutual funds,
however, they use an accounting method that allows them to keep a
constant net asset value (NAV) per share of one dollar. This convention
makes MMMFs easier to use for transaction purposes and thus a close
substitute for bank deposits. In September 2008, after Lehman Brothers
failed, there were sizeable withdrawals from MMMFs. The immediate cause
was losses to the Reserve Primary MMMF, which had a sizeable exposure to
Lehman Brothers commercial paper. This loss led the fund to "break
the buck," that is, the NAV of the fund dropped below one dollar.
(8) There were large withdrawals from this fund, followed soon after by
large withdrawals from some other MMMFs. According to the Investment
Company Institute (2009), there was a large shift of money market funds
by institutional investors from prime MMMFs--those that could invest in
nongovernment securities--to government MMMFs. (9)
One reason that the institutional investors ran is that money
market fund accounting in certain cases can give an incentive to run. In
order to preserve their stable NAV, MMMFs are not continuously marked to
market. Instead, most use the "amortized cost" method to value
their assets (Cook and Duffield 1993). This method values a security at
its acquisition cost and accrues interest uniformly over the
security's remaining maturity. If the probability of a security
defaulting goes up or, worse, if a default occurs, the value of an MMMF
share will be temporarily less than the NAV of one. Selling shares in
anticipation of such an event would let an investor in the pool receive
the NAV of one, leaving other investors to bear the full drop in value
of the securities.
This was a factor in the large withdrawals from the Reserve Primary
MMMF. Withdrawals from other funds may have been driven by similar
concerns as well as a general concern that assets in prime MMMFs would
end up illiquid or in default. Some funds suspended withdrawals and at
least one liquidated in order to distribute its proceeds equally among
its investors (Investment Company Institute 2009). Withdrawals from
these funds were stopped with the government introduction of insurance
for the MMMFs. Interestingly, according to Swagel (2009), a significant
motivation in providing the insurance was the concern that issuers of
commercial paper would not be able to roll it over and would be forced
to make large draws on their lines of credit from banks, assuming they
even had them.
Similar to MMMFs are government investment pools. Many states offer
funds to their municipalities in which they can pool their funds to
invest in cash like instruments (Cook and Duffield 1993). The Florida
investment pool ran into trouble when it took losses on its securities
and some became illiquid. This led some of the Florida municipalities
that participated in the fund to withdraw their investments. The Florida
fund was unable to meet these redemptions, so it partially suspended
redemption and worked out a long-term scheme to distribute its assets to
its members (Evans 2007; Evans and Preston 2007).
The wide variety of financial arrangements that experienced
run-like behavior demonstrate that the DD model is just as relevant
today as it was historically. These arrangements also provide important
data for evaluating the DD model and will motivate much future work on
it.
2. THE ARTICLES IN THIS ISSUE
Since DD, a lot of work has gone into developing a better
understanding of what is essential to Diamond and Dybvig's
fragility result and what can be done to prevent it. This literature is
large, spans a long period of time, and is often technical. The article
by Huberto Ennis and Todd Keister gives people unfamiliar with DD a
nontechnical overview of this literature. They pay special attention to
the roles of sequential service and uncertainty about aggregate
liquidity needs.
The article by Edward Green focuses on a more specific issue. He
examines the role of limited liability and the optimality of bailouts
for partially financing illiquid investments. He defines a bailout as a
combination of early liquidation along with taxes and transfers that
relax the limited liability constraint. In an economy with limited
liability, he finds that state-contingent payments from the taxpayer to
the banking system are part of an optimal allocation. He is careful to
point out that he does not address moral hazard, which could
significantly alter this conclusion.
Green's focus on the limited liability constraint is
important, not only because of its implications for bailouts, but also
because relaxing limited liability was an important part of historical
banking arrangements. Until the 1930s, equity owners of national banks
in the United States had "double liability," that is, they
could be required to contribute up to the par amount of their equity to
meet the bank's obligations (Macey and Miller 1992). Furthermore,
in the 18th and 19th centuries, many Scottish banks had unlimited
liability (Cowen and Kroszner 1989). As we consider how to redesign the
financial system, limited liability rules may be one direction worth
exploring.
