Only if she shows her face: Canadian media portrayals of the Niqab ban during citizenship ceremonies.
Thomas, Jasmine
Abstract
On 12 December 2011, the Canadian government banned the niqab in
citizenship ceremonies. Now women who wear full-face veils are required
to remove them while they swear their citizenship oath to Canada. This
paper examines the veiling debate in the media during the weeks
following the Canadian ban of the niqab during citizenship ceremonies.
Using Critical Discourse Analysis, I assess the dominant perspectives
contained in 80 Canadian newspaper articles and governmental news
releases focused upon the December announcement of the ban. I argue that
banning the niqab during citizenship ceremonies is detrimental to Muslim
women because those who wear the full-face veil may now be reluctant to
obtain citizenship. Moreover, based upon the Canadian Charter of Rights
and Freedoms, this event illustrates how Canada only incorporates
cultural practices perceived as congruent with mainstream expectations
of minority and immigrant integration.
Resume
Le 12 decembre 2011, le gouvernement canadien a interdit le port du
nigab pendant les ceremonies de citoyennete. Actuellement, les femmes
qui se voilent integralement le visage sont tenues de les enlever afin
de preter leur serment de citoyennete au Canada. Ce papier examine les
debats sur le port du voile dans les medias au cours des semaines qui
ont suivi l'interdiction du nigab pendant les ceremonies de
citoyennete. En utilisant l'analyse critique du discours,
j'evalue les perspectives dominantes contenues dans 80 articles de
journaux canadiens et les communiques de presses gouvernementales, axes
sur l'annonce de l'interdiction de decembre. Je postule que
l'interdiction du nigab lors des ceremonies de citoyennete est
prejudiciable aux femmes musulmanes, parce que celles qui portent le
voile integral pourraient devenir reticentes a l'obtention de la
citoyennete. En plus, selon la Charte canadienne des droits et libertes,
cet evenement illustre comment le Canada n'incorpore que les
cultures percues comment en harmonie avec les attentes courantes de la
minorite et l'integration des immigrants.
Introduction
Immigration to Canada involves a set of complex social processes,
and under ideal circumstances, Canadian society must adjust to
incorporate the cultural and linguistic practices of newcomers while
immigrants adapt to their new country (Biles, Burstein, and Aiken 2008;
Winnemore and Biles 2006). Canada promotes an official policy of
multiculturalism whereby immigrants and minority groups are encouraged
to maintain their "traditional" practices (Citizenship and
Immigration Canada 2011). Moreover, the Canadian Charter of Rights and
Freedoms protects the rights of individuals to continue their cultural
and religious practices. Contrary, however, to the policy of celebrating
diversity, on 12 December 2011 the Canadian government banned the niqab
(face veil) in citizenship ceremonies (CIC 2011). The new government
ruling now requires Muslim women who wear full-face veils to remove them
while they swear their oath to Canada. (1)
I argue that banning the niqah during citizenship ceremonies
illustrates how Canada is only willing to incorporate cultural practices
perceived as congruent with European-white mainstream expectations of
immigrant and minority integration. By prohibiting Muslim women from
wearing the niqab, the Canadian government marginalizes a population
that already faces discrimination in Canadian society. This ban may
discourage or prevent women who wear the niqab from obtaining
citizenship, and potentially excludes them from full participation in
Canadian society. Additionally, the ban infringes upon the religious and
personal freedom of minority groups to wear cultural and religious
symbols.
The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms protects religious
rights and freedom of choice. The Canadian Charter states,
"everyone has the following fundamental freedoms ... of conscience
and religion, of thought, belief, opinion and expression, including
freedom of the press and other media of communication; peaceful
assembly; and freedom of association" (Canada Act 1982). These
freedoms ensure that individuals can practice their religion, and have
the right to the equal protection and benefit of the law without
"discrimination based on race, national or ethnic origin, colour,
religion, sex, age, or mental or physical disability" (Canada Act
1982). The governmental prohibition against women wearing the niqab
during citizenship ceremonies is a breach of the Canadian Charter,
because if these women believe that wearing the niqab is a religious
requirement, the ban inhibits their personal and religious freedoms.
