Family context variables and the development of self-regulation in college students.
Strage, Amy A.
The ability to make a successful transition to and through college is
one of the most important challenges faced by adolescents and young
adults. Researchers have clearly demonstrated the significance of
self-regulation skills in such academic contexts. Collectively, they
paint the self-regulating learner as someone who is metacognitively
sophisticated, who can assess the requirements of the learning task at
hand, and who can identify and deploy the appropriate learning
strategies; the self-regulating learner is someone who is able to make
appropriate attributions for success and failure, and who readily
accepts responsibility for his or her own learning (Pintrich &
DeGroot, 1990; Pressley & Ghatala, 1990; Rohwer & Thomas, 1989;
Schunk, 1989; Thomas & Rohwer, 1993; Weinstein, Zimmerman, &
Palmer, 1988; Zimmerman, 1990). But while studies have begun to specify
how features of students' immediate learning environments affect
the development and use of self-regulation skills, relatively little
attention has been paid to the role of the family context in fostering
or impeding the development of these skills. Studies that have addressed
this topic for elementary school age children have found that parental
support for autonomy is positively related to children's
self-reports of autonomous self-regulation (Grolnick & Ryan, 1989),
and that these parenting practices are predictive of children's
adoption of an intrinsic academic achievement motivational orientation
(Ginsburg & Bronstein, 1993).
This paper has two goals: (1) to propose a conceptual framework for
examining the relationship between family context variables and the
development of self-regulation skills, and (2) to present some initial
findings from a study of the parental practices and values associated
with academic self-regulation in college students.
Framework
The conceptual framework proposed here integrates two theoretical
approaches to understanding the influence of parenting on
children's development. First, it draws on the work of attachment
theorists (e.g., Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; Bowlby,
1982; Bretherton, 1985; Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985), who have
shown that particular patterns of parent-child interaction (varieties of
secure attachment relationships) permit the child to develop
self-efficacy, self-confidence, and a veridical sense of self, while
others (insecure-avoidant and insecure-ambivalent patterns of
parent-child attachment relationships) lead the child to be relatively
dependent, to lack self-confidence, and to have inappropriately positive
or negative self-evaluations. Not surprisingly, attachment theorists
suggest that the nature of children's relationships with their
attachment figures (parents, other primary caregivers) shapes many
aspects of their social-emotional and intellectual development (see, for
example, the report in Bretherton & Waters, 1985). Children who have
secure attachment relationships with their parents are rated as better
adjusted, more self-confident, more willing to explore their
surroundings, and more socially and cognitively competent throughout
early childhood than are children with insecure attachment relationships
(Ainsworth, Bell, & Stayton, 1971; Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, &
Wall, 1978; Bretherton & Waters, 1985; Cassidy & Berlin, 1994;
Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985). A growing body of research also
documents long-term effects of the quality of early attachment
relationships, lasting into adolescence and adulthood (Kobak, 1991;
Kobak & Sceery, 1988; Hesse & Van Ijzendoorn, 1991; Pearson,
1991).
Second, the framework developed in this study also draws on the work
of researchers investigating the effects of parenting style. Baumrind
(1967, 1973) has identified three major styles of parenting, which she
has linked to a range of developmental outcomes. The first style,
authoritative parenting, seems best for equipping students to meet the
challenges of academic contexts, in that it is associated with the
development of instrumental competence in preschoolers and elementary
school children (Baumrind, 1973) and in adolescents (Baumrind, 1991).
The other two parenting styles, authoritarian and permissive, appear to
fail to enable children to develop a range of self-directing,
self-monitoring, and self-regulatory abilities undergirding success in
academic contexts. Children raised in homes where parents adopt an
authoritative parenting style (high but reasonable maturity demands,
good communication, and mutual respect) succeed best in school
throughout childhood and adolescence. Parents whose style is more
authoritarian (strict, unyielding, leaving no room for explanation or
negotiation, emotionally less open) have children who do less well in
school (Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987;
Steinberg, Elmen, & Mounts, 1989; Steinberg, Lamborn, Darling,
Mounts, & Dornbusch, 1994; Steinberg, Lamborn Dornbusch, &
Darling, 1992).
Using survey data from college students, this study sought to test a
series of specific hypotheses about the relationships between (1)
aspects of students' self-concept, (2) their childhood family
background, (3) their perceptions of their college courses, and (4)
their study habits. More specifically, following Baumrind's model,
it was predicted that students who rated their parents as more
authoritative and less authoritarian would rate themselves as more
confident and goal directed and see their academic environment in a more
positive light than would students who rated their parents as less
authoritative and more authoritarian. Similarly, following
Ainsworth's model, it was predicted that students who rated their
families as emotionally close would feel more positive about themselves
and see their academic environment in a more positive light than would
students who rated their families as unsupportive, critical, or enmeshed and worrying.
