Effects of appearance-related testing on ethnically diverse adolescent girls.

Yoo, Jeong-Ju ; Johnson, Kim K.P.

Adolescents rank teasing and bullying as greater problems than racism, AIDS, or alcohol. Keltner et al. (2001) defined teasing as "an intentional provocation accompanied by off-record markers that together comment on something relevant to the target" (p. 234). Teasing is a painful but persistent part of adolescents' lives and has become near epidemic in America's classrooms (Adler, 2004). Kalman (2003) reported that about 15% of all children are victims of constant teasing.

Teasing is an important problem because consequences can be severe and include acts of violence to self and others. Targets of teasing are at risk of depression and thoughts of suicide (Kahn, 1995). Kahn (1995) found that children who were teased about their body type were two to three times more likely to think about or to attempt suicide than those who were not teased. A 12-year-old in Michigan committed suicide after experiencing continuous teasing about her clothing, being shy, and her religious beliefs (Hunter, 2001). Several of her peers had teased her since elementary school because she wore dark "gothic" clothing to school.

Although adolescents may be teased about a variety of aspects of their appearance, several researchers have documented that teasing about weight in particular, is damaging to the emotional and physical well-being of an adolescent. Thompson et al. (1995) found that being teased resulted in a negative body image and an increase in restrictive eating. In related work, Eisenberg, Newmark-Sztainer, and Story (2003) found, regardless of the actual body weight of the adolescent, teasing about weight was consistently associated with low body satisfaction, low self-esteem, high depressive symptoms, and thinking about and attempting suicide.

Combined with other problems, constant teasing by peers can push an adolescent to violence against others. A common denominator in many of the shooting tragedies in the past few years is that the shooters were the victims of teasing. In 1999, two students who were reportedly victims of teasing for years, gunned down 12 high school classmates and a teacher before killing themselves at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado (Hunter, 2001). Olejarczyk (2000) reported that a 16-year-old high school student was arrested for bringing a gun to school, intending to shoot two female students who had been continuously teasing him and his friends. In California, at Santee High School, one student reportedly had been bullied about his physical appearance before he killed two students and injured 13 others ("School Shooting," 2001). In 2001, a ninth grader shot and killed two students and wounded two others as a result of being "picked on" ("Keeping School," 2001). In Cold Spring, Minnesota in September 2003, a high school student shot and killed two other high school students. The student had been persistently teased about his severe acne (Sand, 2003). The need to understand how teasing impacts adolescents and how they respond is apparent from the severity of the potential outcomes. The ability to successfully respond to teasing has implications for maintaining and developing adolescents' self-image, confidence, and coping behaviors as well as their ability to form friendships.

Teasing that occurs during childhood and adolescence can have enduring effects. In early research, Berscheid, Walster, and Bohrnstedt (1973) found that adult women who had been teased about their appearance during their adolescent years had a higher level of body dissatisfaction than those who had not been teased. Cash, Winstead, and Janda (1986) found that people who reported being teasing by peers during childhood about their appearance were more likely to report being dissatisfied with their present body image than those who had not been teased. Thompson et al. (1991) investigated connections between physical appearance satisfaction and history of being teased about weight. Those who suffered with eating-disturbances compared to those with no eating disturbances, had been teased more often and reported experiencing a greater impact as a result.

In subsequent research, Grilo, Wilfley, Brownell, and Rodin (1994) found that the frequency of being teased about weight and size while growing up was associated with body-image concerns during adulthood. Cash (1995) reported similar long-term effects of appearance-related teasing. The majority of women reported that they had experienced appearance-related teasing often during middle childhood to early adolescence. Moreover, the majority found these events to be moderately or very upsetting, and said that their current body had, to some extent, been affected by the experiences.