The final two articles are about monetary theory. Historically,
monetary and banking economics are deeply connected. Circulating bank
liabilities are often called "inside money," that is,
circulating debt that is backed by private assets. Despite this
connection, money and banks are often modeled in isolation. The article
by Ricardo Cavalcanti bridges monetary and banking theory by providing
some recent history of thought about the two areas. He discusses the
precursors to the Diamond-Dybvig model in which the traditional
strategy, still found in textbooks, was to append a banking sector onto
a market model. Cavalcanti argues that one of DD's main
contributions was to take the different strategy of mechanism design
theory, which focuses on information frictions and does not take the
market structure as exogenous. He then proceeds to connect this strategy
with monetary theory, in particular, the random matching models in which
related information and commitment issues make fiat money valuable. He
concludes by pointing out how recent models in this literature are
altering information assumptions in order to incorporate bank-like
organizations.
The article by William Jack, Tavneet Suri, and Robert Townsend
continues the monetary economics theme by describing the recent
development of mobile phone banking in Kenya and juxtaposing these
developments with monetary theory. One advantage of this strategy is
that, by looking at an economy that is simpler on some dimensions than
that of the United States, it is easier to measure and understand the
forces at work. Indeed, a developing country economy can be viewed as a
laboratory for understanding more complex environments, much like
biologists study animal biology to understand human biology.
This line of research is very fruitful. Not only does it raise
important monetary and banking policy questions for Kenya, but it also
points to parallels with the United States. In Kenya, mobile phone
e-money looks like inside money, just as some of the financial
liabilities created by the U.S. financial sector, such as repos, also
look a lot like inside money. One implication of the monetary theories
that they describe is that there is not a simple monetary policy that is
robust across the various classes of models. This has implications not
only for Kenyan monetary policy but also for evaluating financial reform
proposals in the United States.
3. CONCLUDING COMMENT
We in the research department of the Federal Reserve Bank of
Richmond have been fortunate to have Doug Diamond as a visiting scholar for the last 20 years. Personally, 1 always look forward to his visits.
He is full of ideas and energy and is a delight to talk to. This special
issue is dedicated not only to honor his famous article with Philip
Dybvig, but also Doug's many contributions to our research
department and this journal over the years.
REFERENCES
Bagehot, Walter. 1873. Lombard Street: A Description of the Money
Market. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Calomiris, Charles W., and Joseph R. Mason. 1997. "Contagion and Bank Failures During the Great Depression: The June 1932 Chicago
Banking Panic." American Economic Review 87 (December): 863-83.
Campbell, Doug. 2005. "Why Economists Still Worry about Bank
Runs." Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond Region Focus, 36-8 (Fall).
Cook, Timothy Q., and Jeremy G. Duffield. 1993. "Money Market
Mutual Funds and other Short-Term Investment Pools." In Instruments
of the Money Market, edited by Timothy Q. Cook and Robert K. LaRoche.
Richmond, Va.: Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, 156-72.
Covitz, Daniel M., Nellie Liang, and Gustavo A. Suarez. 2009.
"The Evolution of a Financial Crisis: Panic in the Asset-Backed
Commercial Paper Market." Federal Reserve Board FEDS Working Paper
2009-36 (March).
Cowen, Tyler, and Randall Kroszner. 1989. "Scottish Banking
Before 1845: A Model for Laissez-Faire?" Journal of Money, Credit
and Banking 21 (May): 221-31.
Diamond, Douglas W. 1984. "Financial Intermediation and
Delegated Monitoring." Review of Economic Studies 51 (July):
393-414.
Diamond, Douglas W. 2007. "Banks and Liquidity Creation: A
Simple Exposition of the Diamond-Dybvig Model." Federal Reserve
Bank of Richmond Economic Quarterly 93 (Spring): 189-200.
Diamond, Douglas W., and Philip H. Dybvig. 1983. "Bank Runs,
Deposit Insurance, and Liquidity." Journal of Political Economy 91
(June): 401-4l9.