METHOD
Subjects
A sample of 465 college students participated in this research.
Fortyfive percent of the participants were male and 55% were female; 8%
were African-American, 28% were Asian-American, 8% were Hispanic, and
56% were White; 67% of the respondents were freshmen and 33% were
upperclass students; 52% of the students lived with their parents, while
48% lived on their own, in the dorms, or with roommates. These
demographics reflect the fact that the university where these students
were enrolled is a "commuter" institution, serving a
culturally diverse population, in an expensive metropolitan location.
Procedure
Information about the students and their family background was
obtained by means of a self-report questionnaire, the Student Attitudes
and Perceptions Survey. All 465 participants completed the survey during
one session of their psychology class.
Instrument
The Student Attitudes and Perceptions Survey is a 4-part
questionnaire, consisting of 104 Likert-type items rated on a 5-point
scale (1 = strongly disagree, 5 = strongly agree). The first part
contains items about students' personal profile. The second part
contains items concerning students' family background. The third
part contains items about students' perceptions of their course.
The fourth part contains questions about their study habits. In
developing this instrument, items were selected to correspond with
various dimensions of self-concept, family background, and academic
attitudes and behaviors discussed in the literature. Responses of a
pilot sample of 196 college students were subjected to an exploratory
factor analysis. The factor structure described below emerged. The
responses of the sample of 465 students were similarly subjected to an
exploratory factor analysis to confirm this factor structure. The two
factor structures were virtually identical. (Scale items are included in
the Appendix.)
The items concerning students' personal profile yielded four
scales: (1) general confidence and positive sense of self, (2)
positively goal-oriented at school, (3) general concern about
preparation for the future, and (4) positive adjustment to college. The
items concerning students' family relationships as children yielded
seven scales: (1) authoritative mother, (2) authoritative father, (3)
emotionally close and supportive family, (4) authoritarian mother, (5)
authoritarian father, (6) worrying and enmeshed family, and (7) nagging
and critical parents. The items concerning students' perceptions of
the course in which they completed the survey yielded two scales: (1)
difficulty of the course and (2) interestingness and supportiveness of
the course. The items about students' study habits yielded two
scales: (1) diligent time and effort management and (2)judicious note-taking.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
A series of correlational analyses examined the relationship between
students' reports of their relationships with parents and their
perceptions of various aspects of their academic environment and study
habits. Analyses run separately for students living with their parents
and students living on their own or with roommates revealed essentially
identical patterns of results, although the magnitude of the
correlations was attenuated in some cases. In the interest of brevity,
therefore, only the results for the entire sample are reported here.
As indicated in Table 1, perceptions of mother and father as
authoritative and of family as emotionally close were predictive of (1)
general confidence and positive sense of self (r = .311, p [less than]
.001; r = .301, p [less than] .001; and r = .380, p [less than] .001,
respectively), (2) positive goal orientation at school (r = .356, p
[less than] .001; r = .316, p [less than] .001; and r = .396, p [less
than] .001, respectively), (3) general concern about preparation for the
future (r = .292, p [less than] .001; r = .194, p [less than] .001; and
r = .312, p [less than] .001, respectively), and (4) positive adjustment
to college (r = .450, p [less than] .001; r = .389, p [less than] .001;
and r = .474, p [less than] .001, respectively). These family profiles
were also predictive of (1) students' rating their introductory
psychology course as interesting and supportive (r = .292, p [less than]
.001; r = .253, p [less than] .001; and r = .275, p [less than] .001,
respectively), (2) favorable ratings of their general time and effort
management abilities (r = .081, p [less than] .10; r = .097, p [less
than] .05; and r = .157, p [less than] .01, respectively) and
note-taking skills (r = .102, p [less than] .05; r = .107, p [less than]
.05; and r = .140, p [less than] .05, respectively), and (3) strong
agreement with a series of items reflecting components of self-regulated
learning (rs ranging from .140 to .383).
As shown in Table 2, perceptions of mother and father as
authoritarian and of family as nagging and enmeshed were predictive of
concern about preparation for the future (r = .151, p [less than] .01; r
= .119, p [less than] .05; r = .194, p [less than] .001; and r = .296, p
[less than] .001, respectively). These family profiles were generally
predictive of students' rating their introductory psychology course
as difficult (r = .090, p [less than] .10; r = .134, p [less than] .01;
r = .221, p [less than] .001; and r = .149, p [less than] .01,
respectively).