Teasing can have varying levels of impact depending on whether the focus of the tease is on innate (unchangeable) or mutable (controllable) characteristics (Brown, Cash & Noles, 1986; Patzer, 1985). Since innate characteristics are taken more seriously, the teasing may have a greater negative effect (Alberts, Kellar-Guenther, & Corman, 1996). Researchers (Kowalski, 2000; Thompson, Fabian, Moulton, Dunn, & Altabe, 1991) have focused mostly on how body satisfaction of Caucasians is affected by weight-related teasing. However, since aspects of appearance other than weight can provoke teasing, we asked ethnically diverse adolescents about their experiences with teasing concerning any aspect of their appearance. In addition, the potential consequences of teasing that may affect adolescent decision-making were investigated. Specifically we were interested in examining relationships between ethnicity and (1) the content of the tease, (2) experiences of being teased, (3) reasons for being teased, and (4) behavioral responses (i.e., change of appearance, consumption behavior).

RELATED LITERATURE

Teasing and the Self

The self consists of an individual's consciousness of being (James, 1890). A main principle of symbolic interaction theory is that the "self is established, maintained, and altered in and through communication" (Stone, 1962, p. 86). Dress is a form of nonverbal communication that may play a role in establishing and maintaining a sense of self. Dress consists of all the modifications made to the body and all of the supplements added to the body (Roach-Higgins & Eicher, 1992). Using this definition, dress includes decisions made about hair, color, makeup, weight, clothing, accessories, and many other components of appearance management. Through our dress, as well as our bodies, we communicate to others and to ourselves who we are and what we view as important (Roach-Higgins & Eicher, 1992). Sontag, Peteu, and Lee (1997) contend that adolescents in particular regard dress as a tool for establishing self. They argue that adolescents may view clothing as central to the self and, as a result, become meaningfully "linked" to their clothing. The process of establishing and communicating self through clothing may be particularly important to adolescents as they transition through identities from childhood to adulthood.

Stone (1962) outlined a three-step process consisting of a program, review, & validation or challenge to explain how identities are established through clothing. Although Stone did not describe how an appearance is constructed, he did note that once it is constructed, a "program" occurs. A program is derived from an individual's attempt to construct an appearance that communicates an identity and to respond to that appearance. Thus, even before a person presents an appearance publicly, it is assessed privately to determine its effectiveness in communicating the desired identity. Stone calls "reviews" responses to an individual's appearance by others. He maintains that when programs and reviews match, the identity of the individual is established and the program has been validated. When programs and reviews do not match, "the self of the one who appears is challenged and conduct may be expected to move in the direction of some redefinition of the challenged self" (Stone, p. 398). In this latter case, persons may decide to change their appearance and make another attempt to communicate the desired identity or move to adopt another.

Appraisals by peers (i.e., reviews) of adolescents' dress and appearance play a significant role in developing self-concepts (Burns, 1979). When adolescents engage in developing their programs (i.e., appearance management), they anticipate the identities they would like to have in social situations so they can present themselves accordingly. Thus, dressing becomes an important component of establishing and maintaining identities. Teasing can play a central role in establishing adolescent identities (Furman & Thompson, 2002) because it represents a review of a program.

Content of a Tease

Individuals can be teased about a wide variety of their characteristics. Several researchers have reported that the major content of a tease is body parts and other aspects of physical appearance (Alberts-Kellar-Guenther & Corman, 1996; Kowalski, 2000; Mooney, Creeser, & Blatchford, 1991). Cash (1995) found that facial appearance and weight were the most frequent teasing content. Kowalski (2000) reported that, for college women, the largest category of teases dealt with appearance. Furthermore, those who teased to hurt others, elected to tease body parts because of the target's inability to control many of these features (Kowalski, 2000). In terms of ethnic differences, Mooney, Creeser, and Blatchford (1991) found that more Black children than White children reported that they were teased about their clothes and accessories.

Teasing and Ethnicity

Some research suggests that the effects of teasing are not necessarily similar across ethnicities. In a study of both Caucasian and African American adult women, Akan and Grilo (1995) found weight-related teasing was not a significant predictor of body image dissatisfaction for African-Americans, but was a significant predictor of dissatisfaction for Caucasians. African American women had a higher level of body mass index, but also a higher level of body satisfaction compared to Caucasian women.

