RACIAL SOCIALIZATION AND RACIAL IDENTITY: CAN THEY PROMOTE RESILIENCY FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENTS?

Miller, David B.

ABSTRACT

Although there is a rich body of research on resiliency, much of the literature fails to include minority youths or does not take into consideration their distinctive racial and environmental circumstances. Additionally, limited attention has been given to protective factors that are unique to nonmajority populations. This article posits that racial socialization and racial identity protect urban African American adolescents against some of the harmful effects of a discriminatory environment. These factors are hypothesized to influence academic achievement--an indicator of resiliency that has been used in many studies. A theoretical framework is provided that combines character development in a hostile environment, bicultural identity, and urban stress models. Implications for practice and future research are discussed.

While the concept of resiliency and factors that promote it have received considerable attention in the social science literature, far fewer studies have examined the development of resiliency among members of racial minorities. This paper addresses the need to expand the concept of resiliency to include protective factors unique to African American adolescents, specifically racial socialization and racial identity.

First, racial socialization and racial identity are presented as protective factors for urban African American adolescents. Peters (1985) and Stevenson (1994, 1995) have posited that racial socialization can act as a buffer against negative racial messages in the environment. Arroyo and Zigler (1995) have found that racial identity facilitates the development of competencies among African American adolescents. It is argued here that protective factors unique to nonmajority populations must be considered when assessing group strengths.

Second, a theoretical framework undergirding this argument is provided. This theoretical perspective takes into account the distinctive environmental conditions of African Americans. A better understanding of resiliency and associated factors is thereby achieved.

Educational achievement has long been considered as signifying resiliency among adolescents. However, limited attention has been given to the factors that promote educational achievement among urban adolescents (Barbarin, 1993; Bowman & Howard, 1985), even though the literature is replete with deficit-based discussions on the factors contributing to educational failure. The relationship of racial socialization and racial identity to the educational involvement and academic achievement of African American adolescents is thus discussed.

Finally, directions for future research and service delivery are presented.

RESILIENCY

Although environmental disadvantage and stress can lead to behavioral and psychological problems among children (Luthar & Zigler, 1991), there are those who overcome these difficulties to become well-adjusted adults (Garbarino, Dubrow, Kostelny, & Pardo, 1992; Luthar & Zigler, 1991; Safyer, 1994). This positive adaptation despite negative environmental circumstances is referred to as resiliency. Research into resiliency has focused on protective factors that enable an individual to adapt successfully to the environment, notwithstanding challenging or threatening circumstances (Garmezy, 1991; Masten, Best, & Garmezy, 1990). Whereas initial research centered on the absence of psychopathology among those experiencing negative life events, the current focus is toward understanding the process of resiliency (Smith & Prior, 1995).

Resiliency may include an array of abilities or attributes. Referred to as the "positive pole" (Rutter, 1987, p. 316), "unusually good adaptation" (Beardslee, 1989, p. 267), "positive psychological adjustment" (Smith & Prior, 1995, p. 173), success in meeting developmental tasks or social expectations (Luthar & Zigler, 1991), and the ability to "thrive, mature, and increase competence" (Gordon, 1995, p. 239), resiliency is indeed a broadly defined concept. The ability to "bounce back, recover, or form a successful adaptation in the face of obstacles and adversity" (Zunz, Turner, & Norman, 1993, p. 170) appears to encapsulate these various definitions best.

Unfortunately, it is often difficult to limit the degree of stress that some individuals experience, particularly those in economically and socially disadvantaged environments. Some researchers have examined the concept of invulnerability in regard to the effects of stressful situations (Garmezy, 1991; Rutter, 1993). However, everyone experiences stress, which requires a degree of adjustment. Rutter (1993) has suggested that susceptibility to stress is a graded phenomenon (p. 626) in that some are able to handle or recover from stressful events more readily than others. As with immunizations, individuals may develop resiliency after exposure to negative events, which becomes evident in the presence of "obstacles, adversity, stress, and high risk" (Zunz et al., 1993, p. 171).

Researchers have posited that protective factors operate at three levels: individual, familial, and societal (Garmezy, 1985; Gordon, 1995; Luthar & Zigler, 1991; Rutter, 1987). These elements may interact to protect a person from negative environmental conditions (Brooks, 1994; Rutter, 1987). To a significant degree, the lack of these elements makes one vulnerable to negative outcomes. For example, an adolescent without sufficient parental monitoring or nurturing may be susceptible to the environmental forces that contribute to delinquent or self-destructive behavior.

