Discrimination at work: comparing the experiences of foreign-trained and locally-trained Engineers in Canada.
George, Usha ; Chaze, Ferzana
Abstract
This paper reports on the findings of a study of the experiences of
discrimination faced by internationally-trained engineers in Canada.
Three hundred foreign-trained and two hundred locally-trained engineers
were surveyed in order to identify the relationship of race, language
proficiency, and location of training in finding work in the engineering
field. In addition to measuring whether the applicants found work in the
engineering field, this paper also sought to understand the perception
of discrimination of internationally-trained engineers. Our findings
demonstrate the relationship of race/ethnicity and its related
marker--foreign training--with both ability to secure work in the
engineering field and perceptions of discrimination. In the case of new
immigrants, location of training was found to be a significant predictor
of ability to find work in the engineering field, where locally-trained
engineers were far more likely to acquire a job in the engineering field
than foreign-trained engineers. Race/ethnicity was also found to be
significantly associated with getting an engineering job among the
locally-trained engineers.
Resume
Cet article presente un compte-rendu des resultats d'une etude
sur la discrimination que les ingenieurs formes a l'international
subissent au Canada. Trois cents de ces derniers et deux cents diplomes
au Canada ont participe a une enquete pour identifier la relation entre
la race, la competence linguistique et le lieu de formation d'une
part, et l'acces a l'emploi dans le genie d'autre part.
En plus d'evaluer les cas ou les candidats ont trouve un emploi
dans leur domaine de qualification, nous avons cherche a comprendre
comment ceux formes a l'international percoivent la discrimination.
Nos resultats montrent qu'il y a bel et bien une relation entre,
d'une part, race, ethnicite et ce qui les trahit--la formation a
l'etranger--et, d'autre part, la capacite de s'assurer un
emploi en tant qu'ingenieur, ainsi que ce qui est percu comme une
discrimination. Dans le cas des nouveaux immigrants, nous avons constate
a quel point la ou ils ont etudie permet de predire s'ils pourront
trouver du travail dans leur domaine du genie, quand des etudes au pays
donnent considerablement plus de chances d'en obtenir un que des
diplomes etrangers. L'evidence montre aussi que la race et
l'ethnicite jouent un grand role quand un ingenieur postule un
emploi en meme temps que d'autres qui ont recu leur formation au
Canada.
INTRODUCTION
The Supreme Court of Canada describes discrimination as an
intentional or non-intentional distinction based on the personal
characteristics of the individual or group that imposes some kind of
disadvantage or which limits access to some members of society.
Discrimination includes harassment, racial slurs or jokes pertaining to
race, colour or ethnic origin even if they are not specifically targeted
at an individual (Canadian Human Rights Commission 2010, 2).
Discrimination in employment includes lack of access to employment,
differential rewards and outcomes in the labour market, as well as
perceptions of discrimination (Banerjee 2008). Henry and Tator (2006)
view employment discrimination as a form of systemic discrimination that
is the result of seemingly value neutral and unbiased established
procedures for hiring, selection and promotion. A few authors
distinguish between discrimination at the pre-employment
stage--"access discrimination"; and discrimination in
treatment while on the job (Levitin et al. quoted in Forstenlechner and
Al-Waqfi 2010). Discrimination can be viewed from two
perspectives--objective and subjective (Naff 1995; Hopkins 1980;
Banerjee 2008). The objective fact of discrimination is one that is
observed by an impartial outsider according to predetermined criteria
while the subjective perception of discrimination is one that a person
experiences or perceives. Both perspectives "deal with the same
phenomenon from different points of reference" (Hopkins 1980, 131).
This paper discusses the findings of a study that compared the
experiences of internationally-trained and locally-trained engineers in
Canada to identify the roles of race/ethnicity and location of training
in finding work in the engineering field. The paper further explores the
specific relationship of ethnicity/race in perceptions of discrimination
at the current workplace. A key contribution of this study is the light
it sheds on the continued role of discrimination on account of race and
its associated markers in relation to employment. In doing so it
provides a more nuanced understanding of the discrimination faced by
immigrants (a large number of whom are visible minorities) and other
visible minorities in Canada.
EMPLOYMENT DISCRIMINATION FACED BY IMMIGRANTS TO CANADA
This paper is based on the understanding that the challenges faced
by many foreign-trained engineers to find work in line with their
education and training (Boyd and Schellenberg 2007; Ziestma 2010) is an
indicator of discrimination against these immigrants. Discriminatory
practices in relation to immigrant employment are not unique to Canada.
Immigrants are subject to similar practices in relation to employment in
the UK (Regmi and Naidoo 2009), USA (Hersch 2008), Switzerland (Lagana
2011), Germany (Forstenlechner and Al- Waqfi 2010), and Australia
(Shinnaoui and Narchal 2010). There is ample evidence in the literature
that speaks to the differential access of immigrants and visible
minorities to employment in Canada. Recent immigrants to Canada have
been found to have higher rates of unemployment than non-immigrants
regardless of region of birth (Gilmore 2008). Yet important differences
exist within these immigrant groups based on ethnicity/race. An analysis
of the 2006 Canadian census (Xue and Xu 2010) found that recent
immigrants--with the exception of persons from the Philippines, Hong
Kong, Poland and North America--tend to have lower rates of employment
compared to immigrants of non-European origin. Past research on
experiences in the labour market have highlighted the differential
economic outcomes for visible minorities and immigrants such as access
to employment (Oreopoulos 2009), and earning gaps (Pendakur and Pendakur
2011; Reitz 2001) between "similarly qualified visible minorities
and whites" (Banerjee 2008, 4) or between visible minority
immigrants and those of European descent (Baker and Benjamin quoted in
Banerjee 2008).