In earlier work, Mooney, Creeser, and Blatchford (1991) also studied both Caucasian and African American children. Two thirds of their participants reported having been teased. Caucasian children reported being teased more than did African American children. African American boys were likely to say they would retaliate verbally or ignore being teased. African American children explained that they were teased less often than others because other children were afraid of what they might do. African American children also noted that they received less teasing than Caucasian children because they were popular and well-liked among their peers.

METHOD

Participants Participants were 49 girls--Caucasian (n = 27) and African American (n = 22). Their ages ranged from 12 to 17, with an average age of 14.3 years. They were recruited from middle and high schools located in a large metropolitan area in the Midwest. The teasing experiences that participants shared all occurred within 13 months of the time of data collection.

Data Analysis Technique

Data on experiences with teasing were collected through autobiographical narratives (Kowalski, 2000). Participants were asked to write about a recent occasion of being teased about some aspect of their appearance. To assist with the development of their narratives, all participants were asked a series of questions including "What were you teased about?" "How did you feel about being teased?" "How did you respond to being teased?" and "Did you change anything about your appearance as a result of being teased? If yes, what did you change?"

The content analytic approach outlined by Berelson (1952) was used to analyze the narratives. This is a research strategy for drawing inferences by identifying characteristics of messages (Holsti, 1969). Further, content analysis is a careful reading of written material, focused on the actual content to determine the presence of certain words, concepts, themes, phrases, characters, or sentences in order to quantify them. The narratives provided were defined as "text" which was read, coded, and categorized.

The narratives were divided into two groups: Caucasian and African American. Responses within a group were arranged by question number (e.g., responses to the question, "How did you feel about being teased?" were arranged together for analysis). The themes that emerged from responses to a specific question were examined together and compared between the two groups. Differences in substance were noted in order to assess possible differences between the groups. As the content emerged from the data, participants' comments on specific issues were included in order to support the findings.

FINDINGS

Differences in the Content of Appearance-related Teasing

Although there were 49 participants in this study, some noted they were teased about more than one aspect of appearance during the teasing incident they described. As a result, 60 responses were included (see Table 1). The specific items that served as the focus of a tease were categorized as follows: clothing (26.0%); facial features (15.0%); weight (15.0%); height (15.05%); hair (15.0%); body (8.3%); and other (5.5%) Items in the clothing category included entire outfits, shoes, and glasses. Items classified as facial features included makeup, acne, teeth, forehead, and nose. Weight-related teasing included either overweight or underweight. Height-related teasing included either being tall or short. Hair-related teasing included hairstyles. Teasing about the body included hips, skin color related to race--e.g., tan or pale. Other aspects of appearance-related teasing content included being considered as boyish, having a skin disease other than acne, and having an attractive appearance compared to other friends (see Table 1). Our data provide evidence that the focus of a tease can be several aspects of physical appearance some more easily altered than others (e.g., clothing).

There were similarities and differences in the content of teases between the two groups. In general, clothing was the most frequent focus of a tease for both groups. Clothing is immediately visible and could be the stimulus for a tease between adolescents who are unknown to each other or seeing each other in a new context. For example, being teased about clothing might take place as new students enter into an established environment of students. Older students may want to communicate the established hierarchical power structure of the organization and use comments about clothing to "put new students in their place." One participant shared that she was teased about her clothing because she was new to the school.

Noticeable differences in teasing content were also found between ethnicities. Caucasians reported being frequently teased about a single physical feature---being overweight. Specific comments directed at Caucasian girls included: "Shut up fatty! You need a diet. Are you hungry?" and "You look like a fat boy." In contrast, teasing about several different physical attributes including facial characteristics (i.e., forehead, nose) and hairstyle were frequent among African American participants (see Table 1).

Teasing about physical characteristics was prevalent among African Americans. For example, only African Americans reported being teased about having a large "butt," a large forehead, skin color, and a large nose. Several of these items could be considered archetypical physical characteristics reflective of distinctive ethnic characteristics and perhaps the result of teasing across ethnicities (see Table 1).

