Treating powerless minorities through an ecosystem approach.

Woo Sik Chung ; Pardeck, John T.

Americans' overwhelming perception of Asian-Americans in general is that they constitute a model minority, are professionally successful, and according to their own cultural notions of health, are well-adjusted both emotionally and mentally (Butterfield, 1990; Doerner, 1985; Michael, 1985). Contrary to this view, many of these youths have exhibited a greater sense of isolation, anxiety, and alienation than did their Anglo-American counterparts (Sue, 1985).

This paper addresses the issue that certain conditions help create a sense of powerlessness observed in the lives of Korean American children, and suggests an ecosystem intervention aimed at their empowerment.

Since the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which resulted in the liberalization of entry for non-whites, increasing numbers of immigrants have come to the United States. From all over the world, but especially from Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean, the increase has been significant (Nah, 1993). "The 1990 census noted that these three groups account for at least 40% of the total population increase over the past decade in the United States" (Barringer, 1990). The number of Korean immigrants has increased from 70,000 in 1990 to 799,000 in 1992 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1992). It is estimated that there are between 800,000 and 900,000 Korean-Americans with more than 90% foreign born (Awanohara, 1991). About 30,000 South Koreans who are predominantly well-educated are settling in U.S. cities each year (Awanohara, 1991). It seems that Korean immigrants are attracted to self-employment, and it is estimated that perhaps as many as 80% (about 1,300) of all green grocers in the New York tri-state area (New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut), are owned by Koreans. In Los Angeles, which has the largest Korean population outside of Seoul, 40% of Korean men owned their own businesses in 1989 (Awanohara, 1991). Koreans have the highest rate of self-employment of any Asian group, and only Greek-Americans have an equally high rate.

In spite of what appears to be a successful adaptation, there is a considerable related cost, both on a personal and societal level which manifests itself in family discord and stress-related problems.

Koreans tend to be more insular than other minorities. They speak their own language, and many businesses are criticized for having signs written only in "Hang" script, resulting in other groups feeling excluded. It is difficult to determine whether Koreans remain so insular because they are only marginally accepted by the native populate, or whether they are ostracized because they do not assimilate. Perhaps another factor is that it is difficult for certain people to "pass" if they do not look Caucasian; non-whites experience serious social distancing by the primary group (Hurh, 1984; Kim, 1976). This has been true for all ethnic minorities, and Koreans may feel they must keep or even increase their ethnic attachment for security reasons and to maintain their identity. The internment of second generation Japanese-Americans during World War II is a painful reminder of this insecurity. Empirical studies on social distancing have also repeatedly demonstrated that Americans people want even less association with Koreans than with other Asian groups (Bogardus, 1968; Hurh, 1977; Owen, Eisner, & McFaul, 1981). A conspicuous dilemma is the question of ethnic containment or ethnic pluralism - whether to maintain the culture of the country of origin or adapt the new culture, or both.

The first barrier any immigrant faces is language. More successful immigrants have prepared by learning English before moving to the U.S. Thus the pre-migrational condition has to be considered when assessing the probability of successful adaptation. Employment opportunities in particular depend upon pre-migration conditions since the most recent immigrants usually begin at the lowest level, even if they are well educated.

Most Koreans learn about jobs through friends and family - a limiting approach. Higher level professional jobs require a higher level of language skills (Nah, 1993). Thus, a deficiency in language skills, loss of support systems, loss of status, financial insecurity, and uncertainty about the future create significant stress for the immigrant.

Koreans are family oriented. When parents work long hours in a store, for instance, they frequently keep in touch with their children by phone. When they return home at 9 P.M. after working 12 to 16 hours, they are too tired to be the type of parent they would like to be. In addition, day care for younger children is a strange and negative concept for Korean families.

As residence continues, children of immigrants tend to assimilate quicker than their parents and begin to view their culture as inferior to the dominant community. This may create a generation gap. As children struggle for greater values such as group versus individual priorities, male versus female priorities, and obedience versus autonomy become elements of conflict.

