Pacific Studies.
Robinson, Kathryn
This special issue of Pacific Studies collects together essays
concerned with domestic violence, principally violence against women and
children, in a number of Pacific societies. There has been a lot of
activity by Pacific Island NGOs in the last ten years in combating
domestic violence, much of it associated with the social dislocations of
development, especially drunkenness. The papers in this collection
address this as well as a broader set of issues, including one which the
editors comment may disturb some readers, that 'in many Pacific
societies a certain level of family violence may be normal and
acceptable' (p. 3).
Some of the papers, for example, Korbin's article on child
rearing in a Hawaiian American community, deal with the issue of
parenting strategies which use what would be regarded as harsh (even
illegal) treatment in our own society. She comments on the apparent
contradiction between loving gentleness and harsh punishment which she
documents in the families.
Overall, the volume is more concerned with violence between husband
and wife, usually male violence against women. Shireen Latieff sees male
violence as a means of controlling female sexuality amongst
Indo-Fijians. Beating is a strategy to preserve the virtue of unmarried
girls (and hence family honour) and to preserve the modesty and
subordinate status of married women. As in Western countries, the
absence of alternatives forces women to endure their fate. (A
women's refuge in Fiji has proved enormously successful.)
A number of the articles address the tensions associated with
modernisation, and the ways in which this exacerbates violence. For
example, in Palau, Nero argues, alcohol is implicated in wife beating -
drinking is seen as 'time-out' and people are not held
responsible for actions while drunk.
According to Carucci, the Marshallese see parallels between male
physical violence and women's 'violence' through magic.
Indeed, Kaliai women in West New Britain put menstrual blood in their
husbands' food as retaliation for violence. Counts argues that
suicide is a response - the ultimate response - for an abused wife, as
it 'shift(s) the burden of humiliation from themselves to their
tormentors' (p. 166).
Zimmer's paper raises the issue of intergenerational violence
against the elderly. This article raises the question of social policy
to deal with the practice.
No such collection would be complete without the bizarre - in this
case the practice in Kiribati of men biting off a wife's nose if
she is repeatedly immodest or unfaithful. Lewis describes this as a
culturally approved kind of sexual mutilation. However, he adds that it
is a last ditch sanction and rarely occurs.
Why does this violence occur? Some of the papers use a functionalist
framework to suggest a role for violence in producing social conformity
and cohesion. Other authors suggest a 'violent ethos' where
the person is socially constituted with violence and aggression as
aspects of personhood. For example, in Bun both husbands and wives
practise violent behaviour. In other cases, it is suggested that social
and cultural factors related to cultures of femininity and masculinity
are seen as the important underlying dynamic, in particular ideas of
female submission, and warrior cultures.
Many of the papers claim a higher level of acceptable violence than
would be the norm in our own society, but it is not universally true.
For example, Nash writes that among the Nagovisi (in Bougainville)
physical violence between spouses or against children is rare and not
condoned. She raises the possibility of a difference between matrilineal societies (like the Nagovisi) and patrilineal societies in this regard.
She comments that in matrilineal societies the wives are not 'on
trial'. Mitchell also describes the Wape in PNG as pacific, with an
absence of wife beating.
The issues raised in this volume pose a challenge to assumptions of
cultural relativism which have been so important to anthropology, and
raises the question of how anthropologists deal with phenomena in other
cultures which challenge the parameters of legitimated behaviour in our
own culture.
KATHRYN ROBINSON University of Newcastle