This analysis of media sources answers the question of what are the
prevailing themes surrounding the Canadian ban of the niqab during
citizenship ceremonies? Using critical discourse analysis, 1 examine
media and governmental statements surrounding the niqab ban. Media
analysis on this issue is appropriate because it provides insight into
why the Canadian government is able to target Muslim women with
prohibitive policies despite the relative inclusivity of Canada as a
society. Focusing upon mainstream media sources illustrates the
public's "common sense understandings" and dominant
positions on Islam, Muslim women, and veiling practices (Byng 2010,110;
Fleras 2011; Jiwani 2010a, 2010b). The mainstream media play a
significant role in "framing who we think we are, what we think
about, the nature of our experiences, how we relate to others, and how
they relate to us" (Fleras 2011, 2-3). I argue that the leading
themes in the media illustrate why there is a lack of resistance to
restrictions on veiling in citizenship ceremonies. It is also important
to determine if the mainstream media contains any counter discourses.
Muslim Women and the Mainstream Media
In Canada, the media does a poor job of "accurately portraying
women, racialized minorities, youth and the elderly, the working class,
and homosexuality" (Abu-Laban and Trimble 2010, 133-134; Fleras
2011, 3-4; Omar 2012, 26). This may involve portrayals of certain groups
as troublesome or even as a threat to social cohesion (Jiwani 2010a, 61;
Henry and Tator 2002,113,136). Rather than challenging the
"us" versus "them" binary, the mainstream media
reinforces these divisive perspectives. Thus, minority inclusion in the
Canadian media tends to be "erratic, shallow, and tokenistic"
(Bannerji 1993; Fleras 2011, 3-5; Jiwani 2010a, 61). Mainstream media
portrays veiled Muslim women in opposition to the values of liberalism,
feminism, and gender equality (Aly 2009,18; Byng 2010,110). The veil is
an "iconic sign of difference" between Islamic and Canadian
culture and symbolizes "the mute, passive, and oppressed Muslim
woman which is positioned as the opposite of the liberal and free
Western woman" (Jiwani 2010a, 66). In other words, focusing upon
the veiling practices of Muslim women as oppressive oversimplifies the
issue, and "others" these populations rather than spurring
meaningful discussions of women's rights. This context of media in
Canada is significant because it allows negative portrayals of Muslims
to persist, and exacerbates relations between Muslims and mainstream
Canadian society.
Methodology
Data Selection
The media sources utilized for this paper appeared in multiple
Canadian news providers, including top national circulations. I selected
stories published between 12 December 2011 and 31 December 2011 for
analysis because they directly followed the niqab ban announcement. I
retrieved media sources through multiple databases including Google news
search, Factiva, and the University of Alberta's Library Press
Display. The search terms included "niqab ban" in conjunction
with "Canadian citizenship ceremonies," "Jason
Kenney," and "face veil." These searches retrieved over
200 articles from the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), Toronto
Star, National Post, Vancouver Sun, Gazette, Globe and Mail, Ottawa
Citizen, Chronicle-Herald, Winnipeg Free Press, The Province, Huffington
Post, Canada.com, London Free Press, Reuters Canada, Sun News Network,
Edmonton Journal, and Calgary Herald. Article inclusion criteria ensured
that they were appropriate for the analysis, focused specifically on the
Canadian ban rather than restrictions in other nations, and from
Canadian publications. I examined all representations of media
publications including editorials, columns, and feature stories. In
addition to the broader search, I located specific press releases from
the Canadian government and interviews with the Minister of Citizenship,
Immigration and Multiculturalism, which represent the
"official" perspective of the government. Upon review, 80 of
the original sources were relevant to the topic of the niqab ban.
Research Questions
The primary research question guiding this analysis asks, what are
the dominant media discourses surrounding the December 2011 ban of the
niqab during Canadian citizenship ceremonies? Building from this
original question, I then asked how the sources portrayed the
perspectives of Muslim minorities? Are there any counter discourses
presented in the mainstream media, or are these perspectives
marginalized? These research questions determine if xenophobic
assumptions are implicit within the media, or if discourses challenge
stereotypical viewpoints. To answer these questions, I conducted a
detailed assessment of each media source by determining the author(s),
target audience, central themes, and if particular ideological positions
marginalized other viewpoints (Henry and Tator 2002, 72-74; Sampert and
Trimble 2010, 328-332). For example, when possible, 1 noted the gender
of the author(s), type of article, if they portrayed biased or multiple
positions on the niqab ban debate, and if they supported or rejected the
ban. Additionally, I was interested in the stakeholders most frequently
cited in the stories, and if the media valued certain voices over
others. Lastly, I examined the central themes that emerged during the
process of the analysis such as the niqab being contradictory to
Canadian values, the so-called promotion of gender equality,
expectations of immigrant integration, and human or religious
rights-based arguments.
