Competing analytical paradigms in the sociological study of racism in Canada.

Hier, Sean P. ; Walby, Kevin

ABSTRACT/RESUME:

Whereas many scholars continue to offer studies that lay claim to the pervasiveness of "institutional" or "systemic" racism in Canada, a growing body of evidence contests the extent to which the categories of race and/or ethnicity function as categorical determinants of the inequitable distribution of services and resources in Canada. We seek to bring greater clarity to these competing claims by demonstrating how different analytical assumptions in sociological research produce inconsistent knowledge about racism in the country. We enact two ideal-typical folk paradigms to problematize the decoupling of "reductive" and "essentializing" research interventions. We do not attempt to render a verdict on "how much" racism exists, but rather to develop one set of explanations to account for cleavage in the sociological study of racism in Canada. We conclude by encouraging a critically reflexive research agenda able to account for the multidimensional realities of racism in Canada.

Bien que beaucoup de chercheurs continuent a offrir des recherches declarant que le racisme de l'institution ou du systeme se trouve partout au Canada, de plus en plus l'evidence se dispute dans quelle mesure servent les categories raciales ou ethniques de fixer la distribution injuste des services et des ressources au Canada. Nous cherchons a eclaircir ces demandes qui concourent en montrant comment des suppositions analytiques differentes dans les recherches sociologiques produisent du savoir inconsistant sur le racisme au Canada. Nous mobilisons deux paradigmes folkloriques ideals-typiques afin de problematiser le decouplage des recherches qui diminuent et qui essentiellisent. L'article ne tente pas a determiner la quantite de racisme, mais il developpe une serie d'explications afin d'expliquer cette division dans les recherches sociologiques du racisme au Canada. Nous finissons en encourageant un programme de recherche critique qui peut expliquer les realites multidimensionnelles au Canada.

 In spite of the historical and contemporary evidence of racism as a
 pervasive and intractable reality in Canada ... citizens and
 institutions function in a state of collective denial ... [i]n
 recent years, racism has received increased attention. Racial
 unrest in Vancouver, Toronto, Montreal, and Halifax and demands of
 racial minority communities for greater participation in Canadian
 society have become difficult to ignore.

 Henry, Tator, Mattis, and Rees 2002, 1-2

 Canada remains one of the most desirable countries of immigration
 for most of the poorer and conflict-ridden countries. The largest
 Canadian cities have become functioning and tolerant multiethnic
 communities, the envy of most urban areas elsewhere. Canadian
 institutions and laws reflect an inclusiveness that appeared utopian
 half a century ago. This is not to suggest that Canadian society is
 free of problems.... But in spite of the problems, Canada is a
 success story.

 Levitt 1997, 47

THE PROBLEM

In the final installment of his trilogy on punishment and control in modern societies, David Garland (2001) draws from Michel Foucault to argue that if critical theory is to be taken seriously, it will have to first engage with things as they actually are. In the sociological study of racism in Canada, how things "actually are" is a contentious matter. Analyses concerned with racism have diverged into two discernible, albeit oversimplified, directions. On the one hand, many sociologists continue to offer studies that lay claim to the pervasiveness of "institutional" or "systemic" racism, invoking a standard set of concomitant assumptions pertaining to the totality of ethno-racial exclusions, restrictions, and material inequities. On the other hand, a growing body of evidence contests the extent to which systemic barriers restrict the full and equal institutional participation of all members of all ethno-racial minority groups in Canada.

We seek to stimulate critical dialogue on sociological analyses of racism in Canada by enacting two ideal-typical folk paradigms to assess the extent to which the categories of race and/or ethnicity function as categorical determinants of the inequitable distribution of services and resources in Canada. As Urry and Law (2004) recently argued, the power of social inquiry, of its epistemologies and of its methods, resides in the ways it helps to produce social realities. What they mean is that social scientific research is not comprised of a standard set of processes that can be used to discover "truths" in an objective social world; rather, research interventions also enact "the social" through diverse, interrelated assumptions that enter into every stage of the research process. It follows that social investigators do not simply adopt different methodologies and epistemologies to reveal the workings of a single social reality. Through the process of social research, they also contribute to the enactment of different or multiple social realities that speak to, and produce, diverse and often contested social and material relations. This is to suggest neither that diverse research approaches nor the diverse realities they help to enact are disconnected or irreconcilable. It does suggest, however, that the enactment of multiple realities requires the application of multiple research interventions, and that it is a matter for empirical investigation to understand the different ways that multiple approaches and the multiple realities they help to enact overlap with, mutually condition, and/or conflict with one another.

To this end, we argue that, to varying degrees of explicitness, epistemological (and, necessarily, political) assumptions pertaining to the analytic utility of race/ethnicity influence assessments of ethno-racial incorporation/exclusion in Canada. Although it has become axiomatic to acknowledge the social construction of ethno-racial identities in sociological inquiry, we enact two ideal-typical folk paradigms that inform the ways in which race/ethnicity is analytically applied in sociological research. The first derives from, or is connected to, the cultural politics of difference, and it grants explanatory importance to equal recognition as the principal goal of sociological investigation. Race or ethnicity, in this regard, is analyzed as real, determinant, and, ultimately, functional to the power dynamics of the dominant (White) society. The second assumption derives from, or is connected to, the social politics of redistribution, and it grants explanatory importance to differential reception of valued material resources on an aggregate or collective level. Race or ethnicity, in this latter sense, is analyzed as epiphenomenal to other social indicators or identity markers (e.g., class). While seemingly discrepant research interventions, both approaches enact a single, interlocking reality to ethno-racial identities and social-structural arrangements. They do so through the development of research designs that demonstrate tendencies toward essentializing race/ethnicity as explanatory empirical variables or measuring their significance in relation to other social indicators. By explicating the importance of analytical assumptions in the sociological study of racism in Canada, we do not only seek to illustrate the ways that sociological assessments of racism in the country have polarized. Of equal importance is our intention to stimulate dialogue on the ways in which sociologists get involved in the "ontological politics" of racism in Canada--how they participate in, reflect upon, and enact multiple, and sometimes contradictory, realities of racism in the country (c.f. Urry and Law 2004). This argument, we contend, poses important implications for understanding the world we live in, as well as for understanding the world we want to live in (ibid.).