Although research into resiliency and the factors associated with it has increased (Brooks, 1994; Smith & Prior, 1995), more studies are needed on racial minorities. Luthar, Doernberger, and Zigler (1993) have indicated that while urban youth are at-risk for multiple behavioral problems, few empirical investigations have been undertaken regarding resiliency within this group. Rutter (cited in Garmezy, 1985) indicates that "many children do not succumb to deprivation, and it is important that we determine why this is so and what is it that protects them from the hazards they face" (p. 217). How African American children are able to survive and thrive in the face of adversity clearly requires more attention (Barbarin, 1993).

The exploration of additional protective factors within populations that have unique stressors and histories is paramount for further understanding resiliency in general, and minority groups in particular. Specifically, researchers have identified racial socialization and racial identity as capable of protecting African Americans from the effects of a hostile environment, but few systematic studies have been undertaken to investigate how these factors operate (McCreary, Slavin, & Berry, 1996).

Racial Socialization and Racial Identity

African American children in urban settings often have numerous obstacles to overcome, such as poverty, substandard housing, and inferior schools (Peters, 1985; Safyer, 1994). In addition, socialization of African Americans frequently occurs in the context of racial discrimination and oppression (McCreary et al., 1996), an environment that is not conducive to mental health (Thornton, Chatters, Taylor, & Allen, 1990).

Peters (1985) defined racial socialization as the "tasks Black parents share with all parents--providing for and raising children ... but [they] include the responsibility of raising physically and emotionally healthy children who are Black in a society in which being Black has negative connotations" (p. 161). Thornton et al. (1990) described racial socialization in terms of personal and group identity, intergroup and interindividual relationships, and position in the social hierarchy. It must be pointed out that not all African American parents socialize their children regarding racial issues and prejudice (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Stevenson, 1994), but this usually leaves these children vulnerable (Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990). Thus, racial socialization can act as a buffer against a hostile environment (Stevenson, 1994).

The socialization process is not the same in all African American families. It can be direct or indirect, verbal or nonverbal, overt or covert (Stevenson, 1994; Thornton et al., 1990). It can transpire through the observation of "modes, sequences, and styles of behavior" (Boykin & Toms, 1985, p. 42) during interaction with family members. Modeling of behaviors and exposure to culturally relevant material and activities are some of the methods that parents can use to facilitate this process. Nonetheless, the critical message is that race will affect available options and chances of succeeding in life, and competencies to navigate a sometimes hostile environment must be developed. Specifically the acquisition of a good education was identified by parents in Peters' (1985) study as essential for success in mainstream society.

The literature has pointed to the family as essential to the development of resiliency (Garmezy, 1985, 1991; Rutter, 1987). Families transmit the values, norms, and beliefs that are needed by successive generations to cope in an environment in which race plays a critical role (Demo & Hughes, 1990). In a study of 377 African American youths, Bowman and Howard (1985) found that resiliency was promoted among academically achieving adolescents as a result of proactive socialization by their parents. These parents conveyed to their children the importance of ethnic pride and self-development, and an awareness of racial barriers.

Racial socialization in turn fosters racial identity. Helms (1990) defined racial identity as "one's perception that he or she shares a common racial heritage with a particular group" (p. 3). Cross, Parkham, and Helms (1991) have posited that one of the functions of racial identity is "to defend and protect a person from psychological insults, and, where possible, to warn of impending psychological attacks that stem from having to live in a racist society" (p. 328). Arroyo and Zigler (1995) have indicated that racial identity operates in a "multifaceted manner" (p. 904) to affect a person's behavior and psychological states.

Identity development is a major task for all adolescents. However, for adolescents who are members of racial or ethnic minorities, this task is particularly complicated given their environment (Spencer & Markstrom-Adams, 1990). Parkham (cited in McCreary et al., 1996) has noted that African American adolescents must develop a strong racial identity in order to overcome the stigma of negative social stereotypes. In a study of 297 African American adolescents, McCreary et al. (1996) found that high racial identity was a significant factor in the successful handling of stress, as well as in the lower rate of participation in problem behaviors.

According to Stevenson (1995), racial identity develops through racial awareness. Racial awareness is facilitated by racial socialization (Plummer, 1995). In fact, Sanders Thompson (1994) found that racial identity, among 225 African-Americans, was significantly influenced by racial socialization. While racial socialization is an important factor in the development of racial identity, socialization is influenced by the racial identity of the family. Thus, racial socialization and racial identity are inextricably bound.

A few studies have shown that racial socialization and racial identity can buffer African American adolescents against negative or stressful environmental conditions (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Peters, 1985; Stevenson, 1994). Further research is required into the contribution of these variables (e.g., manner, degree) to the resiliency of African American adolescents.