Barriers immigrants face in accessing jobs in their fields of
training and/or in achieving labour market success have been attributed
to their foreign credentials (Becklumb and Elgersma 2008; Li 2001; Krahn
et al. 2000; Alboim et al. 2005), language ability (CIC 2001), lack of
Canadian experience (Buzdugan and Halli 2009), and discrimination or
racism (Li 2001; Henry and Tator 2006). Each of these important barriers
is further discussed.
Foreign Credential Recognition
The devaluation of foreign degrees or the lack of credential
recognition is one of the most commonly cited reasons for differential
access and outcomes in the labour market (Becklumb and Elgersma 2008; Li
2001; Krahn et al. 2000; Albiom et al. 2005). Lack of uniformity in
educational systems and professional practices around the world make
assessments regarding the comparability of foreign degrees and
experience difficult. Over the years, professional bodies in Canada have
developed mechanisms to provide assessments of international
credentials. However, these services are not used by all immigrants
either due to lack of knowledge about the same, the lack of availability
of resources of time and money that these processes entail (George et
al. 2012a), or lack of access to the documents required for the
credentialing process (Krahn et al. 2000).
Foreign credentials can serve as a marker of difference as can be
seen in the Australian study by Shinnaoui and Narchal (2010). The
authors of the study found that foreign credentials can be used as an
ostensibly legitimate basis for discounting of the visible minority
applicant. Using Bourdieu's concepts of institutional cultural
capital and habitus, Girard and Bauder (2007) illustrate how the
credentials of foreign-trained engineers are devalued by credential
recognition bodies and how the credentialing process requires
foreign-trained professionals to fit in with the cultural norms of the
profession as they are practised in Canada (Girard and Bauder 2007).
Both studies suggest that the rejection or acceptance of foreign
credentials serve as proxies for acceptance or rejection of the
candidate based on their being "foreigners" or deviant from
the norm.
Canadian Work Experience
An important component of credential recognition is related to past
work experience. Immigrants to Canada find that their work experiences
outside of Canada are discounted. Lack of Canadian work experience is an
important factor determining entry to the labour market (Buzdugan and
Halli 2009). Applicants to jobs are required to show a track record of
having worked in the Canadian context. Liu (2007) suggests that this
requirement is considered proof that the applicant has the required
language skills and is capable of performing in a Canadian work
environment (10). The requirement of Canadian work experience is
considered unrealistic for newcomers (Aycan and Berry 1996).
Language Proficiency
The economic performance of immigrants has also been linked to
language proficiency (CIC 2001). Though immigrants are required to prove
their language proficiency while applying for immigration, language
proficiency remains contested in everyday interactions (Creese and
Kambere 2003). Language proficiency is a very subjective phenomenon and
immigrants with English language fluency might continue to be penalised
due to their accents. Munro (2003) informs us that an accent is seen by
employers as a marker of difference, and a proxy for foreign ancestry.
Foreign accents are considered to be undesirable and incompatible with
high status jobs. Creese and Kambere (2003) posit that a foreign accent
is a socially defined phenomenon with differential rewards for persons
with particular accents (e.g., British or American versus African).
Focus group participants in their study felt that their accents were
seen as implying limited English language skills even though they had
been settled in Canada for fairly long periods of time. Further, their
accents denied them entry into jobs that require speaking with the
public with a "Canadian" accent.
Discrimination and Racism
Contemporary understandings of race have shifted from previously
held biological understandings of physiological and intellectual
differences "to denote a conflation of class, religion, and
broad-based cultural and political concerns and definitions"
(Calliste and Sefa Dei 2000, 27). Racism (understood in this broad
sense) in society is changing from its more overt forms to more subtle
and covert forms, embedded in daily interactions of people (Li 2001a;
Dietch et al. 2003; Henry and Tator 2006). Accompanied by legal and
policy changes that discourage overt racism, individuals are not likely
to face overt discrimination at work. Dietch et al. (2003) suggest that
most studies on workplace discrimination do not take into account the
subtle forms of discrimination faced by stigmatized individuals, and
there is a need to widen the understanding of the term discrimination.
Discrimination on account of racism continues to be reported in relation
to research with internationally trained immigrant groups such as nurses
(Hagey et al. 2001) and teachers (Schmidt 2010). Studies have also noted
the differences in employment outcomes for visible minority persons in
Canada (Li 2000; Reitz 2001; Chui and Maheux 2011; Block 2010; Wong and
Wong 2006).
Racism is also intertwined with other dimensions of identity.
Li's (2001b) study of the 1996 census data sought to estimate the
market worth of immigrants' educational degrees relative to that of
native-born Canadians. He found that "joint negative effects of
immigrant status and foreign degree were most severe for visible
minority women and men and less so for white women and men" (32).
This led Li to summarize that "gender and racial characteristics of
holders of credentials cannot be separated from the credentials
themselves, since they produce complicated interaction effects" (Li
2001b, 33).
Not all discrimination needs be rooted in racism or even be
intentional. Systemic discrimination (Abella 1984) is measured more
through its impact than through intent and exists when practices in
society serve--either intentionally or not--to limit the chances and
potential of certain groups of persons to succeed. In the case of hiring
practices in Canada, the practice of relying heavily on professional
connections for references, for example, could be seen as discriminatory
for new immigrants who do not have access to such connections (George et
al. 2012a).
The Perception of Discrimination
The Ethnic and Diversity Survey in Canada (Statistics Canada 2003)
reported that 7% of Canadians said that they had experienced
discrimination in the past five years which they attributed to
ethno-cultural characteristics. Twenty percent of the visible minority
population reported discrimination sometimes or often in the past five
years related to their ethnicity, race, language, religion and accent.