To establish the context for the paper, the first section frames the cleavages that have come to characterize sociological assessments of racism in Canada. Briefly situating the debate historically, we illustrate how the accumulation of empirical evidence attesting to collective post-1945 gains by members of Canada's ethno-racial (non-visible and visible) minority groups in immigration policy, education, the labour market, and civil-democratic citizenship practices has been matched by claims to racism's ubiquity in Canadian society. The second section develops a set of explanations to account for cleavage in the literature. We argue that one way to explain the competing claims is to explicate the importance of folk paradigms that demonstrate analytical tendencies toward essentializing the categories of race/ethnicity or reducing them to epiphenomena of other social indicators. Drawing from a limited or selective range of empirical research findings in a wider effort to substantiate how sociological research assumptions yield competing assessments of racism in Canada-an analytical strategy that we fully acknowledge as our own enactment of the social world-we argue that these folk paradigms reflect the wider divergent philosophical and political tensions that Fraser (2003) identifies between the politics of cultural recognition and of social redistribution. Encouraging a multidimensional approach that resists the analytical tendency to reduce race/ethnicity to the explanatory power of other social indicators and that resists the tendency to essentialize ethno-racial identity and difference, the final section problematizes reductive and essentializing analyses that share an inability to accommodate the full complexity of ethno-racial experiences, struggles, and patterns of incorporation in Canada.

In carrying out this analysis, we are aware that, by enacting our own ideal-typical folk paradigms, we invite criticism on the basis of studies, politics, experiences, data, and argumentation that remain absent from the discussion. Our purpose in presenting the analysis is, first, to identify general epistemological, and indeed political, assumptions in the literature that tend to influence the ways in which racism is explained in Canada, and second, to seek solutions to competing claims in the sociological study of racism in Canada. While the politics of assessing racism have been analyzed under the rubric of the "race relations problematic" (Miles 1989), they have yet to be explicitly addressed through analysis of empirical research findings. This critical dialogue, we believe, carries important political implications for establishing an accurate understanding of racism's complexity in Canada and for understanding the importance of sociological research findings for the development of effective anti-racist and social justice policies.

RACISM IN CANADA

Canadian history is fraught with institutionalized racism. Contrary to popular belief, the country once maintained a system of slave labour. From the arrival of the first Afro-Caribbean indentured servants in the 1600s, slavery existed for two centuries in the provinces of Quebec, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Ontario (Walker 1980). Dating from the expansion of the fur trade and persisting through revisions to the Federal Indian Act in the 1950s, legislated subordination of Canadian Aboriginal people was consistently based on presumptions of savagery, inferiority, and cultural weakness (Satzewich and Wotherspoon 1993). The years following the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway-a national project that depended on thousands of Chinese labourers in the years spanning 1881-1885-ushered in more than three decades of escalating Chinese head taxes, replaced in 1923 by the Chinese Immigration Act. Canadian Jews endured a series of racist incidents in the 1930s, ranging from racial epithets posted in the windows of private residences and public facilities to the formation of Swastika Clubs and the arbitrary rejection of applications from Jews seeking political asylum (Levitt and Shaffir 1987; Abella and Troper 1982). The Government of British Columbia closed the Second World War by expelling Japanese-Canadians from the province after years of internment that involved the suspension of civil rights, physical confinement, forced labour regimes, and the confiscation of personal property (see Ujimoto 1988). And it is not insignificant that, throughout the first half of the twentieth century, Canada's national symbol of expansion and progress-the Canadian Pacific Railway-maintained a rigid split-labour market, relegating Black men to low-paying, low-status positions as sleeping car porters (see Calliste 1987).

In an effort to bring conceptual coherence to the relationships among power, ethnicity (race), and class relations, John Porter (1965) characterized post-war Canadian social structure as a "vertical mosaic." He argued that the economic and political mobility of subordinated ethno-racial groups entering the productive system develops in relation to "charter group" hegemony. He believed that an "entrance status" is assigned to less preferred immigrant groups (particularly southern and eastern Europeans, although he commented on other ethno-racial groups) that restricts collective gains in education, income, and membership among Canada's elite. For Porter, an entrance status derives from charter group prejudices reinforced by the retention of certain cultural practices (such as language or custom). And he believed that an entrance status was powerful enough to become a "caste-like" barrier, restricting the extent to which social mobility among ethno-racial minority group members is possible.

The imagery of the vertical mosaic continues to resonate strongly with many Canadian sociologists, but numerous sociological research findings since the publication of Porter's treatise have challenged the extent to which his original arguments can be generalized. The years following the Second World War brought considerable social change in Canada, and some of the most important policy amendments were made to Canadian immigration laws in the 1960s. Until 1962, the Canadian government maintained an immigration policy favouring European (particularly British) immigration. Amendments to the Immigration Act in 1962 removed all reference to race, colour, nationality, and origin, resulting in significant alterations to Canada's ethno-racial composition. In the period 1954-1967, for example, approximately 83 percent of all immigration derived from Europe, whereas only 4 percent and 1 percent derived from Asia and Africa, respectively. This pattern began to change after 1967, to the extent that the period 1968-1984 brought a decline in European immigration to 40 percent while Asian and African immigration increased to 27 percent and 3 percent, respectively (Li 1998). In terms of population demographics, Asian and Afro-Caribbean Canadians ascended to 11.2 percent of the total population from 1971 to 1996 (Li 1998), and immigration projections from Statistics Canada suggest that by 2017, between 19 and 23 percent of Canadians will belong to visible minority groups. (1) Numerous observers have attributed these changes to an increased demand for skilled, technical, and/or professional labour in Canada (e.g., Satzewich 1998; Li 1996; Henry et al. 2002), and support for this argument can be found in the growing preference for immigrants possessing certain professional skills after 1962. But it should not be forgotten that an immigration policy openly discriminating against non Europeans-often restricting the movement of members of the commonwealth--also offended many thousands of Canadian citizens. To subsume these amendments entirely under the auspices of labour demands is to minimize the constant efforts of hundreds of people such as Stanley Grizzle and Donald Moore (2) who were instrumental in attracting critical media coverage, public sympathy, and political attention to Canada's racist immigration laws. (3)