One possibility was that the advantage students with authoritative
parents and emotionally close families appeared to have was due to
[TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 1 OMITTED] greater levels of self-confidence
that such family background might have fostered. In order to address
this potential confound, a series of stepwise multiple regressions was
performed. These analyses confirmed that the patterns linking family
background profiles with course perceptions, study habits, and
individual indices of self-regulated learning persisted even when
students' sense of confidence was factored out. The results of
these analyses are presented in Table 3. Authoritative mother,
authoritative father, and emotionally close family continued to be
predictive of students' having clear personal and professional
goals (t = 2.764, p = .006; t = 3.434, p = .0007; and t = 3.614, p =
.0003, respectively). [TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 2 OMITTED] Similarly,
authoritative mother, authoritative father, and emotionally close family
continued to be predictive of students' feeling in control of their
academic lives (t = 4.269, p [less than] .0001; t = 5.515, p [less than]
.0001; and t = 5.677,p [less than] .0001, respectively). In contrast,
authoritarian mother and authoritarian father continued to be predictive
of students' perceived lack of control over their academic lives (t
= 2.249, p = .025; and t = 1.972, p = .0492, respectively). All four
scales reflecting authoritarian mother, authoritarian father, nagging
parents, and worrying/enmeshed family dynamics continued to be
predictive of perceiving the course as difficult (t = 1.887, p = .0599;
t = 3.116, p = .002; t = 5.124, p = .0001; and t = 3.362, p = .0008,
respectively).
[TABULAR DATA FOR TABLE 3 OMITTED]
The family background scales that had been correlated with
students' perceptions of the course as interesting and supportive
continued to be significant (authoritative mother: t = 3.897, p [less
than] .0001; authoritative father: t = 4.767, p [less than] .0001; and
emotionally close family: t = 4.033, p [less than] .0001).
Both family background scales associated with time and effort
management difficulties approached significance as predictors of such
difficulties once the variance associated with students' general
sense of confidence had been taken into account (authoritarian father: t
= 1.890, p = .0593; and worrying/enmeshed family: t = 1.896; p = .0586).
Similarly, worrying/enmeshed family continued to be predictive of
difficulties in judicious note-taking (t = 2.129, p = .0338).
Caution is advised when interpreting correlational data such as
these, and also when interpreting data collected through subjects'
self-reports. However, the picture that emerges from these analyses is
quite consistent. The results support the conclusion that family
background - more specifically the quality of the relationships with
parents - is indeed predictive of a number of aspects of college
students' attitudes and behaviors relating to self-regulated
learning. Students who are the most skilled at setting attainable goals
and monitoring and maintaining their progress toward those goals
describe relationships with their parents that fit the
"secure" and "authoritative" profiles, while
students who seem least able to do so come from what can be described as
more ego-enmeshed "insecure-ambivalent" families, with
relatively "authoritarian" parenting styles. The
authoritative-emotionally close constellation is associated with having
both a positive general outlook (such as having clear personal and
career goals and feeling in control of one's destiny) and, more
specifically, a positive academic disposition (such as feeling confident
in one's ability to manage time and to master more difficult
material).
These findings, then, extend the literature that has linked
authoritative parenting to positive academic outcomes for young children
and adolescents (cf. the work of Dornbusch, Steinberg, and their
colleagues). More specifically, the data suggest a continuing and
relatively pervasive influence of parents' attitudes and behaviors,
which continues to manifest itself even in the absence of daily or even
regular contact - many of the students participating in this study had
not lived with their parents for a number of years. Such findings are
consistent with attachment theories, such as those proposed by Bowlby
(1982) and Main, Kaplan, and Cassidy (1985), which contend that
children's early experiences with their parents become internalized
as cognitive representations. These shape children's perceptions of
themselves and serve as templates for subsequent interpersonal
relationships, and govern their perceptions in a broad range of
situations over the entire course of their lives.
Finally, the literature presents conflicting evidence about whether
students' academic self-concept declines (Baird, 1969), improves
(Astin, 1982; Pascarella, 1985a, 1985b), or remains relatively unchanged
(Bassis, 1977) over the course of their undergraduate studies. Findings
such as those reported here lead to speculation that variance in
students' responses to college might be attributable to the
patterns of parent-child relationships they experienced. At present, an
investigation is being undertaken into the specific college experiences
that might serve to help students overcome a legacy of authoritarian and
insecure parenting.
Appendix
Student Attitudes and Perceptions Survey: Scale Items
Personal Profile Scales
Scale 1: General confidence and positive sense of self
I feel confident in my ability to complete college.