Critical Discourse Analysis
Discourse analysis is an appropriate method to identify the common
sense understandings, relations of power, and meanings implied within
the texts examined (van Dijk 1988, 1991; Henry and Tator 2002, 72-76;
Jiwani 2004). Moreover, the critical interrogations of media discourses
expose how "the 'new' racism" masks itself in
justifiable ideologies, and, may become commonly accepted viewpoints in
a society (van Dijk 2000, 34-35). In addition to the research questions
posited for this analysis, I also examine if stories included the
perspectives of women who wear the tiiqab. I contend that the inclusion
of women who wear the niqab in the news is the primary requirement for
challenging commonly held misconceptions about women and Islam.
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is a theoretical and
methodological approach for examining structural relationships of power,
discrimination, and control present in language and discourses
(Blommaert and Bulcaen 2000, 447-449; van Dijk 1988, 1991; Henry and
Tator 2002). Three primary dimensions of this framework include the
discourse of text, discourse as a discursive practice, and discourse as
a social phenomenon (Blommaert and Bulcaen 2000,449; van Dijk 2000, 35).
CDA focuses critique on the relationship between discourse and social
structure to uncover patterns of inequality within systemic power
relations (Blommaert and Bulcaen 2000, 450; Henry and Tator 2002, 72).
Critical discourse analysis treats these relationships as problematic,
and goes beyond simply examining the discourses by analysing them with
the goal of "providing a voice for perspectives that are
marginalized, empowering the powerless, exposing abuses of power, and
mobilizing people to implement positive social change" (Blommaert
and Bulcaen 2000, 449-451). This conceptual approach illustrates how
negative media portrayals of niqab restrictions may reinforce unequal
power relations between mainstream Canadian society and Muslim minority
groups.
Media Analysis: Diversity Overshadowed by Privileged Voices
Although news reporters tend to frame themselves as reporting
current events objectively, implicit biases exist within the
presentation of media (Fleras 2011; Henry and Tator 2002; Jiwani 2010a,
2010b). Interestingly, published stories portrayed considerable
diversity. Table 1 categorizes the various positions in the media
sources related to the ban of the niqab.
Stories most frequently presented both sides of the debate
regarding the niqab ban at 35 percent of sources. These stories cited
people or groups in support of the ban, and appear to contest the norm
of negative representations of Muslim women. These "balanced"
media reports typically followed the same formula, leading off with
government statements and subsequently sections citing supporters and
opponents. Stories portraying proponents of the ban followed closely
behind with 33.75 percent of stories promoting the ban as necessary,
essential, and unproblematic. Twenty percent of stories overtly
challenged the ban as discriminatory and a breach of the rights and
religious freedom of Muslim women. A small proportion (11.25 percent) of
stories took no active position on the ban, and simply reported the
statements from Minister Kenney with no other viewpoints mentioned. The
diversity of opinions mentioned in the media obscure the absence of the
most important stakeholder, women who wear the niqab. Although media
publications and interviews portrayed diverse positions regarding the
ban of the niqab during citizenship ceremonies, it is essential to
determine if certain perspectives dominated others.
Reporters preferred to use statements from the Canadian government,
the Muslim Canadian Congress, and the Canadian Council on
American-Islamic Relations. (2) Table 2 portrays the proportion of media
stories that quoted statements from each stakeholder. Only four stories
(.05 percent) utilized public opinion polls about how the Canadian
population felt about banning the niqab. The majority (78.75 percent) of
publications and interviews focused upon the statements from Jason
Kenney, the Minister of Citizenship, Immigration, and Multiculturalism.
Although Muslim women are the primary stakeholders influenced by the ban
of the niqab during citizenship ceremonies, only twelve percent of the
stories actively interviewed Muslim women. Furthermore, only three
stories (3.75 percent) interviewed someone who actually wore the niqab,
and crucially, these stories all utilized the statements of one woman
(Smith 2011). The mainstream media, therefore, favoured official
discourses from Minister Kenney over the perspectives of Muslim
organizations (47.50 percent) and Muslim women themselves.