The progressive changes introduced into immigration legislation through the 1960s were accompanied, in the 1970s, by advances in educational attainment, labour market returns, and civil-democratic citizenship practices. They were also accompanied by more recent transformations to group identification patterns among numerous members of Canada's diverse ethno-racial minority groups. In the years immediately following the introduction of the Universal Point System (introduced in 1967), for instance, Ramcharan (1976) conducted one of the first investigations of the economic adaptation of West Indian immigrants in the City of Toronto. Challenging Porter's argument that Canadian immigration policy confers an entrance status on immigrants to Canada, Ramcharan's data revealed that by the seventh year of residence in Canada, nearly all participants in his study, irrespective of class location, had returned to the occupational status they had held in their country of origin. Examining occupational status, length of residence, education level, and skin colour gradations, Ramcharan demonstrated that there are important class and generational differences that must be accounted for, not only to fully understand the rate and degree of occupational and economic integration, but also to understand differential perceptions of racism in Canada.

Subsequent studies concerned with ethno-racial incorporation supported the general direction of Ramcharan's findings. In their assessment of Porter's "ethnically blocked mobility thesis," Lain and Mathews (1991) concluded that income levels for most European ethnic groups were comparable to the French and British, and that levels of educational attainment and labour market returns could be differentially observed within and between ethno-racial groups. Hou and Balakrishnan's (1996) study of Canadian educational and occupational mobility for visible and non-visible minorities revealed that social inequality along ethno-racial lines is primarily a manifestation of income inequalities, and that it is unclear if lower income differentials observed among visible minority groups as a whole will persist in the future. Kelly (1995) similarly warned of the analytical limitations associated with homogenizing the country's ethno-racial minority groups with respect to levels of occupational and socio-economic integration. And many other studies have confirmed that advances in education attainment rates, labour market returns, and occupational distribution, particularly for Canadian-born members of visible minority groups, have been at least comparable, if not in excess of, charter group and non-charter group members (Herberg 1990; Reitz and Breton 1994; Davies and Guppy 1998; Hum and Simpson 1999). In fact, so profound have changes to social and material life been since 1945 that scholarly interest has recently come to focus on the emergence of "Canadian" as an ethno-racial identity among English-speaking, non-Aboriginal Canadians (Boyd and Norris 2001; Kalbach and Kalbach 1998; Howard-Hassmann 1999).

Still, in the context of these findings, claims to the ubiquity of racism persist. In his investigation of violent White supremacist groups in Canada, for example, Barrett (1987) argued that organized racism represents a "social laboratory" for the analysis of institutionalized racism in Canadian society. Documenting the existence of no less than 60 post-war racist organizations committed to using force and violence to realize their objectives, he reasoned that such extreme expressions of racism could not exist independent of support from the wider society (see also Hier 2000). Commenting on the deracialization of Canadian immigration policy, Richmond (1994) contended that, although the country does not use race as a category to adjudicate immigration decisions, immigration policies are "quasi racist" in their effects because emphases placed on skills, literacy, and visa requirements exclude members of certain ethno-racial groups from entrance eligibility. In the realm of education, Dei (1993, 1996a, 1996b) has repeatedly maintained that the education system alienates Black youth as well as youth of colour, resulting in underachievement and higher dropout rates. And Buchignani's (1991) suggestion that it would undoubtedly be easier to muster support for Canadian seals than it would for racial minorities continues to characterize the sentiments of dozens of scholars who claim Canada is a racist country.

COMPETING PARADIGMS AND CONTEMPORARY RACISM IN CANADA

Why has cleavage emerged as a discernible feature of sociological research on racism in Canada? An important part of our response to this question stems from, or is based on, the decoupling of the cultural politics of difference and the social politics of material equality observed in contemporary social justice movements. As Fraser (1995, 2000, 2003) argues, claims for social justice in the twenty-first century have divided into two types. The most familiar type, predominant over the past two centuries, centers on the hegemonic grammar of redistribution. From this perspective, the source of social inequality is located in the political-economic structure of society, and egalitarian redistribution claims are expressed politically in the form of calls for a more just and equitable distribution of valued material resources. Whereas the discourse of justice once centered on the social politics of redistribution, however, Fraser argues that it has increasingly incorporated a new constellation in the grammar of political activity. Claims for cultural recognition have posited culture as a valid terrain of political struggle. The primary source of inequality in the latter regard is located in social patterns of representation, interpretation, and communication, and cultural recognition claims manifest politically as calls for a difference-friendly society characterized by respect, dignity, and balanced representation. Although they are deeply imbricated with economic inequality, Fraser contends that heterogeneous claims for cultural recognition have become increasingly dissociated from claims for social redistribution-practically and intellectually-to the extent that a strand of "vulgar culturalism" has, in certain political domains, replaced earlier forms of vulgar Marxist economic determinism.

Acknowledging that claims for redistribution and recognition derive from the antithetical philosophical provenances of Anglo-American distributive justice and of the phenomenology of consciousness, respectively, Fraser (2003) brackets their philosophical foundations to better understand the contemporary political application of each orientation. Formulating political claims for recognition and for redistribution as ideal-typical constellations that inform present-day struggles in civil society, she conceptualizes each orientation as a "folk paradigm" to clarify trends in the polarization of claims that inform social justice movements today. Folk paradigms of justice, she explains, represent a set of linked assumptions about the causes of, and the remedies for, social injustices.shough the politics of cultural recognition and social redistribution are commonly associated with identity politics and class politics, respectively, Fraser maintains that each folk paradigm represents a distinctive perspective on social justice whose orientations are not reducible to specific expressions of political praxis. Conceptualizing the paradigms of justice in this way not only facilitates a deeper understanding of the ways in which the orientations have been cast as antithetical in contemporary political debates, but it also sheds light on the ways in which each paradigm can be reconciled into an integrated, programmatic political orientation.