Background

Pinderhughes (1983) noted that the treatment goal may be conceptualized as "empowerment" - the ability to cope constructively with the forces that undermine and hinder the achievement of reasonable control over one's destiny. Thus, strengthening ego functioning and reinforcing external supports are the main theme of treatment. This view directs social work practitioners to a person-in-environment context. Germain's (1979) emphasis on the importance of achieving balance between organism and environment, referred to as "goodness-of-fit," also offers a practical direction for social workers. According to Germain, a "misfit" would violate physical, psychological or social needs, thus resulting in stress or disjunction between clients' needs and "environmental nutriments." Thus, for example, victims of oppression and poverty are caught in a cycle of powerlessness in which the failure of the larger societal system to provide needed resources operates in a circular manner (Pinderhughes, 1983) - a powerless class is created in communities in which the development of required skills, self-esteem, and strengthening of the family is blocked. Ironically, the network of political, economic, and social institutions work against the development of coping mechanisms rather than for it. The institutions perpetuate exclusion and separation. Bowen (1978) defined this process as one in which one group, the benefactors in a society, perceive and treat another group, the victim, as inferior or incompetent. The victims in this process are alcoholics, criminals, mental patients, minorities, and the poor who are sources of tension and conflict within the system. According to Pinderhughes (1983), these groups are becoming system balancers and tension relievers in the social system. Victims must learn to deal with the stress, conflict, and contradiction. They must find ways to cope with their powerlessness.

Recognizing the importance of the adaptive fit between organism and environment, Pardeck (1988) suggests three concepts that help broaden one's understanding of the fit. These are the behavior settings of the clients their ecosystem, and the definition of their problems.

The behavior setting is seen as the basic unit of analysis within the ecological approach to practice. It is more than the traditional behaviorist's conceptualization of behavior as a stimulus-response relationship but is an inextricably interwoven relationship of physical setting, time, people, and individual behavior.

The ecosystem is the interrelationship and conglomeration of ecologies. For example, a child's ecosystem consists of the self, family, the school, and the community. As Hobbs (1980) noted, the client cannot be juxtaposed with the environment, and the client is an inextricable part of the ecological system. The ecological viewpoint, which reflects the transaction between the person and the environment, shifts the focus from the individual's personality and behavioral makeup to the relationship between the individual, his or her family, the community, and other ecologies that form the person's ecosystem.

In defining clients' problems, contrary to the traditional view, the ecological approach does not view symptoms in terms of individual pathology but as a malfunctioning ecosystem. Rhodes and James (1978), for example, would treat emotional disturbances as a comprehensive problem of ongoing adaptation between organism and environment. In other words, the disturbance is a pattern of maladaptive interactions.

Empowerment of Korean-American Children Through an Ecological Strategy of Intervention

An ecological assessment entails two issues: (1) identifying sources of discord and strengths, and (2) specifying required services (Plas, 1981). This assessment-intervention approach consists of seven states (Pardeck, 1988):

1. Entering the system. This process starts by assessing the relationships in the client's life and identifying an entry point into his or her world in order to gain relevant input from the surrounding subsystems (e.g., through interviewing), the practitioner will be able to identify sources of discord as well as strength.

2. Mapping the ecology. At this point, the practitioner analyzes the client's various subsystems by identifying the people and events pertinent to his or her problem. Relevant subsystems that effect the client are classified under people and event categories. Depending on the nature of the problem and the client's situation, either interview techniques or instruments can be employed for assessment of fit between the client and the surrounding environment.

3. Assessing the ecology. The practitioner then assesses the relationships in the client's life. Once the strengths, weaknesses, and influential factors have been identified, the practitioner can assign weight to the relationships that appear to be important.

4. Creating the vision of change. This stage is central to the change process; the practitioner stresses the areas that need to be changed, emphasizing the total ecosystem and building on the strengths present in this ecology.

5. Coordinating-communicating. This is the stage of implementation of the plan in which the major role of the practitioner is to communicate with those in the client's ecosystem and coordinate appropriate actions. For the most part, much of the effort is in the hands of significant persons in the client's ecosystem.