Similarly, in examining the experiences of Chinese engineers in Canada,
Wong and Wong (2006) found that over 21 percent of their survey
respondents felt that they might have been denied opportunities for
promotion on account of ethnic or racial discrimination.
Naff (1995) defines subjective discrimination in the context of the
employment situation as "the perception that a work-irrelevant
criterion" "affects how one is treated or evaluated on the
job" (538). Perceptions of discrimination may not always coincide
with objective discrimination (Banerjee 2008). Moreover, persons might
be more willing to acknowledge discrimination against a group they
belong to rather than against themselves personally (Naff 1995; Dion and
Kawakimi 1996).
Recognising and labelling harassment and discrimination might not
be a straightforward process and might be influenced by gender, race and
citizenship status. Welsh et al.'s (2006) study of sexual
harassment provides a good example. The study conducted focus groups
with ethnically diverse women in Canada to understand how these women
defined sexual harassment. Their study found that white women's
understandings of sexual harassment matched legal understandings of what
it is to be sexually harassed. However, the understanding of the term
differed for visible minority groups. For black women in their study,
when the harassment was by black males it was seen in the context of
historical sexism in the community and when it was by non-black males it
was seen as something the women could handle. For Filipina domestic
workers the notion of harassment was complicated by their citizenship
status and race. The authors note that the visible minority women in
their study "do not see their harassment as being about race or
gender; rather, it is about how race and gender, along with citizenship,
intersect that defines their experiences" (103).
The literature provides us with many factors that might hinder the
naming of an experience as discrimination from the socio-psychological
perspective: the extent to which individuals are able to call to mind a
term like discrimination in the context of their lived experiences
(Hirsh and Lyons 2010); a sense of entitlement to equitable treatment
(Hirsh and Lyons 2010; Banerjee 2008); a tendency to prefer attributing
negative occurrences to personal failings so as to minimise
psychological harm to self (Ruggiero and Taylor 1997), and the tendency
to see one's situation and life in a positive light (Taylor and
Brown 1988). Matthews (2006) suggests that it is also important to
understand the impact of socio-political forces and stages in life
trajectories of the individual in order to get a full understanding of
possible barriers to perceiving discrimination.
The difficulties immigrants face in accessing work, and the
differential incomes earned by visible minority immigrants, in
particular, has implications for their earning potential and job
prospects in Canada, making them vulnerable to poverty (Fleury 2007).
Perceptions of employment discrimination have been known to impact the
health of the individual, sometimes several years after the
discrimination is reported (Pavalko et al. 2003). It has also been known
to lead to diminished job satisfaction and commitment, lower motivation
to strive for leadership positions, and lower organisational citizenship
(Ensher et al. 2001; Naff 1995).
METHODOLOGY
Sample
An online survey was conducted in collaboration with the Council
for the Access to the Profession of Engineering (CAPE) to identify the
profile and experiences of foreign-trained engineers in looking for and
finding suitable work in Canada. Foreign-trained engineers who had been
in Canada for 10 years or less were invited to participate in the study.
Immigrant settlement is a long term-process (CCR 1998) and a 10-year
eligibility criteria to participate in the research ensured that
immigrants who were relatively new to the country, yet had enough time
to enter their professional fields, were included. Three hundred
foreign-trained engineers participated in this survey. The online survey
was administered through a secure login system administered through the
CAPE website. As an objective of the study was to untangle the effects
of foreign education and visible minority status on finding employment,
a second survey was conducted with locally-trained engineers. Alumni of
the Faculty of Engineering, Architecture and Science at Ryerson
University who had graduated within the last ten years and who had
applied for licensing were invited to participate in a similar online
survey that was administered through Survey Monkey by the research team.
Keeping a 10-year period of graduation as the eligibility criteria was
to ensure a common ground to compare the experiences of the locally
trained engineers with those trained abroad. The alumni of Ryerson
University are representative of a very diverse population and so were
considered suitable for the study. Ease of access to the alumni database
by the principal investigator belonging to the same university was also
a deciding factor in selecting alumni from Ryerson University. Two
hundred and two locally-trained engineers participated in this online
survey.
The total sample size for the current study consisted of 457
engineers who provided data on whether or not they had secured a job in
engineering, 261 of whom were trained outside Canada (i.e.,
"foreign-trained") and 196 who were trained in Canada (i.e.,
"locally-trained").
Measures
Two distinct analyses were conducted. First, the study sought
information on whether the respondents obtained a job in the engineering
field. The second method was to assess the perceptions of racial and
ethnic discrimination using the Workplace Prejudice and Discrimination
Inventory (WPDI) (James et al. 1994). The WPDI is designed to measure
perceptions of prejudice and discrimination experiences on the job site,
primarily on account of race and ethnicity. The inventory contains 16
items reflecting global and specific common perceptions of prejudice/
discrimination at work. In keeping with the original inventory,
respondents were asked to indicate their level of agreement with each of
the items using a 7-point likert scale ranging from "disagree
completely" to "completely agree." The instrument has
previously been shown to be valid and reliable in diverse populations
(James et al. 1994). For the purpose of the current analysis, the total
score of the WPDI was used, with higher scores indicating more
discrimination. Only respondents who were currently working (in the
engineering field or otherwise) completed the WPDI and only those who
responded to at least 80% of the items received a total score. The
internal consistency of the full scale was found to be excellent for
both the foreign (Chronbach's alpha=.92) and locally-trained
(Chronbach's alpha=.92) sub-samples.