We take up the reconciliatory implications of Fraser's arguments in the context of Canadian studies of racism in the final portion of the paper. In this section, we begin by enacting two analytical folk paradigms of ethno-racial justice that inform how race/ethnicity is analytically applied in sociological research. The first such paradigm is rooted in the social politics of redistribution. It measures the influence of skin colour or other markers of ethno-racial categorization in relation to other social indicators on degrees of social integration across a range of institutional spaces. The second folk paradigm is rooted in the cultural politics of recognition and assigns explanatory priority to lived subjectivities by using individual narratives and intersubjective perceptions to analyze racism as a phenomenal reality of everyday life. Whereas the first folk paradigm considers ethnicity/race as one among many analytic categories in an attempt to measure levels or degrees of aggregate institutional integration, the second prioritizes ethnicity/race analytically to assess the interface of interpersonal experience and racialized/ethnicized social structures. Conceptualized as distinctive perspectives on ethno-racial justice, each folk paradigm can be understood to give rise to a number of interconnected ideal-typical analytical assumptions (see Table 1).

Racism in Three Canadian Domains: Education, Labour Market Incorporation, and Policing

To explain the importance of the folk paradigms, we examine sociological research in three institutional domains, the first of which is Canadian education. Representative of the ethno-racial folk paradigm of social redistribution is Davies and Guppy's (1998) study of "race and Canadian education," where they challenge the popular claim that Euro-Canadian (White) students enjoy better educational opportunities than members of visible minority groups. Manipulating census data from 1991 to assess the influence of race on high school graduation rates, they offer comparative-categorical data on ten ethno-racial groups by sex and immigration status (native/foreign born). Their analyses reveal that rates of graduation for Canadians of visible minority status twenty years of age and older exceed categorical averages by differentials ranging from 7 percent (foreign-born women) to 17 percent (native-born men). Comparing aggregated graduation rates for visible minority groups to non-visible minority groups, they found differentials to be even greater in favour of visible minorities. When specific visible minority groups classified by sex and immigration status were compared to non-visible minority groups as a whole, rates for the former exceeded the latter by more than 20 percent in certain instances, with notably higher rates of graduation observed among Canadian-born members of visible minority groups (regardless of sex). Based on these findings, Davies and Guppy conclude that high school educational attainment rates across ethno-racial groups (visible minority and non-visible minority status) are more equally distributed than is often acknowledged; that the plight of visible minority groups in Canadian education cannot be generalized; and that continued claims to racialized institutional barriers in the education system are not supported by empirical quantitative evidence.

Studies utilizing the ethno-racial folk paradigm of cultural recognition render a different set of conclusions. Ruck and Wortley (2002), for example, assess high school students' perceptions of disciplinary practices. Using a questionnaire administered to 1,870 students at eleven Toronto-area high schools (grades l0 to 12), they analyze responses across five ethno-racial groupings: Asian, Black/ African, South Asian, White/European, and Other (Hispanic, Aboriginal, and mixed ethno-racial background). They found that members of the four ethno-racial minority groups were significantly more likely than White/European students to perceive discriminatory treatment in disciplinary practices. However, their data also reveal many important differences within and between ethno-racial minority groups. Black/African students, for example, were more likely than any other group to view themselves as disadvantaged, particularly in dealings with police. When socioeconomic status, age of immigration, and perception of school environment were used in logistic regression analyses, Ruck and Wortley found that male students were far more likely than female students to perceive discrimination; that higher socio-economic status predicted weaker perceptions of discrimination; and that the longer students lived in Canada, the more likely they were to perceive discriminatory treatment. Based on their findings, they conclude that important differentials exist in high school students' perceptions of disciplinary practices across ethno-racial groups, but also that more research is needed to understand how, or in what ways, such perceptions influence educational achievement.

Ethnographic/interview-based studies using the ethno-racial folk paradigm of cultural recognition to study Black students' experiences have been less optimistic in the latter regard. Warning against the limitations of reducing "Black racial[ized] identities" to universal-objective categorizations, Jennifer Kelly (1998a, 1998b) argues that quantitative methodologies tend to minimize the importance of difference, collective memory, intersubjective experience, and the complexity of what it means to be a Black student in a White-dominated education system. Using focus groups to investigate processes of identity construction among Black high school students in the province of Alberta, Kelly not only contends that her respondents report experiencing racism on a daily basis in the classroom-ranging from the content of textbooks to racialized classroom interactions-but she also argues that students' identities remain contingent on fluid constructions of the meanings of race, Blackness, and cultural difference. Similarly, George Dei (1996b) draws from interviews with more than 200 African-Canadian and non-African-Canadian students to ascertain how dominant institutional norms inform understandings of belonging, equal expectations, and ultimately, dropout rates among Black/African-Canadian students. He finds that perceived biases in the curriculum, intermeshed with an educational environment characterized by pervasive stereotyping, prejudice, and the devaluation of Black/African students' worldviews contribute to marginalization, exclusion, poor performance, and limited educational advancement.

Although the findings from studies of Black high school students' experiences that utilize the ethno-racial folk paradigm of cultural recognition are very serious, a different set of conclusions emerges from studies of Black students' post-secondary educational attainment rates utilizing the ethno-racial folk paradigm of social redistribution. In their assessment of Afro-Caribbean Canadian post-secondary achievements, Simmons and Plaza (1997) question the extent to which discrimination experienced by Black students (aged 20 to 24) in the City of Toronto serves as an obstacle to post-secondary educational attainment. Examining data from special tabulations of the 1991 census for the Toronto CMA, they find that college and university attainment are not unreachable goals for Black students in Toronto. Specifically, their data reveal that Afro-Caribbean Canadians, regardless of sex, were more likely than Canadians as a whole to have completed college or technical school, and that they were less likely than Canadians as a whole to have completed university. Furthermore, they find that Afro-Caribbean Canadian women were more likely to have completed college or technical school than Afro-Caribbean Canadian men (32.4% and 28.2%, respectively), and that Afro-Caribbean Canadian women were significantly more likely than Afro-Caribbean Canadian men to have completed university (30.8% versus 19.5%, respectively). Simmons and Plaza's data also show that the differentials between Afro-Caribbean women and Canadian women generally are significantly less than the differentials observed between Afro-Caribbean men and Canadian men generally. They conclude that, although many studies continue to document the challenges to post-secondary attainment faced by Black students in Toronto and elsewhere in Canada, post-secondary attainment is not a "glass ceiling" for Black students. They also conclude that there are important gender differences to be discerned among Afro-Caribbean Canadian students in Toronto. Based on the studies presented above, we find competing claims in contemporary sociological assessments of racism and Canadian education.