6. Reassessing. The practitioner reviews the work that has been done and based on agreement by the client and the significant persons regarding the changes made, the practitioner moves toward the termination process.

7. Evaluation. The practitioner focuses at this final stage on the total outcome of the intervention efforts. The evaluation process can take various forms depending on the nature of the client's problems and the intervention design.

DISCUSSION

Although the experience of Korean-Americans differs from other groups with regard to the extent to which they have been discriminated against and experienced injustice and oppression, common features characterize their problems - the sense of isolation and alienation, or feeling powerless.

According to Pinderhughes (1983), organisms must consistently cope with powerlessness by embracing the values that ease their frustration. These values include fatalism, high spirituality, living for today, and banding together.

Boundary formation of the organism is also affected by powerlessness. It becomes vulnerable to control from sources outside itself. In an effort to give the organism a sense of power, enhancement of support groups (e.g., church members, school, friends, service groups such as Big Brothers, foster parents) should be a priority.

Teaching clients how the social system supports or undermines their functioning as individuals and as a family is one way of providing empowerment strategies. Pinderhughes (1983) suggests a variety of behaviors such as oppositional, passive-aggressive or autonomous (often seen as stubbornness), reaction formation, overcontrolling, dominating, or striking out (often seen as violence).

Some strategists suggest the use of paradoxical responses as adaptive mechanisms for coping with the ambivalence, contradiction, and powerlessness. Included are humor, subtlety, and deception for managing rage and negative feelings while maintaining affectionate relationships and family solidarity (Chestang, 1972).

Individuals and families under stress from coping with environmental pressures need to function with high self-differentiation. Bowen (1978) has theorized that it is this stress and pressure that hinders development of high differentiation and that instead encourages emotional fusion. Vulnerability, isolation, conflict, power fights, and dominance-submission are seen as functions of poor differentiation. Thus, practitioners can help individuals and families change in a fundamental way by enabling them to increase their self-differentiation. High differentiation enhances logical thinking which helps people learn to tolerate different feelings and perceptions. This tolerance facilitates the ability to manage conflict, negotiation, and compromise. Practitioners can help clients develop such tolerance by encouraging the sharing of differing perceptions without blaming, withdrawing or denying (Pinderhughes, 1983).

Case Example

Gasu, a two-year-old boy, was underdeveloped both physically and intellectually. His vocabulary consisted of three words, and he was not able to walk more than two steps without assistance. He was diagnosed as having fetal alcohol syndrome which included fusion of the middle and ring fingers bilaterally. Gasu's parents were both alcoholics and unemployed when Gasu was placed in foster care. The family was not receiving any public assistance.

The worker assigned to the case had his first opportunity to enter the ecosystem of Gasu during a two-hour home visit with his parents while a number of relatives were also present. The worker observed the interaction patterns between Gasu and the family. During the visit, the worker began mapping the ecology of the family system. He concluded that Gasu's parents did not interact with him in a typical fashion. The mother in particular held the child for not more than than two minutes during the visit; the father did not interact with the child at all. When the child was not playing on the floor, he was passed from one relative to the next. The mother commented several times about how curious Gasu had always been about "things" in his environment and how active he was. These observations were totally at odds with the child's physical and intellectual development.

One week after the visit, the worker did an extensive interview with each of the parents and one of the relatives who had been present at the home visit a week earlier, gathering information for assessing the ecological system of the child and the intervention needed to help Gasu return to his biological family. The worker learned that both parents continued to abuse alcohol. It was also learned that Gasu's father was working part time and had not reported this income to Family Services. The worker viewed the fact that the father was working as a strength even though the income earned was not reported.

The next step, creating the vision of change, involved a number of services and persons in Gasu's ecosystem. The worker had to coordinate each of these services in order to ensure that the change effort was being pursued. It was decided that Gasu would continue in foster care for two more months, after which his case would be reviewed. During this time, Gasu would go into a special treatment program aimed at increasing his motor and intellectual development. Since the child was underweight and in the lower fifth percentile in height, regular visits to a medical doctor were prescribed. The worker also instructed the foster parents to provide as much of a stimulating environment for the child as possible.