Relationship between the Teased and Those Who Teased Them

Participants' teasing experience could also be understood in terms of relationships to the people who teased them. Teasing stemmed from both familiar and unfamiliar others among both groups. However, for both groups, the incident of teasing they elected to share was linked to an individual who was known to them. For Caucasians, teasing incidents occurred most frequently with acquaintances (35.7%), friends (28.6%), immediate family members (14.3%), strangers (14.3%), relatives (3.6%), and by groups of people (3.6%). For the African Americans incidents were by acquaintances (28.0%), family members (20.0%), friends (16.0%), strangers (16.0%), group of people (12%), and relatives (8%).

Teasing Experiences Based on Ethnicity

Five patterns of teasing experiences. Participants' responses about their teasing experiences were placed in five broad categories. The first contained statements reflecting negative opinions and general attitudes toward being teased. Included were statements such as "Teasing is bad"; many participants either hated or did not like being teased. The second category contained statements concerning their feelings about being teased. Included in this category were statements such as "I was mad" or "I felt depressed." The third category contained statements about the residual effects of teasing on the target. Included were statements such as "I felt lowered self-esteem," or "It made me feel really self-conscious." The fourth category contained statements including prosocial experiences of teasing, such as "It depends on what they are teasing you about," or "It depends if it is my friends, then I took it as a joke," suggesting that these individuals perceived some teasing as playful. The fifth category contained statements about behaviors that participants either engaged in or considered engaging in as a result of being teased. Examples are "It made me fight" or "I went to the bathroom to cry" (see Table 2).

Caucasian participants frequently reported negative opinions and attitudes toward being teased (41.3%), followed by negative emotions (28.3%), residual effects (19.6%), prosocial aspects of teasing (8.7%), and action taken in response to teasing (2.2%) (see Table 2). The African American participants showed a similar pattern in that they also frequently expressed negative opinions and attitudes toward teasing (40.0%), followed by negative emotions (26.7%), prosocial aspects of teasing (16.7%), actions taken in response to teasing (8.5%), and residual effects (3.3%) (see Table 2). A noticeable difference in the pattern is that African Americans reported pro-social aspects of teasing with greater frequency than did Caucasians as well as willingness to engage in some type of behavioral response (e.g., fighting).

Opinions and attitudes about teasing. Within this category, there were more similarities than differences between the two groups. Several participants in both groups noted that they did not care about being teased or they did not like being teased. Examining the data for differences between the two groups, Caucasian participants' responses reflected strong emotions about being teased. They hated being teased. One participant noted, "Teasing was hard to endure because then it made me think about myself and the way I looked." In contrast, African American participants also noted that teasing was wrong and should be stopped (see Table 3).

Emotional aspects of teasing. There were similarities and differences between the two groups concerning their emotional response to teasing. For both groups, it is evident that their teasing experiences were stressful. Comparing the two groups, the Caucasian expressed a wide range of feelings they had when they were being teased. They felt depressed, frustrated, and unintelligent. For example, they commented, "Horrible, like everyone hated me and wanted me to just go away." "I don't like it because it make me feel stupid." Similar sentiments were not expressed by African American participants (see Table 3).

Residual effects of teasing. With respect to the residual or potential long-term effects of teasing, the Caucasian participants frequently indicated that teasing made them feel self-conscious and insecure. One commented, "When it's how I usually look, it makes me concerned." Neither group at this point in time, provided responses suggesting these feelings were long-term (see Table 3).

Prosocial effects of teasing. The African Americans more frequently than the Caucasians reported prosocial aspects of teasing. Their experiences were described as playful if they were teased by friends. For example, one participant stated, "It depends if it's my friend, then I took it as a joke, but if it's not my friend, I think it's mean and hurtful." Another said, "With my friends, I am fine with being teased because I teased them" (see Table 3).

Behaviors as a consequence of teasing. Specific behaviors resulted from teasing. The African Americans were willing to take action against the teaser. Several indicated that they felt like fighting back and standing up for themselves (see Table 3). One said, "I wanted so much to fight her."