The Governmental Position
To segregate one group of Canadians or allow them to hide their
faces, to hide their identity from us precisely when they are joining
our community is contrary to Canada's commitment to openness and to
social cohesion. All I ask of new Canadians is that when you take the
oath you stand before your fellow citizens openly and on an equal
footing.
--The Honourable Jason Kenney, Minister of Citizenship,
Immigration, and Multiculturalism
Before examining the broader themes present in the Canadian media
regarding the niqab ban, I analyse the comments and statements from
Minister Kenney because he is the primary voice speaking for the
government, and his words represent the justification and reasoning
behind the ban itself. In the opening quotation, Minister Kenney framed
the ban as necessary for the protection of the values of openness and
social cohesion, and that the face veil is contrary to these ideals
because it allows a woman to hide her face and identity. Clearly,
justifications also relied upon gender equality, which implicitly
assumed that the niqab is oppressive for women. When a CBC interviewer
challenged Minister Kenney regarding a woman's right to choose to
wear the garments she pleases, especially as a matter of religious
requirement, he responded:
[W]hen Muslim women go on the Hajj--the Qur'anic obligatory
pilgrimage to Mecca and the Muslim holy sites, they are required to have
their face uncovered ... so the notion that this is some kind of
religious obligation to always be wearing the face covering is not true.
It's a cultural tradition which I think reflects a certain view
about women that we don't accept in Canada. We want women to be
full and equal members of Canadian society, and certainly, when
they're taking the citizenship oath that's a great place to
start. (Jason Kenney, CBC Interview, 2011)
The fact that women who go to Mecca must do so with their faces
uncovered, becomes evidence that Muslim women have no religious
obligation or desire to wear the niqab. This justification rests upon
protecting both "Canadian values" of openness, but also the
equality of the sexes. In another interview, Minister Kenney suggested
that wearing the niqab is a "tribal" custom rather than a
religious one (The Source 2011). The specific utilization of the word
"tribal" is significant because it carries with it an implied
meaning of inferiority, and that wearing the niqab is a marginalized and
backward custom that is unacceptable in Canada (Ahmed 1992, 151; Jiwani
2010b, 275-276). Minister Kenney implied that aspects of Islamic
cultures (the niqab) are primitive and must "progress" so that
these minority groups can fully "belong" in the country.
Minister Kenney also stated:
We're all coming together as Canadians at that moment of
citizenship, in a public ceremony and you know what, if you don't
like it, if you feel uncomfortable, well maybe you chose the wrong
country in the first place. [It is a] tribal custom that treats women as
property rather than people full of human dignity, this should not be
allowed in citizenship ceremonies. (The Source 2011)
This statement reiterated that the niqab is a practice that
oppresses women and is not welcome in Canada. Unfortunately, Minister
Kenney also stated that if uncovering made women uncomfortable, then
they chose the wrong country to reside in. Although gender equality is
an acceptable goal, the mechanism through which the Canadian government
has decided to promote gender equality is potentially counterproductive.
The media sources did contain the perspectives of Muslims groups, but
these views relied heavily upon polarized statements of two
organizations.
Adhering to Western Norms: Disagreement amongst Muslim Canadians
News articles overwhelmingly referenced two divergent opinions on
the niqab ban within the Canadian Muslim community. Disagreement amongst
Canada's Muslim community prompted headlines such as "Mixed
reaction over federal veil ban at citizenship event" and
"Burka ban at Canadian Citizenship ceremonies prompts debate
amongst Muslim groups" (Blatchford 2011; Ivens 2011). Disagreement
centred upon the notion of tension between adhering to the "western
values" of Canada, and the continuation of religious and/or
cultural practices of Islam such as wearing the niqab. Media portrayals
focus on the idea that certain norms exist in Canada, and limitations on
certain practices promote immigrant integration and protect Canadian
principles. The Muslim Canadian Congress strongly urged for additional
restrictions against the niqab while the Canadian Council on
American-Islamic Relations (CAIR-CAN) disagreed strongly with the ban.
The disagreement between these groups is an interesting result to the
question about how the media portrays the views of Muslim communities.