A number of socio-demographic variables related to discrimination
were focused on in the analyses, including location of training (i.e.,
foreign or local); race/ethnicity (i.e., White, Chinese, South Asian,
Black, other Asian, Latin American, Arab, or multiple background/other);
and religion (i.e., Muslim, Christian, no religion or other). Analyses
also included several employment-related variables, which had been shown
in previous research to be associated with getting an engineering job at
the p<.15 level (see George et al. 2012a). These variables included
the following: education level (i.e., Bachelor's degree or graduate
degree), age (20-29, 30-39 and [greater than or equal to] 40) and
gender. Engineering specialization was also included to examine whether
the type of specialisation had a role to play in securing work in the
engineering field.
ANALYSIS
First, focusing on ability to find engineering work in the full
sample, a logistic regression analysis was used to determine whether
location of training alone, and in combination with race and religion,
related to getting a job in the engineering field. A similar analysis
was also undertaken using multiple regressions to determine how the
latter factors related to the total score of the WPDI (on perceptions of
discrimination). Next, the analyses were stratified by location of
training to tease out whether race was related to both the ability to
secure work in the engineering field as well as perceptions of
discrimination. Logistic regression was used to analyze the relationship
between race and getting an engineering job, and multiple regression was
used to explore the relationship between race/ethnicity and the total
WPDI score, in the local and foreign samples separately. All analyses
controlled for the employment-related variables (i.e., engineering
specialization, education, age and gender). SPSS version 20 was used to
analyze the data.
RESULTS
Description of Sample
As shown in Table 1, the majority of participants in the full
sample were male (75.0%), had a Bachelor's degree (74.5%) and did
not currently have a job in the engineering field (54.7%). The largest
racial group were South Asians (38.0%), followed by Whites (22.0%) and
Chinese (16.0%). The mean score on the WPDI was 2.98. A larger
proportion of the foreign-trained had a graduate degree (p<.01)
compared to the locally-trained. On the other hand, more of those
trained in Canada were women (p<.05), White (p<.001), Christian or
non-religious (p<.001) and specialized in electrical engineering
(p<.01) compared to those trained abroad. The locally-trained were
also much younger (p<.001) and a greater proportion had secured a job
in the engineering field (61.2%) compared to the foreign-trained (33.3%;
p<.001). Finally, the locally-trained had a lower mean score on the
WPDI (mean=2.61) than those trained outside of Canada (mean=3.30;
p<.001).
Ability to Secure Work in the Engineering Field
The analysis of ability to secure work in the engineering field in
the full sample is presented in Table 2a. It can be seen in Model 1 that
the locally-trained had over five (OR=5.35) times the odds of getting an
engineering job compared to the foreign-trained, even when controlling
for the employment-related variables (i.e., engineering specialization,
education, age and gender). When race/ethnicity alone was added into the
analysis (Model 2), or in combination with religion (Model 3), the
relationship between location of training and the odds of getting an
engineering job was attenuated slightly; however, the relationship
remained strong and its magnitude stayed large 1 (Model 2: OR = 4.04;
Model 3; OR=4.19).
With respect to race/ethnicity, it can be seen that certain groups
had lower odds of getting work in an engineering field, compared to
Whites. In particular, the findings from Model 3 suggest that South
Asians, Latin Americans and those from multiple or unknown
"other" backgrounds had significantly lower odds of getting an
engineering job, even after controlling for location of training,
religion and the other employment-related variables, such as education
level. This finding will be explored further in the stratified analyses
presented below. It is worth noting that of the employment-related
control variables, only education was significantly associated with the
odds of securing an engineering job across the models. In the
fully-adjusted model (3), higher-educated engineers had over two times
the odds of getting an engineering job (OR=2.38), independent of
location of training, race/ethnicity, religion and the other control
variables.
Perceptions of Discrimination
Table 2b reveals that location of training was also significantly
associated with perceptions of discrimination. That is, engineers
trained outside of Canada had higher total scores on the WPDI than those
trained locally. Indeed, this finding remained consistent, even when
controlling for race/ethnicity, religion and the employment-related
variables (p<.01). Belonging to a certain race/ethnicity did not seem
to predict perception of discrimination. However, it is important to
note that the WPDI measured discrimination mainly on the basis of
race/ethnicity. Inspection of the change in R2 between Models 1 and 2
confirms that the model with race/ethnicity only accounted for an
additional 1% of the total variation in WPDI scores. Moreover, while
education was associated with the total score on the WPDI, the
relationship went in the opposite direction as expected. In particular,
it was found that engineers with higher education had significantly
higher scores on the WPDI than engineers with a Bachelor's degree
only (p <.05).
Stratified Analysis--Ability to Find Work in the Engineering Field
The stratified analysis of ability to find work in the engineering
field presented in Table 3a shows that race/ethnicity is significantly
associated with getting an engineering job among the locally-trained,
but not among the foreign-trained. In the locally-trained sample, South
Asians (OR=.13) and "other" racial groups (OR=.21) have
significantly lower odds of securing work in the engineering field
compared to Whites. Post-hoc analysis demonstrated that locally-trained
South Asians also have significantly lower odds of getting an
engineering job compared to the Chinese, even when controlling for the
employment-related variables (data not shown). Table 3a reveals that
higher education is significantly associated with the increased odds of
securing engineering work in both the foreign and local samples.
Stratified Analysis--Perceptions of Discrimination
Table 3b presents the stratified analysis of perception of
discrimination. It can be seen that, while race/ethnicity was moderately
associated with total WPDI score among the foreign-trained, no
relationship existed among the locally-trained. That is, Chinese, South
Asians and "other" racial groups had moderately higher scores
on the WPDI compared to Whites among the engineers trained abroad
(p<.10); however, the scores did not vary by race/ethnicity in the
locally-trained sample.