Reasons victims believed they were teased. Participants noted the reasons they thought they were being teased. This question resulted in 56 responses (some participants gave more than one reason). Responses were categorized as follows: looking different from the majority group (32.1%); jealousy (21.4%); to get attention (12.5%); new member of school (7.4%); quiet and small in stature (5.4%); and unknown to teaser (5.4%). Less frequent responses included teasing was funny; due to my friends; teaser had problems at home and took them out on me; teaser liked me; teaser felt peer pressure to tease me; teaser did not like me; and teaser was judgmental (see Table 4). There were differences in responses between the two ethnic groups. A higher number of Caucasians reported that they were teased because they looked different from the group than did African Americans.

Responses to being teased. Concerned with identifying whether any changes in appearance or any purchases were made to alter appearance as a consequence of being teased, both Caucasians (37.0%), and African Americans (40.9%) indicated that they had made changes to their appearance or had bought new clothing as a result of being teased (see Table 5).

The tendency for participants to change their appearance varied by teasing content. Participants tried to modify their clothing (53.8%), followed by hair (50%) and weight (44.4%) (see Table 6). Those who were teased about clothing said: "I wear contacts so I won't be teased"; and, "Because I don't want the same thing to happen, I don't wear skirts any more. I always wear pants." Another who was teased about her hair stated, "I went to buy some stuff for my hair so it can grow." Although weight is one category not easily changed quickly, a few engaged in weight management behaviors. For example, some stopped eating for a day; others mentioned trying to lose weight, while others started to work out (see Table 6).

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

Clothing was noted as the most frequent cause of teasing for both groups. This finding is somewhat inconsistent with that of Cash (1995) who found that weight and facial characteristics were the most frequent cause. Clothing may serve as the basis for teasing because adolescents place importance on it. Researchers have demonstrated that clothing is important for social acceptance during adolescence (Songtag, Peteu, & Loe, 1997), and some adolescent groups develop informal dress codes (Eicher & Baizerman, 1991). Not wearing the "right" clothing may make one a target because clothing symbolizes the wearer's otherness. One participant noted, "I was teased about my clothes because I didn't wear Abercrombie and Fitch often and because I was wearing something different from everyone else." Those who were teased about their clothing or hairstyle indicated that they did alter their appearance in an attempt to halt the teasing.

Weight was a more frequent cause of teasing for Caucasians than for African Americans. There are differences in the way being overweight is perceived between cultural groups which may explain why Caucasians reported being teased about their weight to a greater extent than did African Americans. For example, Fallon (1990) suggested cultural groups have their own definitions of the ideal body. It is commonly observed that Euro-Americans are obsessed with the pursuit of thinness (Brownell, 1991) and being concerned about their weight. In addition, Caucasian participants represented the majority population at each location where data were collected. Weight would be an observable "difference" that could be a cause of teasing in addition to clothing among the majority group members.

Responses to teasing varied, with African Americans indicating a tendency to be willing to fight or at least take some action to defend themselves from the teasing. Lamb (2001), in her discussion of aggression in girls, noted that girls will fight when teased. Lamb noted that the explanations provided by adolescent girls demonstrate that their aggression was useful to them. When you "stand up to teasing with a show of aggression, people leave you alone." (Lamb, 2001; p. 212). Fighting back in some instances may have been a matter of survival. Young girls, especially minority girls may need to show the teaser that they cannot be picked on and that they are to be respected.

Our results are consistent with those of Stone (1962). Some incidents of teasing were negative reviews that resulted in at least some participants working to change their appearance (i.e., alter their program). Changing their appearance could result in halting the teasing (in Stone's words--"a type of validation"), and we find evidence that in some instances, a change in appearance did halt the teasing. Among those participants who indicated that their response did stop the teasing, they commented, "I styled my hair different and wore different clothes," "I wear contacts so I won't be teased," or "Because I don't want to look fat, I bought a new swim suit." However, changing appearance did not always stop the teasing because the "problem" was not easily altered. For example, one girl noted, "I tried to lose weight, but I can't suddenly become really skinny." Another who was teased about wearing glasses and a scarf stated, "I did not wear the scarf anymore, but I have to wear the glasses."