Theoretical Perspective

Spencer and Markstrom-Adams (1990) have recommended a multifaceted approach to understanding the developmental processes of minority youth. In order to integrate racial socialization and racial identity into a resiliency perspective, a theoretical framework combining character development in a hostile environment, bicultural identity, and urban stress models is offered here.

Character development. Chestang (1972) has stated that the covert and overt racism experienced by African Americans affects their character development. Development is thus predicated upon three interdependent conditions: social injustice, societal inconsistency, and personal impotence. The hardships caused by social injustice lead to frustration over the discrepancy between American ideals and reality, as well as feelings of impotence at being unable to influence one's environment.

The developmental process can lead to one of two outcomes--depreciated character or transcendent character. With depreciated character, a sense of worthlessness, inadequacy, and impotence is incorporated into the extrinsically imposed devaluation of self (Chestang, 1972). The individual will likely turn away from or against societal institutions. Conversely, with transcendent character there is more optimism. The individual seeks to overcome environmental adversity. Nevertheless, this individual may experience alienation from other group members, fostering depreciated character. Chestang cautions that while behaviors associated with one character predominate, in some interpersonal domains the individual can exhibit behaviors linked to the other character.

Transcendent character may be manifested in the pursuit of academic achievement and the development of a strong sense of self, as well as the establishment of beneficial familial and community connections. These have been tied to racial socialization and racial identity.

Bicultural identity. Clark (1991) has noted that some African American adolescents adapt to a discriminatory environment by developing a bicultural identity. Specifically, this helps them to achieve academically while maintaining a strong sense of group membership. Gordon (1995) has pointed out that the cultural differences experienced by African Americans within the academic environment are great, and that a bicultural identity may assist them in overcoming this obstacle to success.

Urban stress. Myers' (1982) model incorporates race and social class into the analysis of the impact of stress on minority populations. This urban stress model has six basic components: (1) exogenic (i.e., external) and endogenic (i.e., internal) antecedents, (2) internal and external mediators, (3) eliciting stressor(s), (4) the stress state, (5) coping and adaptation process, and (6) health outcome (p. 123). Internal factors include a clear sense of self and group identification. The hostile or negative environment makes up the exogenic antecedent. Racial identity is an internal mediating factor, whereas racial socialization is an external mediating factor. Myers posits that these internal and external factors are important in the development of a stress-resistant (i.e., resilient) lifestyle.

The components of the urban stress model provide a framwork through which resiliency of disadvantaged urban African American youths may be examined. According to this model, vulnerability is intimately connected to a social environment that perpetuates discrimination (e.g., in the educational and legal spheres). The stress caused by a hostile environment clearly affects the individual's degree of risk for disorders, but racial socialization and racial identity improve the disadvantaged African American adolescent's ability to cope. This, in turn, influences educational involvement and academic achievement.

DISCUSSION

Research on resiliency has often neglected a population for which overcoming challenging and adverse conditions is a constant activity, namely African Americans. Given that the concept of resiliency is premised upon the influence of protective factors, the inclusion of resources unique to this group is imperative. Through their effects, racial socialization and racial identity can enable African American adolescents to overcome the covert and overt obstacles present in a hostile environment.

While some African American families provide strong racial socialization and promote racial identity, others de-emphasize these factors. Research comparing adolescents from these two types of families would be enlightening. The manner in which African American families provide racial socialization and how these messages contribute to the development of racial identity also need to be studied. Additionally, the effects of sociodemographic factors and access to resources, both economic and social, on the processes of racial socialization and racial identity development require empirical investigation.

It is essential that service providers pay special attention to those factors that facilitate positive outcomes against a backdrop of racial discrimination and inequality. Thus, levels of racial socialization and racial identity are critical considerations for those providing assistance to African American families and adolescents (Stevenson, 1994).

It is recommended that service providers inculcate proactive strategies for maintaining a sense of self, explore how African American adolescents can adjust to life in two worlds (one black, one white), and design intervention and prevention programs that focus on cultural strengths. Prior to service delivery, psychosocial assessment should, of course, consider the developmental impact of living in a hostile environment.

It is critical that social researchers rigorously explore how racial socialization and racial identity promote resiliency among African American adolescents. What dimensions of each construct exert the most influence on the development of resiliency? In what areas do these factors promote resiliency (i.e., positive mental health, anger management)? The theoretical perspective presented here needs to be investigated in regard to interactions involving stress and academic achievement. Researchers also must focus on the development of measures that can tap into the various dimensions of resiliency and quantify them.

African American adolescents in general, and those in an urban environment in particular, are faced with myriad adverse messages. In the face of seemingly overwhelming obstacles, many nevertheless become well-adjusted, contributing members of society. Through the expansion of a strengths perspective (i.e., resiliency) to include unique protective factors, the emphasis on pathology and deficits can be countered.

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