My confidence in my abilities has increased since I started college.
My confidence in my abilities has decreased since I started college
(inverted).
Scale 2: Positively goal-oriented at school
I am happy with my choice of major.
I have clear personal and career goals.
I find it easy to stay motivated and work hard at school.
Scale 3: General concern about preparation for the future
The thought of graduating and being done with college makes me
anxious.
A college degree is an important step toward my future success.
Grades are important to me.
Grades are important to others who will judge me (e.g., employers).
Scale 4: Positive adjustment to college
I feel in control of my life and my future.
I feel comfortable with other students at college.
I feel rapport with my instructors at college.
Schoolwork is easy for me.
Family Background Scales
Scale 1: Authoritative mother
As I was growing up, my mother scared me (inverted).
As I was growing up, my mother was supportive if I was having
problems.
As I was growing up, my mother was overbearing and intrusive
(inverted).
As I was growing up, my mother was critical of me and my decisions
(inverted).
As I was growing up, my mother explained things to me patiently.
As I was growing up, my mother made me feel smart.
As I was growing up, my mother made me feel stupid (inverted).
As I was growing up, my mother ignored me (inverted).
AS I was growing up, my mother was proud of me.
AS I was growing up, my mother encouraged me to be independent.
Scale 2: Authoritative father
As I was growing up, my father scared me (inverted).
As I was growing up, my father was supportive if I was having
problems.
As I was growing up, my father explained things to me patiently.
As I was growing up, my father made me feel smart.
As I was growing up, my father made me feel stupid (inverted).
As I was growing up, my father ignored me (inverted).
As I was growing up, my father attached great important to school.
As I was growing up, my father was proud of me.
As I was growing up, my father encouraged me to be independent.
Scale 3: Emotionally close and supportive family
My family is close emotionally.
I see my parents as successful.
I see my parents as happy.
I admire my parents.
My parents don't have any idea about what's important to me
(inverted).
My parents are proud of me.
I think I can live up to my parents' expectations of me.
Scale 4: Authoritarian mother
As I was growing up, my mother made high demands of me.
As I was growing up, my mother expected me to follow orders.
As I was growing up, my mother was very strict.
As I was growing up, my mother scared me.
As I was growing up, my mother told me what to do.
As I was growing up, my mother demanded respect.
Scale 5: Authoritarian father
As I was growing up, my father made high demands of me.
As I was growing up, my father expected me to follow orders.
As I was growing up, my father was very strict.
As I was growing up, my father scared me.
As I was growing up, my father was overbearing and intrusive.
As I was growing up, my father told me what to do.
As I was growing up, my father made me feel stupid.
As I was growing up, my father attached great importance to school.
As I was growing up, my father demanded respect.
Scale 6: Worrying and enmeshed family
I worry about by parents.
My parents worry about me.
My parents need my help.
I worry I will disappoint my parents.
Scale 7: Nagging and critical parents
My parents expect me to graduate.
My parents are critical of my failures.
As I was growing up, my father was critical of me and my decisions.
As I was growing up, my mother was critical of me and my decisions.
As I was growing up, my mother attached great importance to school.
Course Perceptions
Scale 1: Difficulty of course
It is hard to keep up with the amount of reading for this course.
The exam questions for this course require knowledge of many details.
The exam questions for this course require knowledge of many new
concepts.
The exam questions for this course require the ability to integrate
ideas.
The exam questions for this course require the ability to apply
concepts to new situations.
Scale 2: Interestingness and supportiveness of course
The instructor usually presents material in class at a rate that
makes it easy to keep up.
I see many connections between the material in this course and the
"real world."
The material covered in class is interesting.
The atmosphere in class is relaxed and friendly.
The instructor helps students to think about relationships among
topics covered in class.
The instructor organizes and presents topics in a way that is easy to
follow.
Study Habits
Scale 1: Diligent time and effort management
In a typical week, how much time do you spend studying for this
course?
In a typical week, how much time do you spend studying in total, for
all of your courses?
Do you feel comfortable about your ability to organize your time and
get things done on time?
To study for this class, I make up flash cards or other study aids.
Scale 2: Judicious note-taking
When I take notes in this class, I try to focus on what I think will
be on the exam.
When I take notes in this class, I try to focus on what I think is
difficult to understand.
This research was supported by a Faculty Development Award from San
Jose State University. Parts of this research were presented at the
annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association in
Atlanta, Georgia, April 1993. The author wishes to thank Lisa Leonard
for her assistance in data collection.
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