SUMMARY
Overall, these findings suggest that location of training is
strongly associated with both getting a job in an engineering field, and
with perceptions of discrimination. Some racial groups are less likely
to secure an engineering job than whites; however, our stratified
analyses demonstrated that the effect race/ethnicity has on
discrimination varied according to location of training and the measure
of discrimination. That is, while race/ethnicity was related to ability
to secure employment in the engineering field in the locally-trained
sample (i.e., South Asians had lower odds of getting engineering work
than Whites or the Chinese), it was not in the foreign-trained sample.
In contrast, race/ethnicity was moderately related to perceptions of
discrimination in the foreign-trained sample (i.e., Chinese, South
Asians and "other" racial groups had lower WPDI scores), but
it was not in the locally-trained sample. It is worth noting that a
relationship between education and discrimination was also found in many
of the analyses; however, while higher education was associated with
increased odds of getting an engineering job, it was associated with
greater perceived experiences of discrimination.
DISCUSSION
Two limitations of the study are the cross sectional design and
that the respondents self-selected to participate in the study which
does not allow for generalization of the findings to the wider
population. It is also possible that the non-random sample led to an
over-representation of those who felt discriminated against in the
Canadian job market.
Our analysis demonstrates the relationship of race/ethnicity and
its related markers--foreign-training--with both ability to secure work
in the engineering field and perceptions of discrimination. In the case
of new immigrants, location of training proved to be a significant
predictor of ability to secure work, where locally-trained engineers
were far more likely to acquire a job in the engineering field than
foreign-trained engineers. This finding is not surprising and confirms
findings of other studies on the difficulties faced by immigrants in
relation to access to employment in Canada (Boyd and Schellenberg 2007;
Ziestma 2010). Past studies have attributed the lack of access to the
job market faced by immigrants to discrimination on account of foreign
credentials (Becklumb and Elgersma 2008; Li 2001; Krahn et al. 2000;
Albiom et al. 2005), language ability (CIC 2001), and lack of Canadian
experience (Buzdugan and Halli 2009). It has also been argued that the
employment discrimination on account of location of training faced by
immigrants could be a form of racism (Henry and Tator 2006; Reitz 2005).
It is possible that location of training is then a signifier for other
cultural and racial markers on the basis of which the discrimination is
occurring covertly. Esses et al. (2007) found that the discrimination
faced by visible minority immigrants is specific to their visible
minority status. Their research on the role of prejudice in discounting
immigrant job applicants led them to conclude that "the fact that
the individual had foreign qualifications made the situation more
ambiguous and provided a reason for devaluing them" and that
"it was easy to judge the black applicant as unsuitable for the
position without appearing prejudiced" (116) on the account of
foreign credentials.
Race/ethnicity also mattered for the locally-trained engineers
looking for engineering jobs (i.e., South Asians are less likely to get
engineering work than other racial groups). Other studies have reported
on the differences within ethnic groups in relation to labour market
outcomes. Pendakur and Pendakur (2011) analysed income disparities among
Canadian-born visible minorities over three census years and found
larger labour market disadvantage for South Asian and Black males
compared to Chinese males. Differences have also been found among the
labour market rates, participation rates and underemployment rates of
different ethnic groups in Canada. The unemployment rates of Arabs and
Blacks were found to be the highest among all ethnic groups in the 2006
Canadian Census (Statistics Canada 2011). In their study of Chinese
engineers, Wong and Wong (2006) analysed the 2001 Canadian census data
to compare the earnings of different ethnic groups and found the mean
earnings of Chinese, East Indians, Filipinos and Arabs to be much lower
than the mean earnings of the country despite having higher than average
years of schooling and university completion. Discrimination on account
of racism is one explanation for these unequal outcomes for racialised
groups.
Lack of social networks was perceived to be a hurdle in the career
advancement of Chinese Canadian engineers in Canada (Wong and Wong
2006). It is likely that many locally-trained engineers from
newly-arrived visible minority groups do not have access to networks of
social capital within their professions that will support them in
finding suitable employment. It is likely that the parents of these
locally-trained visible minority engineers too faced similar hurdles as
the immigrant engineers in our study in securing employment within their
professions, and have not been in a position to pass on the required
social capital to their children (Yan et al. 2008). Hiring practices
that place high importance on local referrals put newcomers who might
not have such networks at a disadvantage.
Clear differences were found in the perceptions of discrimination
between locally- and foreign-trained engineers in our study.
Foreign-trained engineers were more likely to perceive themselves as
experiencing discrimination on the job compared to locally-trained
engineers. Ironically, visible minority locally-trained engineers who
had more difficulty accessing the job market did not view themselves as
victims of discrimination. The literature has some explanations that we
can draw on. Matthews (2006) informs us that it is a human tendency not
to view something as discriminatory. Seen through the lens of
intersectionality (Calliste and Dei 2000; Stasiulis 1999),
internationally-trained immigrants view their situation through a
location at the intersection of multiple disadvantages (race/ethnicity,
foreign education, foreign training), while locally-trained engineers do
not. It is also likely that the rhetoric of multiculturalism and the
perception of sense of equality in Canadian society that locally-trained
engineers have probably internalised during their schooling are also
possible reasons to not view themselves as victims of discrimination.
Malhi and Boon (2007) suggest that the discursive strategies utilised by
dominant groups to deny and erase racism are also internalised and used
by racialised groups who used various strategies--such as attributing
negative experiences to cultural miscommunication--to "manage"
the racism. Like the participants in Malhi and Boon's study, it is
likely that locally-trained immigrants in our study aligned with the
dominant discourses in Canadian society even when it contradicted their
own lived experiences.