The second institutional domain we examine concerns labour force participation and differential patterns of occupational incorporation for transnational seasonal labour migrants and immigrants in Canada. Contributions using the ethno-racial folk paradigm of cultural recognition have sought to demonstrate how immigrants' experiences with racism as an everyday reality are structured by, and reinforced through, state policy and practice (Ng 1988; Giles and Arat-Koc 1994; Calliste 2000). In her comparative investigation of the experiences of nurses and garment industry workers in the Province of Ontario, for example, Das Gupta (1996) collects interview data from immigrant women and women of colour to argue that differential processes of work allocation combined with practices of marginalization, infantilization, excessive monitoring, scapegoating, and segregation are among the most prevalent daily inequities restricting access to job mobility, labour action, and personal advancement. Elabor-Idemudia (2000), utilizing responses from questionnaires and data derived from interviews with African-Canadian immigrant women living in the City of Toronto, adds that low-paying, non-secure labour market marginalization is reinforced by prejudicial attitudes toward non-White women with limited proficiency in the English language and a lack of "Canadian" work experience, and by a reluctance to recognize foreign educational credentials. And Austin and Este's (2001) interviews with immigrant and refugee men reveal that exploitative structural relations in the labour market are preserved through the devaluation of foreign credentials, a lack of access to language training programs, and, consequently, severe under-employment/fear of unemployment. What all contributions share is the significance attributed to everyday inequalities in reproducing relations in the political economy of labour migration that functions on the basis of selective immigration procedures, inadequate settlement resources, and immigrant ethno-racial labour market ghettoization.

The patterns discerned in sociological research on labour market incorporation using the ethno-racial folk paradigm of cultural recognition recall what Simmons (1998) identifies as manifestations of a neo-racist immigration policy in Canada-one that produces significantly racist influences and outcomes within a framework purporting to be entirely non-racist. He explains that, although Canada maintains formally non-racist immigration procedures that emphasize factors such as immigration targets, professional skills, and the labour needs of the domestic economy, neo-racism manifests in the form of inadequate integration strategies for new immigrants, the devaluation of foreign skills/credentials, seasonal migrant labour contracts, and the political and economic exploitation of low-paid, racialized, transnational labour populations. From daily attitudes and experiences in paid work to the state's inadequate training and integration practices, research frameworks informed by cultural recognition consistently assert that, despite the non-racist intentions of immigration policy, racism is an effect or outcome of neo-racist immigration policies that keep workers of colour, and particularly Black workers, in subservient positions.

There is agreement among Canadian sociologists that the state maintained a racist immigration policy into the early 1960s. There is also agreement that seasonal migrant labourers-particularly male migrants from the Caribbean (see Satzewich 1988, 1989)-continued to experience entrance restrictions subsequent to the official deracialization of Canadian immigration policy in 1962. Analyses using the ethnoracial folk paradigm of social redistribution, however, reveal three important characteristics of immigration and transnational temporary labour migration patterns.

The first characteristic concerns the sharp rise in skilled and professional labour migrations after 1968. Reflecting international post-war trends in labour migrations generally (see Miles and Satzewich 1990), the Canadian state began to place greater emphases on the recruitment of skilled, non-manual labourers to meet changing demands in the capitalist mode of production. Li (2003) and Bolaria and Li (1988), for example, illustrate how, in the period 1961-1981, the percentage of immigrants comprising the total teaching profession in Canada grew from 7 percent in 1961 to 18 percent in 1981; in medicine and health-related fields, the percentage of such immigrants grew from 14 percent in 1961 to 20 percent in 1981 ; and in managerial positions, that population increased from 22 percent in 1961 to 31 percent in 1981. These increases were observed concomitantly with the diversification of the ethno-racial composition of the country. In the period 1954-1967, over one million immigrants admitted to Canada were destined for the labour force (over half of all immigration to Canada in that time period), the majority of whom originated from European countries. Following changes to Canadian immigration policy in 1967, there was a rapid diversification in the immigrant population to the extent that, in the period 1968-1978, 54 percent of all immigration to the country was comprised of non-White persons (Li 1996). In real numbers, from 1968 to 1992 Canada admitted approximately 3.7 million immigrants to the county, close to 1.8 million (49%) of whom were classified as visible minorities (Li 2003).

As the Canadian government actively competed for skilled labourers internationally, there emerged a demand to attract "agents" and owners of capital through the Business Immigration and Business Investors Programs. In 1985, the total number of Canadian business immigrants (including dependents) admitted to Canada stood at 6,481. This figure increased to 11,069 by 1987 and to 16,948 by 1991 (Li 2003). In terms of the ethno-racial composition of business immigrants, a greater percentage of immigrants have been of Asian origin. Whereas in 1983 about 23 percent of business immigrants originated from Hong Kong and Taiwan alone, by 1996 business immigrants from Hong Kong, Taiwan, South Korea, and China comprised over 70 percent of the category, with most business immigrants taking up residence in the cities of Vancouver and Toronto (Li 2003). Although business immigrants comprise only a small portion of yearly immigration to Canada, their impact on the Canadian economy is significant. Facilitated by the country's recruitment of "agents" and owners of capital under the Business Immigration and Business Investors Programs, non-White im/migrants, particularly from Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Mainland China, have increasingly settled in Canada as upwardly mobile citizens.

The second characteristic concerns the plight of contract seasonal migrant labourers and the importance of state policy in structuring temporary, transnational labour flows. The administration of North American contract labour migrations has been criticized for maintaining exploitative international labour systems that are of little benefit to the migrant population (Richmond 1994). It has also been criticized for swelling the ranks of undocumented (illegal) migrants by adopting state policies that respond to the interests of capital and take little care in the selection of migrants (Satzewich 1991). Recent evidence, however, indicates that seasonal contract labour migration is at least moderately beneficial to economic growth in workers' communities of origin; that state policy in the realm of seasonal labour migrations is not dictated exclusively by the interests of capital; and that the administration of selection processes in Canada has been, and remains, important to the state.