One of the common themes within the newspaper articles selected was
that Muslim women wearing the niqab represent a contradiction to the
values of Canadian society. In other words, Muslim women should fully
assimilate to the expected Euro-White-Canadian norm by discontinuing
their veiling practices. Similar to the comments from Minister Kenney,
the media reported statements from the Muslim Canadian Congress that
supported the ban:
It has been established, including by Muslim scholars, that the
niqab has no religious significance and that it's a cultural
phenomenon practised by Muslims in the Middle East, Pakistan and some
African states. The practice is being transplanted to Canada and other
western countries, where it is, frankly, out of place. Niqabs should be
banned in Canada, where people are expected to dress according to a
western code of conduct and attire. The same goes for honour killings,
which have no place in a modern society. (Ladha 2011)
The clear message in this statement is that wearing the niqab is a
practice that is not welcome in Canada. Many news articles made
reference to the fact that the niqab is not required by the Islamic
faith, but these perspectives do not take into account the experiences
of Muslim women who wear the niqab because they do feel it is a
religious obligation (Akhtar 2011, 150; Bullock 2003, 2011). The absence
of women who wear the niqab allows some politicians and reporters to
generalize that these "cultural practices" are contradictory
to Canadian values and society. The ban of the niqab during citizenship
ceremonies typifies the changing perception of immigration and diversity
characterized by the current Canadian government.
Often media accounts framed the ban on the niqab as a movement by
the Canadian government to "revamp the citizenship process" by
ensuring that new Canadians are proficient in Canada's official
languages, reducing "bogus refugees" and "enhancing
efforts to crack down on residency fraud" (Blatchford 2011; Selley
2011). These discourses represent the "coded language" that
Jiwani (2010a) identifies as inferential racism, and therefore, shows
how negative stereotypes of racialized minorities inform the media and
public perceptions of Muslim women. By framing the niqab ban within the
same context as these "problematic immigrants," the media is
reinforcing popular perceptions of veiled Muslim women as contradictory
to Canadian norms and values.
Promoting Gender Equality
A spokesperson for the Muslim Canadian Congress suggested that the
government should go a step further to "ban the niqab and burka
from all public places in Canada" because "women who wear the
veils are the victims of male chauvinism and brainwashing"
(Blatchford 2011). The choice of a woman to wear the niqab is an
unacceptable decision:
[S]etting aside the burka's cultural and religious baggage,
it's totally understandable that for many Canadians, the choice of
a fellow citizen to shut herself off from the most basic level of human
interaction lies beyond the boundaries of tolerance. (Selley 2011)
This quotation rejects the notion that a woman would freely choose
to "seclude herself" by wearing the veil, and that veiling as
a practice is inherently contradictory to the values of Canadian
society. This perspective assumes that Muslim women have agency only
insofar as they are resisting the "oppression" of their
religious traditions (Bullock 2011, 168; Korteweg 2012,321). Janice
Kennedy (2011), writing as a columnist with the Ottawa Citizen, also
reflected upon the misguided "choice" of some women to wear
the niqab:
The face veil is a powerful symbol of subjugation or, at best,
second-class status. It is an aggressive, overt denial of full
personhood. It really doesn't matter how its wearers feel about it.
Some Muslim women, including Canadian-born converts and young women
who have grown up here, have adopted the niqab in an earnest
embrace of traditionalism. They like how they feel in it they say.
So what? Their misguided attachment doesn't redeem what is
essentially irredeemable: a tangible public statement that women
are less than men.
Kennedy's commentary echoes that of Minister Kenney and other
proponents of the ban, and does not consider the choices, experiences
and feelings of women wearing the face veil. Veiling can be a powerful
form of resistance and liberation for Muslim women who see it as an
alternative to the produced norms of femininity and beauty in Western
cultures (Akhtar 2011, 150; Bullock 2011, 164; Shirazi and Mishra 2010).
The religious dimension of veiling is significant and deserves respect
because for many women it symbolizes their piety and adherence to
God's commandments (Bullock 2011, 168). This contradicts the
suggestion that veiling is not a religious and personal preference for
Muslim women. Although a smaller proportion of articles challenged the
niqab ban, there were examples of opposition to the policy.
Counter Discourse: Promoting Gender Equality by Limiting the
Religious Freedoms of Muslim Women?