Gasu's parents agreed to attend counseling for treatment of their alcohol problem. They also agreed to participate in parenting classes and were linked with other social services in the community. The worker closely monitored the parents' activities to make sure that they followed through on the agreed plan. An effort was made to help Gasu's father find a full-time job. The coordinating-communicating stage was accomplished through telephone calls and home visits. The parents also agreed that when Gasu visited each week for two hours they would not have relatives present. This strategy was used to help the worker assess how the parents interacted with Gasu.

After two months the reassessment stage began. Gasu's motor and intellectual development had improved through the efforts of the specialized treatment program and of the foster parents. Gasu was now able to walk alone and displayed a significant increase in his vocabulary. Gasu's mother had followed through on her counseling for alcoholism; however, his father has missed a number of sessions. Gasu's parents had also attended parenting classes on a regular basis. Gasu's father found full-time employment. Since his income was extremely low, the family was eligible for a number of social services including low-rent housing. During Gasu's weekly two-hour home visits, with only the parents present, the worker observed much improvement. Adequate housing was obtained by the family, and they began receiving important social services.

It was the opinion of the counselor on alcoholism that Gasu's mother was making great progress; however, she was not deemed ready for Gasu to return home. There was also some concern about Gasu's father not attending counseling on a regular basis. Since the professionals working with Gasu, including the medical doctor, felt that he should continue to receive specialized treatment to improve his development, it was decided that he should continue in foster care for two additional months. Gasu's parents agreed to this plan. They would continue counseling, there would be home visits on a weekly basis for two hours, and Gasu would continue receiving treatment. The final evaluation step was not implemented because intervention efforts were still in progress.

CONCLUSION

The ecological perspective defines human problems as the outcome of the transaction between environment and people. This conceptualization helps draw attention to the traditional concerns of social work practice going back to Mary Richmond, who realized that a disjunction between the person and the environment could exert a negative impact physically, emotionally, and socially. Germain (1979) points out that this focus is the distinguishing and unifying characteristic of social work practice.

Even though the ecological perspective helps practitioners to better conceptualize the traditional concerns of social work practice, Conte and Halprin (1983) have noted that it still has a number of inherent problems. It has not provided a clear set of procedures for assessment, intervention techniques, and strategies and rationales for their use.

Others have pointed out that when the practitioner intervenes in the ecosystem of the client, the side effects are not always clear in terms of outcome. Unintended and negative consequences are often a common result of planned systematic change efforts. A classic example is the de-institutionalization of mental hospital patients, which has resulted in the dumping of severely handicapped and incompetent people into hostile communities and in revolving-door types of treatment experiences (Scull, 1977).

Another limitation of an ecological approach is that it encourages practitioners to see problems in such a broad-based fashion that they feel they must be experts not only in psychotherapy, but in family therapy and community practice. As a result, effectiveness is jeopardized (Brawley, 1978).

Even though the above arguments have merit and clearly need to be addressed by theorists and practitioners in the future, an ecological approach has much to offer social workers now. In particular, it enables them to gain a wider perspective and a dynamic understanding of people and their socio-cultural-physical milieu. We can understand more clearly, for example, how dysfunctional behavior of a child can help maintain the pathological balance of a family system. The perspective avoids blaming the victim and locates the assessment and treatment of the problem in the client's ecosystem (Siporin, 1977).

The ecosystem-oriented assessment-intervention approach borrowed from the field of community psychology obviously does not solve all the problems of the ecological perspective as pointed out by Conte and Halprin and others. However, it does offer clearly defined stages during which practitioners can organize assessment and intervention. It also emphasizes the importance of ongoing assessment procedures ranging from traditional interviewing to the never clinical indexes being developed by social workers. Most importantly, the model stresses the need to conceptualize and organize the assessment and intervention process at each stage of treatment from an ecological perspective.

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John T. Pardeck, MSW, Ph.D., ACSW, Professor, School of Social Work, Southwest Missouri State University.