Seeking to understand obstacles facing workers' productive investments and earning remittances in the context of the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program, Basok (2000a, 2000b) assesses patterns of investment and consumption among 254 Mexican labourers. Based on 50-hour working weeks over an eight month period, she reasons that workers in the program are able to earn over 40,000 pesos (approximately 8,000 Canadian dollars). In 1997, for example, Mexican labour migrants harvesting fruit and vegetables in Southwestern Ontario earned $6.90 per hour ($345 per week based on a 10-hour work day, five days per week). This compares to agricultural work in Mexico that is valued at about 25 pesos (about $2.70 CAD) per day or $13.50 CAD per week ($54.00 CAD per month, $432 CAD over eight months). Her research reveals that many of the labour migrants had improved their living conditions at home by investing in land, housing, and education for children. For example, she reports that 45 percent (n=113) of the respondents were able to invest in education for their children, with some able to send their children to university. Because a secondary school diploma is crucial for upwardly mobile labour market participation, and considering that several respondents still had children in primary grades, these data are significant. Additionally, of the total 254 participants in the study, 24 percent (n=60) had made productive investments in the form of land, livestock, and small business, with those workers who had participated in the program for a longer period of time more likely to make productive investments. Basok argues that, unlike past labour migration programs in North America, the Canadian Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program has institutionalized a limited and bureaucratic selection process that allows for successive employment year to year. For this reason, workers are able to acquire land over longer periods of time whilst bettering conditions for their children and communities. A high probability of successive employment terms also makes it much more likely that workers will not remain illegally in Canada when their contracts expire. Combined with institutionalized minimum governmental standards on employment conditions, wage allocations, and housing allotments, the program, Basok concludes, yields promising labour market outcomes for Mexican seasonal labour migrants.

The third characteristic to emerge from analyses utilizing the analytic ethno-racial folk paradigm of social redistribution is that wage opportunities afforded to "visible minorities" in Canada vary across ethno-racial groups, immigration status, and other markers of identity. Using the first wave of the Survey of Labour and Income Dynamics, for example, Hum and Simpson (1999) assess the extent to which income differentials can be attributed to discriminatory practices based on ethnicity/race by examining the economic dimensions of labour force integration. They contend that, although media and advocacy groups continue to claim that the annual and hourly earnings for members of visible minorities are less than those of White people, comparisons of labour market opportunities for visible minorities by gender, education, work experience, and immigration status reveal a greater complexity of social relations. Among their findings are that, first, with the exception of Black men, there are no significant wage differentials between visible minority and non-visible minority group members for workers born in Canada. Second, when immigration status is assessed, they find significant wage differentials between foreign-born men (not women), with Black foreign-born men experiencing the greatest differentials. Third, they find that non-Chinese Oriental women have significant wage disadvantages relative to foreign-born, non-visible minority women. And finally, their data indicate that non-Canadian work experience continues to be insignificant for foreign-born workers regardless of sex, but that education (e.g., a university degree and/or years of education) influences foreign-born men's and women's wage attainment differentially. They conclude that there is much variation among visible minority groups in annual earnings. Based on the studies presented above, we find competing claims in contemporary sociological research on racism and the Canadian labour market.

The final institutional domain we examine is one that has attracted considerable attention over the past two years in Canada: policing, with particular reference to claims of systemic practices of racial profiling. Highly politicized allegations of racial profiling have appeared in Canadian newspapers at least since the 1970s, (4) and research utilizing the ethno-racial folk paradigm of cultural recognition has kept pace. Results from a survey conduced by the Royal Commission on Donald Marshall, (5) for instance, indicate that nearly two-thirds of respondents felt that police discriminate against Black Canadians. Based on interviews conducted with 134 Black Caribbean-Canadians in the City of Toronto, Henry (1994) argues that police-community relations are fraught with practices of overpolicing, suspicion, and distrust. James (1998) concludes his examination of the encounters Black youth have with police in Toronto by arguing that suspicion, harassment, stereotyping, and homogenization are indicative of police culture's attitudes toward Black youth. And Tanner's and Wortley's (2002) survey of approximately 3,400 high school students in Toronto reveals that over half of Black respondents report having been stopped and questioned by police at least twice in a two-year period; the majority of these respondents claim to have been subjected to physical searches.

The major criticism levied against research on racial profiling in Canada, as with research utilizing the ethno-racial folk paradigm of cultural recognition generally, is that it demonstrates an over-reliance on anecdotal evidence to infer systemic policing practices. With the exception of one regional police service, (6) Canadian police forces do not collect race-based statistics on daily interactions with citizens (traffic stops, questioning), making corroborative statistical analyses across the county impossible. What does exist in Canada is the Criminal Information Processing System (CIPS), a database containing information on incidence rates in the City of Toronto of individuals being charged with a crime, arrested, or ticketed for a traffic violation. In addition to the nature of the offence, the database contains information on the age, gender, employment, immigration/residency status, country of birth, and skin colour (White, Black, Brown, Other) of offenders. The database does not record information on cases that fail to result in subsequent legal actions following police stops.

For purposes of illustration, we draw on the controversy that ensued after the Toronto Star newspaper initiated a sequence of articles under the auspices of their "race and crime" series, claiming that the Toronto Police Force engages in racial profiling. Although this specific example does not explicate the dynamics involved in the competing analytical paradigms as clearly as the previous examples, it is useful to consider the complexity of the analytical assumptions and claims in the context of the aforementioned sociological research on racial profiling in Canada.

On 19 October 2002, following analyses of information stored in the CIPS, the newspaper's investigation team presented data to support the claims that Black Torontonians were overrepresented in charges laid by Toronto police; that Black drivers were detained more often than White drivers; and that Black drivers were treated worse than White drivers following arrests. The Star's reporting was taken as a vindication by community leaders, citizens, and sociologists who for years had argued that racial profiling is endemic to the institution of policing (see Henry and Tator 2003).