Teasing can have a significant impact during adolescence and in many of the instances that were shared, it was negative. However, African American participants' narratives revealed that there can be a fun side to teasing. Similar to Keltner (1999) who found that although Caucasians had a particularly negative view of teasing, other ethnicities, African Americans in particular, view teasing as a part of everyday life. Several participants noted that they liked being teased by their friends and at least one said that the reason she was teased was because she was liked.

Explanations for being teased can be divided into two broad categories: those attributes associated with the teaser (e.g., jealousy, wanting to get attention), and those associated with the teased (e.g., being new, looking different).

Teasing during adolescence is a complex behavior. Although several of our participants did change their appearance as a way to stop it, it is not certain that this response was or could be effective especially in light of the finding that the cause of the teasing was a characteristic of the teaser and not under their control. Assessing the response(s) to teasing that adolescents' view as effective is recommended as an area for additional research. Further, additional research is needed to better understand differences between the intra-racial and inter-racial teasing experiences and subsequent behaviors. For example, one's ethnicity may play a role in being able to appropriately interpret whether a tease is prosocial or anti-social.

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This study was supported by a Faculty Grant-in-Aid from the University of Minnesota. The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Marcus Pope, a youth director, for his assistance during data collection.

Jeong-Ju Yoo, Textiles, Apparel and Merchandising Program, West Virginia University.

Kim K. P. Johnson, Department of Design, Housing and Apparel, University of Minnesota.

Requests for reprints should be sent to Jeong-Ju Yoo, Textiles, Apparel and Merchandising Program, West Virginia University, PO Box 6124, Morgantown, WV 26506. E-mail: Jay.Yoo@mail.wvu.edu

Table 1
Teasing Categories

Teasing Specific content Caucasians African- Total
Category Americans

 % n % n % n

Clothing * Clothing in 16.7 5 20.0 6 18.3 11
 general 10.0 3 3.3 1 6.7 4
 * Glasses 0 0 3.3 1 1.7 1
 * Shoes (**)

 Total 26.7 8 26.0 8 26.0 16

Face * Forehead (**) 0 0 10.0 3 5.0 3
 * Acne (*) 6.7 2 0 0 3.3 2
 * Makeup (*) 3.3 1 0 0 1.7 1
 * Nose (**) 0 0 3.3 1 1.7 1
 * Teeth (*) 6.7 2 0 0 3.3 2

 Total 16.7 5 13.3 4 15.0 9

Weight * Overweight 16.7 5 10.0 3 13.3 8
 * Underweight 3.3 1 0 0 1.7 1

 Total 20.0 6 13.0 3 15.0 9

Height * Tall 6.7 2 10.0 3 8.3 5
 * Short 6.7 2 6.7 2 6.6 4

 Total 13.4 4 16.7 5 15.0 9

Hair * Hairstyles 10.0 3 20.0 6 15.0 9

 Total 10.0 3 20.0 6 15.0 9

Body * Large "butt" (**) 0 0 6.7 2 3.3 2
 * Racial skin- 0 0 3.3 1 1.7 1
 color (**) 3.3 1 0 0 1.7 1
 * skin (*) 3.3 1 0 0 1.7 1
 * Tanned skin (*)

 Total 6.6 2 10.0 3 8.3 5

Other * Boyish (*) 3.3 1 0 0 1.7 1
aspects of * Skin disease 0 0 3.3 1 1.7 1
appearance other than 3.3 1 0 0 1.7 1
 acne (**)
 * Attractive
 appearance (*)

 Total 6.6 2 3.3 1 5.0 3

 Total 100 30 100 30 100 60

* Teasing content found only among Caucasian participants

** Teasing content found only among African-American participants

Table 2
Five Patterns of Teasing Experiences

Category How felt about being teased Caucasians Non-
 Caucasians

 % n % n

Opinions/ Did not care/mind 13.0 6 16.7 5
attitudes Did not like it 13.0 6 13.3 4
towards Hated being teased 8.7 4 3.3 1
teasing Felt that teasing is bad (*) 2.2 1 0 0
 Felt that teasing is wrong (**) 0 0 3.3 1
 Felt teasing is not cool (*) 2.2 1 0 0
 Felt that easing should
 stop (**) 0.0 0 3.3 1
 Felt that teasing is hard to
 endure (*) 2.2 1 0.0 0