Diamond, Douglas W., and Philip H. Dybvig. 2000. "Bank Runs,
Deposit Insurance, and Liquidity." Federal Reserve Bank of
Minneapolis Quarterly Review 24 (Winter): 14-23.
Evans, David. 2007. "Florida School Fund Rocked by $8 Billion
Pullout." www.bloomberg.com (November 28).
Evans, David, and Darrell Preston. 2007. "Florida Investment
Chief Quits; Fund Rescue Approved." www.bloomberg.com (December 4).
Gorton, Gary B., and Andrew Metrick. 2009. "Securitized
Banking and the Run on the Repo." Yale ICF Working Paper 09-14
(November).
Grind, Kirsten. 2009. "The Downfall of Washington Mutual:
Inside the Frenzied Effort to Prevent the Largest Bank Failure in US
History." http://seattle.bizjournals.com/seattle/stories/2009/09/28/storyl.html (September 28).
Han, Song, and Dan Li. 2008. "Liquidity, Runs, and Security
Design." SSRN Working Paper (January 15).
Investment Company Institute. 2009. "Report of the Money
Market Working Group." Washington, D.C.: ICI (March 17).
Macey, Jonathan R., and Geoffrey P. Miller. 1992. "Double
Liability of Bank Shareholders: History and Implications." Wake
Forest Law Review 27: 31-62.
Office of the Inspector General. 2009. "Safety and Soundness:
Material Loss Review of IndyMac Bank, FSB." Audit Report
OIG-09-032. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of the Treasury (February
26).
Swagel, Phillip. 2009. "The Financial Crisis: An Inside
View." Brookings Papers on Economic Activity Spring: 1-63.
Shin, Hyun Song. 2009. "Reflections on Northern Rock: The Bank
Run that Heralded the Global Financial Crisis." Journal of Economic
Perspectives 23 (Winter): 101-19.
Timberlake, Richard H., Jr. 1984. "The Central Banking Role of
Clearinghouse Associations." Journal of Money, Credit and Banking
16 (February): 1-15.
Todd, Walker F. 1994. "Lessons from the Collapse of Three
State-Chartered Private Deposit Insurance Funds." Federal Reserve
Bank of Cleveland Economic Commentary May (1): 1-6.
White, Lawrence J. 1991. The S&L Debacle: Public Policy Lessons
for Bank and Thrift Regulation. New York: Oxford University Press.
The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of the Federal
Reserve Bank of Richmond or the Federal Reserve System.
(1) The paper appeared in the Journal of Political Economy. The
full citation is in the references as Diamond and Dybvig (1983). A
freely available reprint is Diamond and Dybvig (2000). For a simple
exposition of this model, see Diamond's 2007 EQ article.
(2) The other characteristics typically identified with banks are
delegated monitoring and payment services. For a theory of the former,
see Diamond (1984). As for the latter, there is an extensive literature
on payments and monetary economics, a portion of which uses models
closely related to DD. In this issue. Cavalcanti and Jack, Suri, and
Townsend discuss this literature.
(3) The bank runs that did happen tended to be isolated and on a
small scale. For example, in 2005, there was a run on Abacus, a small
bank in Chinatown. New York (Campbell 2005). In the 1980s, there were
runs on some savings and loans, but these operated under state-sponsored
insurance schemes (Todd 1994).
(4) There was a debate about whether the runs in the 1930s were due
to a DD-like bank run equilibrium occurring for a solvent bank or
whether they occurred because the bank was insolvent. See Calomiris and
Mason (1997).
(5) For a description of the Northern Rock run. see Shin (2009).
(6) Information in this section is from Han and Li (2008).
(7) Tender option bonds and variable rate demand obligations are
similar to auction rate securities in that they are fundamentally
long-term bonds that have a short-term interest rate determined through
an auction mechanism. Unlike owners of ARS. owners of these securities
have the option of putting the security back to the originator or
marketer.
(8) Drops in the NAV have happened before to other funds, hut the
sponsor of the fund had always made a transfer to the fund to raise the
NAV to one.
(9) Retail investors did not run their funds.