Dominant voices in the media focused upon the niqab as a symbol of
gender oppression and a contradiction of Canadian values. Dissent
focused upon the lack of public debate and the potential impact of the
ban on other minority groups:
Indeed, where does the Conservative government get off by denying
otherwise qualified people citizenship without benefit of a debate in
Parliament and the appropriate legislation? It's one thing to
expect newcomers to speak English or French, to grasp something of our
history and to respect our laws. It's quite another to demand that
they pay obeisance to mainstream cultural preferences. Where could this
leave any minority? (Ernst 2011)
This statement illustrates a contradiction between Canada as an
"open, tolerant, [and] welcoming society" and the requirement
for niqab-wearing women to remove their veils in order to become
citizens (Ernst 2011). Only a minority of stories who included the
experiences of women themselves.
Although it was difficult to find representations of Muslim women
who wear the niqab in the mainstream media, one reporter spoke to a
woman who stated:
In our book, the Qur'an, there are verses that God has sent to
us that explain how we're supposed to dress. In these verses, the
hijab (or head scarf) is mandatory and that's what we all have to
wear. Some scholars have made further interpretations that, if you cover
your face, that would be better in the eyes of God. I've read both
sides and I made this decision on my own--not because I'm hiding
from anyone or because I'm oppressed, but because that's how I
feel comfortable and it makes me feel closer to my creator. (Smith 2011)
This woman made the choice to wear the niqab, and did so after
careful consideration of the perspectives regarding veiling within
Islam. Wearing the niqab is a crucial aspect of her religious expression
helps, and she feels more comfortable when she wears it. Despite this
particular example, mainstream media publications did not frequently
report the perspectives of women who wear the niqab.
The Council on American-Islamic Relations Canada (CAIR-CAN) opposed
the niqab ban. This group actively promotes what members believe to be a
more accurate understanding of Islam (CAIR-CAN 2011). In a 12 December
2011 press release, CAIR-CAN stated that:
If implemented, this decision will have a damaging effect on our
democracy because it forces those who wear the niqab to choose between
their religious convictions and adopting Canadian citizenship. It is
sadly ironic that at a time when the federal government is planning to
launch its Office of Religious Freedoms, those very freedoms would be
under attack here. (CAIR-CAN 2011)
CAIR-CAN focuses on representing the viewpoint that women who wear
the niqab choose to do so as an aspect of their religious and personal
freedoms. CAIR-CAN spokesperson Julia Williams stated:
In Canada we also have religious freedom which is enshrined in the
charter, and so long as she is not harming someone by her actions, she
should be allowed to dress as she sees fit. I can't think of
anything more damaging to women's equality and women's rights
than removing their freedom of choice. So I think it was an easy
political point to score and at the expense of a vulnerable group of
women. (Payton 2011)
The reference to the Canadian Charter is significant because these
women have the personal and religious right to dress in what they feel
comfortable wearing. Contrary to the opinion of Minister Kenney, if a
woman believes it is her religious obligation to wear the niqab, this
belief is sufficient to ensure the protection of her rights. In an
Ottawa radio broadcast, the CBC interviewed law professor Natasha Bakht,
who stated:
I think what Minister Kenney ought to know, the Supreme Court of
Canada has said that the test for religious belief is the
individual's sincere conviction and not whether or not a religious
leader or the religious community believes that something is in fact a
religious requirement. So the fact that a woman sincerely believes that
she needs to wear the niqab for religious reasons, that is enough in
Canada, as long as we have determined that she is speaking sincerely,
that is enough for her to say that this is in fact a religious belief,
and can garner legal protection as a result. So it's really
irrelevant to be saying that these are not the laws in Canada, and that
it is not a religious requirement. (CBC 2011)
In other words, the ban of the niqab during citizenship ceremonies
is a problematic policy because it contradicts the Canadian Charter of
Rights and Freedoms. By preventing women from wearing the niqab in
citizenship ceremonies, the Canadian government restricts their personal
and religious freedoms. Although Minister Kenney does not agree with
their decision to veil, he must respect their free choice because these
women potentially believe it is a religious obligation. Minister Kenney
also has a responsibility to understand how legislation affects the
population it targets.
The only other common reference to women who wear the niqab in the
analysed media sources was in relation to the CAIR-CAN statements.
CAIR-CAN discussed the concern for the rights and inclusion of an
unnamed woman who wore the niqab and was planning to swear her oath of
citizenship in the weeks following the ban (Payton 2011). CAIR-CAN
representatives stated that she was not sure if she should go through
with the ceremony after the ban. The experiences of this woman are
significant because this statement illustrates how the restriction on
the niqab might prevent women from obtaining citizenship. Future
research could determine if this policy inhibits niqab-wearing women
from becoming Canadian citizens.