The race and crime series analyzed two sets of data for two specific purposes. First, data on "out-of-sight" driving offenses (when a driver is stopped for reasons not readily apparent) were used to assess differential patterns of traffic stops. And second, data on simple drug offences were used to assess differential treatment of Black and White drivers. Concerning their analysis of out-of-sight offences, the Star reported that, of the 4,696 out-of-sight offences where skin colour was recorded from 1996 to 2001, 33.6 percent of offenders were identified as "Black." Comparing this figure to the proportion of Toronto's population who identified as "Black" on the 1996 Canadian census (8.1% of the total population of Toronto), the Star concluded that racial profiling exists. For drug offences, the investigation team examined 10,729 police dispositions of people who had been charged. Whereas 23.6 percent involved Black drivers and 63.8 percent involved White drivers, the latter were found to be released at the scene in 76.5 percent of cases compared to 61.8 percent of the former. Black drivers (15.5%) were also found to be held for bail hearings at a rate over double that of White drivers (7.3%). These data were taken as evidence that Toronto police treat Black Torontonians worse than White ones.

As Melchers (2003) contends, statistical data of this nature are susceptible to multiple and, often, incorrect interpretations that can serve the interests of certain political agendas. He identifies three specific problems with the race and crime data. First, of the incidence data derived from the CIPS database in the sampling period for out-of-sight offences (7,511 cases), there were 2,815 records (37%) that failed to indicate skin colour. The Star used a smaller subset (excluding the 2,815 records) as representative of the total incidence rate-disregarding the many factors that may have contributed to whether charges were laid at the scene, the thoroughness of record keeping by police, and decisions to record skin colour--to prematurely attribute the resulting imbalances to racism. Second, and related, when the Toronto Star compared data on traffic stops to data on city demographics, they used counts of traffic stops. Counts of traffic stops measure the incidence of stops rather than actual individuals who were stopped (meaning one individual could be stopped multiple times), and they do not take into account where in the city stops occurred. The investigative team, using incidence rates, assumed that incidence can be taken as representative of the prevalence of drivers who possess specific characteristics. By comparing incidence to population prevalence, a false impression is created that "any group with some number of members who are stopped frequently is over-represented as a whole" (Melchers 2003, 351). They also disregarded the correlation between level of crime and the geographic deployment of police forces (and possible socio-economic correlates). Finally, the Star articles conflated Black identity (reported on the census) with black skin colour. Skin colour as a census category appeared for the first time in 1996, and it is reasonable to speculate that comparative CIPS data on skin colour may be influenced by factors such as language, citizenship, or culture (rather than a person having "Black" skin). From this critique of racial profiling in Toronto, Melchers speculates that, although it is plausible that greater methodological care would lead to findings supporting the argument that differential treatment along ethno-racial lines exists, the evidence presented in the Toronto Star's reporting, and backed by many sociologists, fails to demonstrate practices of racial profiling. Based on these studies on racial profiling, we find competing claims in contemporary sociological research on racism and policing in Canada.

ANALYTICAL TENSIONS AND ETHNO-RACIAL JUSTICE

The cleavages that exist, and that persist, in sociological research on racism in Canada reflect a more fundamental, albeit not always explicitly articulated, cleavage pertaining to epistemological assumptions about the reality of ethnicity/race and the analytical value they afford sociological research. On the one hand, despite the fact that research interventions invoking the ethno-racial folk paradigm of cultural recognition consistently refute arguments to the effect that ethno-racial consciousness stems from primordial attachments conditioned by the naturalness or essence of human roots, ethnicity/race is retained as an analytical concept. It is argued that ethnicity/race is a lived, subjective, categorical reality that offers historical, material, and phenomenal significance to social analyses (e.g., Calliste and Dei 2000). On the other hand, research interventions invoking the ethno-racial folk paradigm of social redistribution demonstrate tendencies toward operationalizing the concepts of race/ethnicity on a descriptive level. In this sense, analytical priority is assigned to other social indicators. Whereas research interventions granting an analytical priority to race/ethnicity tend to essentialize or reify ethno-racial difference(s) by granting primary explanatory power to the phenomenal domain of lived experience, therefore, research interventions examining race/ethnicity as one among many analytical variables grant primary explanatory importance to other social indicators.

Although the two ideal-typical research constellations appear to be analytically and empirically antagonistic, they are situated on a common explanatory foundation, positing some fundamental level of effectivity that privileges one domain of the social world over others (c.f. Anthias 1990). Not only does this reductionism tend to present the debate about racism in either/or terms--racism either exists in a particular social location or it does not-but it simplifies the social world through the enactment of reified dichotomies of ethno-racial difference, as if such classifications exist independent of a complex sequence of relations that articulate in time and space. In the end, we are left with competing claims in sociological assessments of racism in Canada based on false analytical antitheses that are incapable of accounting for the full complexity of ethno-racial experiences, struggles, and patterns of incorporation.

Actively deconstructing negative (mis)representations of ethno-racial difference to fully understand the multidimensional dilemmas of ethno-racial groups' experiences is crucial for sociological research on racism in Canada. What this implies is that sociological research must incorporate claims for recognition, some of which stem from the politicization of ethnicity and/or race. At the same time, sociological analyses must take seriously successes in the redistribution of valued resources along (or across) ethno-racial lines. The latter necessitates an appreciation of the influence of intersecting social indicators on the life chances of a diverse range of people. While intersections of diversity have become central concerns for policymakers and academic researchers (Wilkinson 2003), this literature, too, enacts multiple and, at times, conflicting social realities. It has become commonplace to identify race, class, and gender as intersecting sources of oppression, and sociological research has demonstrated an interest in adding to the list: disability, sexuality, age, region, etc. We do not wish to contest the importance of this research, but we do question the "ontologization" of intersecting markers of group sameness and difference. Reducing individual and group affiliation to three primary markers of attachment fails to appreciate the influence of other influences on one's life chances (e.g., language, financial status, region, religion), and Hum and Simpson (2003) have recently warned of the policy limitations presented by "progression to the small."