CONCLUSION: IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY AND PRACTICE
The difficulties immigrant professionals face in finding suitable
jobs in Canada have been found to affect their health and well-being
(Este and Tachble 2009; Asanin-Dean and Wilson 2009) and related to an
overall feeling of dissatisfaction with life in Canada (George et al.
2012b). The literature has noted that perceptions of discrimination can
have very real effects on the health as well as the job performance of
the persons perceiving discrimination (Pavalko et al. 2003; Ensher et
al. 2001; Naff 1995). There is also a potential for economic loss to
Canada if these immigrants decide to leave the country to return to
their own countries or to other countries that are eager to utilise
their skills (Ho 2010; Reitz 2001).
Hiring practices in Canada rely heavily on professional references
and discriminate against both newcomers to the country and visible
minority graduates from Canadian universities who might not have the
professional networks to provide such references. Mechanisms such as
relevant and meaningful internships and professional mentorship programs
are recommended to allow for referral relationships to be built where
none exist. The authors of this paper reiterate the urgent need to
address the barriers facing immigrants searching for employment in
Canada.
Universities need to be aware of the disadvantage faced by their
visible minority students in securing employment and need to help them
prepare for the challenge of securing employment in the relevant field
by emphasizing ways in which these young professionals can build
professional social networks for themselves in order to further their
careers. There is also a need to monitor closely the labour market
outcomes of successive generations of all populations, and more so for
visible minority immigrants at a national level.
Race/ethnicity was found to be a significant predictor of
employment for locally-trained respondents and was a possible marker for
foreign training which in turn predicted limited access to employment
for internationally-trained respondents. Race and ethnicity also had a
role to play in perceiving discrimination. The idea that racism in
Canadian society exists in a nuanced and covert fashion is not new.
Despite numerous policy interventions and practices in the public and
private sector, Canada has not managed to eradicate the experiences of
discrimination against visible minorities. More intense deliberations
and concerted efforts are required to address this at a systemic level.
This paper has discussed the ability to find work in the
engineering field and perceptions of discrimination among a cross
section of locally-trained and foreign-trained engineers in Canada. The
findings from this study highlight the role of subtle and continued
discrimination based on race/ethnicity in the labour market.
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NOTES
(1.) Language, an important component of ability to find work, was
not included in the model as over 90% of the internationally trained
engineers reported that they spoke English either very well or well.
However, interviews conducted as part of the larger study from which
this paper draws from led the researchers to believe that self-reporting
of language ability might not be a reliable indicator of actual ability
as some of the interview participants who were not able to communicate
in English did not perceive language to be a barrier while others who
spoke English fluently did not feel confident of their language
abilities.
USHA GEORGE, PhD, is Dean at the Faculty of Community Services,
Ryerson University, and the Principal Investigator for the SSHRC funded
research that informed the paper submitted to Canadian Ethnic Studies.
The focus of Usha's scholarship, teaching and creative professional
activity has been in the area of social work with diverse communities.
Her research focuses on three areas: social development; newcomer
settlement and integration; and diversity and organizational change.
FERZANA CHAZE, MSW, is a PhD candidate at the School of Social
Work, York University, and worked as the Research Coordinator for the
study. She is deeply interested in the settlement and integration
experiences of immigrants, particularly of visible minority newcomers to
Canada. Ferzana's thesis focuses on the manner in which the
settlement experiences of newcomer South Asian women impacts their
parenting.
TABLE 1. Description of the Foreign-Trained, Local-Trained and Full
Samples of Engineers ([dagger])
Foreign-trained Locally-trained
sample (n=261) sample (n=196)
Age
20-29 21 (8.3%) 111 (67.3%)
30-39 114 (45.2%) 43 (26.1%)
[greater than or equal to]40 117 (46.4%) 11 (6.7%)
Race
White 27 (10.8%) 69 (36.9%)
Chinese 37 (14.8%) 33 (17.6%)
South Asian 119 (47.6%) 47 (25.1%)
Black 10 (4.0%) 4 (2.1%)
Other Asian 21 (8.4%) 11 (5.9%)
Latin American 15 (6.0%) 4 (2.1%)
Arab 11 (4.4%) 6 (3.2%)
Multiple backgrounds/other 10 (4.0%) 13 (7.0%)
Gender
Female 54 (20.8%) 60 (30.6%)
Male 206 (79.2%) 136 (69.4%)
Religion
Muslim 68 (27.6%) 26 (14.2%)
Christian 52 (21.2%) 70 (38.3%)
No religion 47(19.1%) 64 (35.0%)
Other 79 (32.1%) 23 (12.6%)
Education Level
Bachelors Degree 176 (69.3%) 157 (81.3%)
Masters/PhD 78 (30.7%) 36 (18.7%)
Engineering Specialization
Electrical 35 (13.8%) 49 (25.0%)
Mechanical 56 (22.0%) 32 (16.3%)
Other 163 (64.2%) 115 (58.7%)
Current job in Engineering Field
Yes 87 (33.3%) 120 (61.2%)
No 174 (66.7%) 76 (38.8%)
Total WPDI score ([phi]) (n=186) (n=163)
Mean (S.D.) 3.30 (1.32) 2.61 (1.22)
Full sample p-value
(n=457) ([double
dagger])
Age
20-29 132 (31.7%) <.001
30-39 157 (37.6%)
[greater than or equal to]40 128 (30.7%)
Race
White 96 (22.0%)
Chinese 70 (16.0%) <.001
South Asian 166 (38.0%)
Black 14 (3.2%)
Other Asian 32 (7.3%)
Latin American 19 (4.3%)
Arab 17 (3.9%)
Multiple backgrounds/other 23 (5.3%)
Gender
Female 114 (25.0%) <.05
Male 342 (75.0%)
Religion
Muslim 94 (21.9%)
Christian 122 (28.4%) <.001
No religion 111 (25.9%)
Other 102 (23.8%)
Education Level
Bachelors Degree 333 (74.5%) <.01
Masters/PhD 114 (25.5%)
Engineering Specialization
Electrical 84 (18.7%) <.01
Mechanical 88 (19.6%)
Other 278 (61.8%)
Current job in Engineering Field
Yes 207 (45.3%) <.001
No 250 (54.7%)
Total WPDI score ([phi]) (n=349) <.001
Mean (S.D.) 2.98 (1.32)
([dagger]) Only includes respondents with complete data on current job
([double dagger]) p-value derived comparing foreign-and locally-
trained samples using chi-square test for categorical variables and t-
test for continuous variables
([phi]) only currently-employed respondent and who answered at least
80% of the items received a total score
WPDI = Workplace Prejudice and Discrimination Inventory
S.D. = Standard Deviation
TABLE 2A. Odds Ratio of Getting a Job in an Engineering Field by Race
and Location of Training (n=372) ([dagger])([dagger])
Model 1 Model 2
O.R. (95% C.I.) O.R. (95% C.I.)