CONCLUSION
The mainstream media play a significant role in constructing
perceptions of minorities, and these representations illustrate how
mainstream culture perceives minority groups. They also inform us about
how Canada perceives itself as a coherent entity (Jiwani 2010b, 271).
The Canadian government views the niqab as oppressive and contrary to
"Canadian" values. Overall, the media stories did portray both
supporters of the niqab ban and opponents who feel a ban is a
restriction on the rights and religious freedoms of Muslim women.
Unfortunately, these views homogenized Muslim women rather than
illustrating the diversity of their experiences and practices (Jiwani
2010a, 65; Korteweg 2012, 321). With few exceptions, the media sources
silenced women who wear the niqab by ignoring their perspectives in
their reporting. Often, the media framed the practice of wearing a niqab
as a threat to "the national imaginary of a tolerant and
multicultural nation" (Jiwani 2010a, 76). These viewpoints also
speak to the perception of Muslim minorities in Canadian society that
follow the logic that certain Islamic practices contradict Western
values.
State bans on veiling are an attack on the personal identities of
Muslim women who choose to wear the niqab (Bullock 2011, 168). A better
option would be for the state to educate the public, and its own
officials, about what veiling practices mean to women who wear the hijab
and niqab rather than creating legislation that prohibits these
practices (Bullock 2011, 176). Banning the niqab and other forms of
covering in the name of equality and freedom actually may contribute to
greater inequality for women (Gal-Or 2011, 315). By banning the niqab,
the Canadian government is sending a specific message to Muslim minority
groups, that if they do not abandon certain religious or cultural
practices and behave more like the mainstream norm, then they will not
be welcome in Canada.
Although the media homogenized the diverse experiences of Muslim
women, it included the varied viewpoints of the Canadian Muslim
community, but contained few insights from Muslim women who wear the
niqab. The lack of representations of women who wear the niqab might be
because they are a very small minority of the Muslim population in
Canada, but their absence in media discourses is significant because
they lack the opportunity to speak for themselves. The mainstream media
needs to improve upon their incorporation of minority groups in news
reporting to provide a balanced perspective on this issue. The
Multiculturalism Act requires that the Canadian media reflect the
diversity of cultures in the country (Karim 2010, 262). To avoid binary
or essentialist interpretations of minority groups, the mainstream media
must adequately incorporate the perspectives of these groups, and
specifically, those directly impacted by policy changes such as banning
the niqab in citizenship ceremonies.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to acknowledge my comprehensive exam committee, Dr.
Stephen Kent, Dr. Sourayan Mookerjea and Dr. Yasmeen Abu-Laban for their
support and helpful comments. Moreover, I would like to thank the
editors, anonymous reviewers, as well as my colleagues Jillian Paragg
and Katie McDonald for their assistance and support.
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NOTES
(1.) It is important to note that not all Muslim women wear the
niqab, especially in the Canadian context, but I nonetheless argue that
the Canadian media generalizes the diverse experiences of Muslim women,
and these negative portrayals of niqab-wearing women influence public
perception of all Muslim women. Therefore, I will occasionally use these
terms interchangeably.
(2.) Some regional newspapers and media organizations utilized
statements from other local Muslim organizations, but the Muslim
Canadian Congress and CAIR-CAN were the most frequently referenced
Muslim organizations in this analysis.
JASMINE THOMAS is a PhD candidate in Sociology at the University of
Alberta. Her dissertation research examines newcomer experiences with
settlement organizations and labour markets in second-tier Canadian
cities. Her broader research program takes a critical anti-racist
approach, focusing on the intersections between race, class, and gender
as well as broader issues of human rights.
TABLE 1. Positions on the Niqab Ban in Media Articles
Position Number Percentage
Support the ban 27 33.75
Reject the ban 16 20.00
Represent both sides 28 35.00
No Position 9 11.25
TOTAL 80 100.00
TABLE 2. Most Common Stakeholders Cited
Stakeholders Number of Articles Percentage
Jason Kenney 63 78.75
Muslim Organizations 38 47.50
Muslim Women 10 12.50
Cite Public Opinion (in support) 4 0.05