 Total 41.3 19 40.0 12

Emotional Hurtful 8.7 4 10.0 3
aspects Angry/upset/mad 6.5 3 6.7 2
of teasing Sad 4.3 2 3.0 1
 Embarrassed (**) 0 0 6.7 2
 Depressed (*) 2.2 1 0 0
 Horrible (*) 2.2 1 0 0
 Frustrated (*) 2.2 1 0 0
 Felt stupid (*) 2.2 1 0 0

 Total 28.3 13 26.7 8

Residual Felt self-conscious (*) 8.7 4 0 0
effects on Felt bad about myself 2.2 1 3.0 1
teasing Felt lower self-esteem (*) 2.2 1 0 0
target Felt bothered (*) 2.2 1 0 0
 Felt I am not wanted (*) 2.2 1 0 0
 Felt insecure (*) 2.2 1 0 0

 Total 19.6 9 3.0 1

Prosocial Felt teasing is playful, 8.7 4 16.7 5
aspects depending on the content
of teasing or who did it

 Total 8.7 4 16.7 5

Action/ * Felt like fighting (**) 0 0 6.7 2
Behavior * Cried 2.2 1 3.3 1
 * Felt like standing
 up for myself (**) 0.0 0 3.3 1

 Total 2 1 8.5 4

 Total 100 46 100 30

Category How felt about being teased Total

 % n

Opinions/ Did not care/mind 14.5 11
attitudes Did not like it 13.2 10
towards Hated being teased 6.6 5
teasing Felt that teasing is bad (*) 1.3 1
 Felt that teasing is wrong (**) 1.3 1
 Felt teasing is not cool (*) 1.3 1
 Felt that easing should
 stop (**) 1.3 1
 Felt that teasing is hard to
 endure (*) 1.3 1

 Total 40.8 31

Emotional Hurtful 9.2 7
aspects Angry/upset/mad 6.6 5
of teasing Sad 3.9 3
 Embarrassed (**) 2.6 2
 Depressed (*) 1.3 1
 Horrible (*) 1.3 1
 Frustrated (*) 1.3 1
 Felt stupid (*) 1.3 1

 Total 27.6 21

Residual Felt self-conscious (*) 5.3 4
effects on Felt bad about myself 2.6 2
teasing Felt lower self-esteem (*) 1.3 1
target Felt bothered (*) 1.3 1
 Felt I am not wanted (*) 1.3 1
 Felt insecure (*) 1.3 1

 Total 13.2 10

Prosocial Felt teasing is playful, 11.8 9
aspects depending on the content
of teasing or who did it

 Total 11.8 9

Action/ * Felt like fighting (**) 2.6 2
Behavior * Cried 2.6 2
 * Felt like standing
 up for myself (**) 1.3 1

 Total 6.6 5

 Total 100 76

* Specific content identified only among Caucasian participants

** Specific content identified only among African-American
participants

Table 3
Adolescents' Responses Concerning Their Shared Teasing Experience

Category Specific experience Quotes from Quotes from
 when participants Caucasian African-American
 were teased participants participants

Opinions, Did not like it/ I don't like I don't like it
attitudes hated it being put on the at all.
towards spot.
teasing
(I think) I hated it. I hate being
 teased

 Did not care/mind I didn't really I don't really
 mind. care. They're
 just doing
 something to
 make people
 laugh

 Felt teasing is It is bad N/A
 bad (*)

 Felt teasing is N/A It is just wrong
 wrong (**)

Opinions, Felt teasing is I think that N/A
attitudes not cool by being teased
towards strangers (*) when it's your
teasing friends, and
(I think) they are just
 being playful.
 It is fine, but
 otherwise, it's
 not cool

 Felt that teasing N/A It should stop
 should stop (**)

 Felt that teasing Teasing is hard N/A
 is hard to to endure
 endure (*)

Emotional Hurtful Teasing makes I think it is
aspects Angry/upset/mad you hurt inside. hurtful.
of teasing
(I feel) I feel upset, I got really mad
 especially when
 they are not my
 friends

 Sad I felt really Sometimes it
 sad makes me very
 sad.