As we have shown, research interventions prioritizing cultural recognition and social redistribution involve interrelated assumptions that demonstrate tendencies toward "inflating" the prevalence of racism by analytically (and politically) essentializing ethno-racial difference or "deflating" the prevalence of racism by treating ethnicity/race as epiphenomena of other social indicators. By doing so, the two constellations effectively postulate different conceptions of the collective actors purported to be disadvantaged by racism. Research interventions informed by the analytical assumptions of social redistribution postulate collective actors as class-like entities, conceptualized in relation to the market or means of production in an effort to measure overall patterns of integration (c.f. Fraser 2003). Research interventions informed by the assumptions of cultural recognition, by contrast, postulate a collective actor more akin to status groups defined through relations of representation. The type of injustice predominating in the former is socio-economic maldistribution, with attendant cultural injustices understood as epiphenomenal to economic structure. The type of injustice predominating in the latter, however, is misrecognition, with attendant material injustices understood to derive from status structure (ibid.).

We arrive, then, at a seeming impasse. The ethno-racial folk paradigm of social redistribution demonstrates tendencies toward suggesting that the politicization of ethnicity/race is counter-productive to the realization of socio-economic integration for ethno-racial groups in Canada. Conversely, the argument of studies utilizing the ethno-racial folk paradigm of cultural recognition is that to ignore or minimize the importance of ethno-racial difference is to reinforce social injustices. The cleavage has come to be presented in either/or terms, suggesting that racism either exists or it does not, and that remedies to racism will take the form of either economic redistribution or ethno-racial recognition.

Following Fraser, we wish to encourage a unified, programmatic, political research orientation capable of negotiating the intricacies of multiple processes of individual and group formation and social incorporation in a way that refrains from essentializing ethnicity/race or from reducing race/ethnicity to another level of effectivity. Put otherwise, we wish to combine the best of the cultural politics of ethno-racial recognition and of the social politics of ethno-racial redistribution (c.f. Fraser 2003). Ethno-racial significations can have disenfranchising ramifications in social domains such as labour, immigration, education, and policing-some evidence for the market value of difference that can reinforce the low social standing of certain ethno-racial communities (Li 1998, 128). But the politics of ethno-racial justice must be reflexive; it cannot assume that ethno-racial significations mechanically lead to material or economic injustices. The deconstruction of ethno-racial identities at the analytical level will be most effective if incorporated as a central component of a comprehensive framework of ethno-racial justice aimed at decentering institutional patterns of cultural misrecognition while renewing interest in egalitarianism. This is the challenge before Canadian sociologists today.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We wish to thank Singh Bolaria and Rennie Warburton for reading and commenting on an early draft. We also wish to express our appreciation to the reviewers assigned by the journal for their useful guidance and carefully crafted criticism. And, as always, we are very grateful to our intrepid editor, Mary Elizabeth Leighton, who never fails to offer her time to (try to) correct all that is wrong with our punctuation, presentation, and prose.

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Notes

(1.) See "Population Projections of Visible Minority Groups, Canada, Provinces and Regions, 2001-2017." [http://www.statcan.ca/cgi-bin/downpub/listpub.cgi?catno= 91-541-XIE2005001]

(2.) Stanley Gizzle and Donald Moore were among the first delegation of Black Canadians to meet with federal cabinet ministers to discuss discrimination facing West Indians in the Immigrant Act (on 27 April 1954). They were also both instrumental in Toronto's New Negro Association, the Toronto CPR Division, and the Committee for Human Rights. See Winks (1997), 425-26.

(3.) The deracialization of immigration was revolutionary for persons seeking entry from Asian, African, Caribbean, and Middle Eastern countries. But the changes can be seen as the culmination of a longer struggle against racism. For example, as early as 1944 the Province of Ontario passed the Racial Discrimination Act that made it illegal to publish or display any sign or symbol that expressed racial or religious hatred. In response to pressure from a number of anti-oppression/social justice movements, Ontario also became the first province to pass Fair Employment and Fair Accommodations Practices legislation in the early 1950s, soon followed by Manitoba, New Brunswick, Saskatchewan, British Columbia, and Quebec (Winks 1997). Not only was the legislation endorsed soon after its inception by the Premier of Ontario, Leslie Frost, to dismantle the discriminatory barriers which had made national headlines in the town of Dresden, but with the support of Prime Minister John Diefenbaker, the Brotherhood of the Sleeping Car Porters used it to dismantle racism on the railway by appealing to public sentiment in the press, as well as governmental rationalism in Parliament.

(4.) By racial profiling, we are referring to disproportionate levels of surveillance directed at members of select ethno-racial groups in the form of police inspections, stops, searches, patrols, and apprehensions.

(5.) Donald Marshall is an Aboriginal man wrongly convicted of murder in 1971. Before he was exonerated of the charges by the Nova Scotia Court of Appeal, he spent eleven years in prison.

(6.) The Kingston, Ontario police force.

Sean P. Hier is an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Victoria. His current research focuses on surveillance practices and social problems in Canada (with J. Greenberg, School of Journalism and Communication, Carleton University), and he is writing on racism and social change in Canada with B. Singh Bolaria. His recent work appears in journals including International Sociology (2004), Social and Legal Studies (2004), Theoretical Criminology (2005), and Media, Culture and Society (forthcoming). Recent books include Identity and Belonging: Rethinking Race and Ethnicity in Canadian Society (Canadian Scholars' Press 2006) and Race and Racism in 21st Century Canada: Continuity, Complexity, and Change. (Broadview forthcoming).

shier@uvic.ca

Kevin Walby is a Ph.D. student at Carleton University. His interests include criminology, social theory, institutional ethnography, the sociology of surveillance, and the sociology of ethno-racial groups in Canada.

ktwalby@uvic.ca

Table 1 Ethno-Racial Folk Paradigms of Justice

 Cultural
 Recognition

Philosophical Referent Cultural-phenomenological
Political Referent Ethno-racial Identity
Analytical Orientation Social Relationships
Ideal-typical Actor Status Groups
Measurement Subjective Experience
Analytical Epistemology Race/Ethnic Essentialism

Method Qualitative/Quantitative

 Social
 Redistribution

Philosophical Referent Social-material
Political Referent Social Class
Analytical Orientation Social Relations
Ideal-typical Actor Economic Groups
Measurement Aggregate Outcome
Analytical Epistemology Multiple Indicators
 of Effectivity
Method Qualitative/Quantitative