Variables of Interest
Location of training
Local 5.35 (2.86, 10.01) 4.04 (2.09, 7.79)
Foreign 1.00 (ref) 1.00 (ref)
Race/ethnicity
White 1.00 (ref)
Chinese 0.46 (0.22, 0.95)
South Asian 0.29 (0.15, 0.56)
Black 0.37 (0.09, 1.48)
Other Asian -- 0.49 (0.19, 1.27)
Latin American 0.17 (0.04, 0.83)
Arab 0.28 (0.08, 0.95)
Multiple backgrounds/ 0.22 (0.07, 0.68)
other
Religion
Muslim
Christian -- --
No religion
Other
Control variables
Specialization
Electrical 1.00 (ref) 1.00 (ref)
Mechanical 2.10(1.01, 4.35) 2.02 (0.95, 4.33)
Other 0.92 (0.50, 1.69) 0.84 (0.44, 1.57)
Education
Bachelors 1.00 (ref) 1.00 (ref)
Masters/Phd 2.32 (1.35,4.00) 2.31(1.33,4.03)
Age
20-29 0.75 (0.34, 1.58) 0.73 (0.34, 1.57)
30-39 0.82 (0.47, 1.44) 0.74 (0.41, 1.32)
40 and older 1.00 (ref) 1.00 (ref)
Gender
Female 1.72 (0.99, 2.99) 1.62 (0.91, 2.88)
Male 1.00 (ref) 1.00 (ref)
Nagelkerke R Square .19 .24
-2 log likelihood 455.86 436.97
Model 3
O.R. (95% C.I.)
Variables of Interest
Location of training
Local 4.19(2.14, 8.18)
Foreign 1.00 (ref)
Race/ethnicity
White 1.00 (ref)
Chinese 0.47 (0.21, 1.06)
South Asian 0.35 (0.16, 0.79)
Black 0.38 (0.09, 1.57)
Other Asian 0.64 (0.23, 1.77)
Latin American 0.17 (0.04, 0.80)
Arab 0.50 (0.13,2.00)
Multiple backgrounds/ 0.23 (0.07, 0.74)
other
Religion
Muslim 1.00 (ref)
Christian 2.19 (0.96, 5.00)
No religion 1.91 (0.79, 4.64)
Other 2.08 (0.97, 4.46)
Control variables
Specialization
Electrical 1.00 (ref)
Mechanical 2.09 (0.96, 4.50)
Other 0.83 (0.44, 1.57)
Education
Bachelors 1.00 (ref)
Masters/Phd 2.38 (1.36, 4.17)
Age
20-29 0.67 (0.31, 1.46)
30-39 0.69 (0.38, 1.26)
40 and older
Gender
Female 1.57 (0.87, 2.80)
Male 1.00 (ref)
Nagelkerke R Square .26
-2 log likelihood 432.09
([dagger]) Only includes respondents with full data on current
employment
TABLE 2B. Unstandardized Coefficients for Regression of the Total
Score of Workplace Prejudice and Discrimination Scale on Location of
Training, Race and Religion (n=286) ([dagger])([double dagger])
Model 1 Model 2
b (S.E.) b (S.E.)
Variables of Interest
Location of training (ref=local)
Foreign 0.55 (0.21) (b) 0.58 (0.22) (b)
Race/ethnicity (ref=white)
Chinese 0.06 (0.24)
South Asian -0.06 (0.19)
Black -0.03 (0.52)
Other Asian -0.38 (0.34)
Latin American -- 0.20 (0.46)
Arab 0.56 (0.44)
Multiple backgrounds/Other 0.05 (0.38)
Religion (ref = Muslim)
Christian
No religion -- --
Other
Control variables
Engineering Specialization
(ref=electrical)
Mechanical -0.19 (0.25) -0.16 (0.25)
Other -0.14 (0.20) -0.13 (0.21)
Education (ref = bachelors)
Masters/Phd 0.32 (0.18) 0.37(0.18) (c)
Age (ref = 20-29)
30-39 -0.03 (0.22) -0.06 (0.22)
40 and older 0.32 (0.25) 0.25 (0.26)
Gender (ref = male)
Female -0.02 (0.19) -0.05 (0.19)
[R.sup.2] .10 (b) .11
Model 3
b (S.E.)