 Embarrassed (**) N/A I was very
 embarrassed
 about it

 Depressed (*) Depressed N/A

 Felt horrible (*) Horrible. Like N/A
 everyone hated
 me

 Frustrated (*) At the moment, I N/A
 was kind of
 frustrated

 Felt stupid (*) It makes me feel N/ACategory
 stupid

Residual Felt bad about It makes you Teasing makes me
effects on myself feel bad. feel not good
teasing about myself.
target
(long Felt self- It made me feel N/A
period) conscious (*) really self-
 conscious, like
 he was always
 watching me.

 Felt lower self- It lowers my N/A
 esteem. (*) self-esteem.

 Felt bothered/ It gets really N/A
 annoyed (*) annoying

 Felt not wanted (*) Like everyone N/A
 wanted me to
 just go away

 Felt insecure (*) I feel insecure N/A

Prosocial Felt that teasing I think that It depends on
aspects of is playful, being teased what they are
teasing depending on the when it's your teasing you
 content or who did friends and they about.
 it are just being
 playful It depends if it
 is my friend,
 then I took it
 as a joke; if
 it's not my
 friend, I think
 it is mean and
 hurtful

Action/ Felt like N/A It made me fight
 fighting (**)

Behavior Cried I went to It hurt my
(I took an bathroom to cry feeling, and
action) sometimes I cry

 Felt like standing N/A It makes me
 up for myself (**) stand up for
 myself

* Specific content found only among Caucasian participants

** Specific content found only among African-American participants

Table 4
Reasons Teaser Believed that They Were Teased

Reasons that they were teased Caucasian African- Total
 American

 % n % n % n

I looked different 37.5 12 25.0 6 32.1 18
Teaser is jealous of me 21.9 7 20.8 5 21.4 12
Teaser wanted attention 9.4 3 16.7 4 12.5 7
I am quiet and little to attack 3.1 1 8.3 2 5.4 3
 back
Teaser did not know me exactly 6.3 2 4.2 1 5.4 3
I was new at school 9.4 3 4.2 1 7.1 4
Teaser thought it was funny 3.1 1 4.2 1 3.6 2
Due to friends I hang out 3.1 1 4.2 1 3.6 2
Teasers' problem at home took 0 0 4.2 1 1 1
 them out on me
Teaser liked me 0 0 4.2 1 1 1
Teaser had a peer pressure 0 0 4.2 1 1 1
Teaser did not like me 3.1 1 0 0 1 1
Teaser was judgmental 3.1 1 0 0 1 1
Total 100 32 100 24 100 56

Table 5

Modification of Appearance and Ethnicity

 Caucasian African-American Both groups

 % n % n % n

Yes, I did 37.0 10 40.9 9 38.8 19
change.

No, I did not 63.0 17 54.5 12 59.2 29
change.

Not sure 0 0 4.5 1 2.0 1
(Both)

Total 100% 27 22 100% 100% 59

Table 6

Changes Participants Made after Being Teased, Based on Content

Content of teasing Quotes concerning why participants modified
 their appearance

Clothing I didn't change it for them. I changed it for
 myself.

(modified 53.8%; Yes, I bought new clothes and shoes. Because
not modified 38.5%; I feel strongly about not changing for anyone.
not sure 7.7%)
 I wear contacts so I won't be teased.

Face I started to buy stuff for my acne.

(modified 40.0% Well, I got my tooth fixed, even though I was
not modified 60.0%) going to anyway, but then kind of showed it off.

Weight I stopped eating for days at a time.

(modified 44.4%, Because I don't want to look fat, I bought a new
not modified 44.4%; swimsuit.
not sure 11.1%
 I tried to lose weight.

Height I didn't wear high-heeled shoes.
(not modified 1000

Hair Yes, I went to buy some stuff for my hair so it
(modified 50.0%1 can grow.
not modified 50.0%)
 I grew my hair really long.

Body Not found
(modified 20%;
not modified 1000

Other I started working out and wearing makeup.