Variables of Interest
Location of training (ref=local)
Foreign 0.57 (0.22) (b)
Race/ethnicity (ref=white)
Chinese 0.26 (0.27)
South Asian -0.09 (0.26)
Black -0.11(0.53)
Other Asian -0.39 (0.36)
Latin American 0.27 (0.46)
Arab 0.50(0.48)
Multiple backgrounds/Other 0.07 (0.38)
Religion (ref = Muslim)
Christian 0.03 (0.28)
No religion -0.35 (0.30)
Other -0.05 (0.25)
Control variables
Engineering Specialization
(ref=electrical)
Mechanical -0.14 (0.25)
Other -0.11 (0.21)
Education (ref = bachelors)
Masters/Phd 0.39 (0.18) (c)
Age (ref = 20-29)
30-39 -0.08 (0.22)
40 and older 0.18 (0.26)
Gender (ref = male)
Female -0.06 (0.19)
[R.sup.2] .12
([dagger]) Scored on a 7-point likert scale. Higher scores indicate
greater discrimination
([double dagger]) Only includes respondents who were currently
employed (in the engineering field or not)
(ap) < .001
(bp) <.01
(cp) <.05
TABLE 3A. Odds Ratio of Getting a Job in an Engineering Field by Race
among Foreign-and Locally-Trained Engineers (n=235) ([dagger])
Foreign-Trained
Model 1 Model 2
O.R. (95% C.I.) O.R. (95% C.I.)
Variable of Interest
Race/ethnicity
White 1.00 (ref) 1.00 (ref)
Chinese 0.38 (0.13,1.12) 0.48 (0.15,1.52)
South Asian 0.49 (0.20,1.19) 0.51 (0.20, 1.33)
Other 0.44 (0.17,1.13) 0.52 (0.19, 1.39)
Control variables
Engineering specialization
Electrical -- 2.28 (0.82, 6.32)
Mechanical 0.93 (0.37, 2.31)
Other 1.00 (ref)
Education
Bachelors -- 1.00 (ref)
Masters/Phd 1.93 (1.03, 3.63)
Age
20-29 -- 0.36 (0.90,1.35)
30-39 0.60 (0.33,1.10)
40 and older 1.00 (ref)
Gender
Female -- 1.58 (0.72, 4.46)
Male 1.00 (ref)
Nagelkerke R Square .02 .10
-2 log likelihood 289.05 275.78
Locally-Trained
Model 1 Model 2
O.R. (95% C.I.) O.R. (95% C.I.)
Variable of Interest
Race/ethnicity
White 1.00 (ref) 1.00 (ref)
Chinese 0.62 (0.23, 1.67) 0.60 (0.21, 1.72)
South Asian 0.18 (0.07, 0.44) 0.13 (0.05, 0.35)
Other 0.28 (0.11, 0.71) 0.21 (0.07, 0.62)
Control variables
Engineering specialization
Electrical 1.08 (0.32, 3.72)
Mechanical -- 0.61 (0.24,1.53)
Other 1.00 (ref)
Education
Bachelors -- 1.00 (ref)
Masters/Phd 4.88(1.52,15.65)
Age
20-29 3.09 (0.67,14.37)
30-39 -- 2.12 (0.40,11.19)
40 and older 1.00 (ref)
Gender
Female -- 1.12 (0.50, 2.54)
Male 1.00 (ref)
Nagelkerke R Square 0.15 0.24
-2 log likelihood 188.35 176.58
([dagger]) Only includes respondents with full data on current
employment
TABLE 3B. Unstandardized Coefficients for Regression of the Total
Score of Workplace Prejudice and Discrimination Inventory on Race
Among Foreign-and Locally-Trained Engineers ([dagger][double dagger])
Foreign-Trained (n=169)
Model 1 Model 2
b (S.E.) b (S.E.)
Variables of Interest
Racial/ethnicity (ref=white)
Chinese 0.46 (0.39) 0.75 (0.41) (d)
South Asian 0.42 (0.34) 0.57 (0.34) (d)
Other 0.50 (0.37) 0.66 (0.38) (d)
Demographics
Engineering Specialization
(ref=electrical)
Mechanical 0.14 (0.35)
Other 0.20 (0.30)
Education (ref=Bachelors) --
Masters/Ph.D. 0.34 (0.23)
Age (ref=20-29)
30-39 0.34 (0.45)
[greater than or equal to] 40 0.77 (0.45)d
Gender (ref=male)
Female -0.07 (0.29)
[R.sup.2] .01 .07
Locally-Trained (n=128)
Model 1 Model 2
b (S.E.) b (S.E.)
Variables of Interest
Racial/ethnicity (ref=white)
Chinese -0.17 (0.30) -0.24 (0.31)
South Asian -0.10 (0.27) -0.31 (0.29)
Other -0.29 (0.30) -0.53 (0.33)
Demographics
Engineering Specialization
(ref=electrical)
Mechanical -0.40 (0.36)
Other -0.40 (0.26)
Education (ref=Bachelors) --
Masters/Ph.D. 0.56 (0.30)d
Age (ref=20-29)
30-39 -0.19 (0.27)
[greater than or equal to] 40 0.03 (0.42)
Gender (ref=male)
Female 0.06 (0.24)
[R.sup.2] .01 .05
([dagger]) Scored on a 7-point likert scale. Higher scores indicate
greater discrimination
([double dagger]) Only includes respondents who were currently
employed (in engineering field or not)
(ap) <.001
(bp) <.01
(cp) <.05
(dp) <.10
