Incorporating Diversity: Rethinking Assimilation in a Multicultural Age.
Wilkinson, Michael
Incorporating Diversity: Rethinking Assimilation in a Multicultural
Age. Peter Kivisto, ed. Boulder: Paradigm, 2005. 350 pp. $29.95 sc.
Kivisto argues that assimilation, a central concept in sociology,
is back. While it fell out of favour during the 1960s, developments
among theorists of ethnic relations are now attempting to rethink the
concept in relation to multiculturalism, transnationalism, and
globalization. The purpose of the book is to provide an overview of the
key ideas about assimilation (the "classical" literature on
the topic). Kivisto refers to the literature as the canon of
assimilation. He also recognizes that assimilation is controversial and
acknowledges that there is little consensus on its meaning. Still, the
concept, he argues, has not gone away. Incorporating Diversity is a
collection of edited essays previously published between 1914 and 2003.
Together, these seventeen chapters offer an overview on the
conceptualization of assimilation and demonstrate its continued
relevance.
In making his point, Kivisto first focuses on how the literature he
chose ought to be considered canonical. He then outlines how key points,
even with their deficiencies, can be re-appropriated, and finally, how
new understandings of assimilation can explain ethnic relations in
contemporary times. Overall, I found his argument intriguing. I remain
sceptical, however, regarding the redeeming qualities of assimilation as
a concept. In order to be convinced, one has to accept two important
assumptions, both of which have consequences for understanding ethnic
relations.
First, Kivisto suggests that our reading of Robert Park and the
early Chicago School approach to "race relations" is
incorrect. Kivisto argues that, contrary to commonly held views,
Park's theory of assimilation is not linked to "race
relations," whereby ethnic groups move from contact to conflict, to
accommodation, and finally to assimilation (wherein minority groups
adopt the majority group's culture). To read Park and suggest his
view of assimilation was normative is also incorrect. Park's view
of assimilation is best conceived as a process of interaction whereby
ethnic groups can maintain distinctive identities and be committed to
the civic goals of the state. In other words, Park's assimilation
view provides an explanation for the coexistence of cultural pluralism and incorporation.
If Kivisto's re-reading of Park is correct, what might be some
implications? For Canadian researchers, it means we have to rethink the
influence of Park and the Chicago school on the emergence and
development of sociology in Canada. Two important graduates of the
University of Chicago, both Park's students, were Charles Dawson
and Everett Hughes. They came to Canada and developed the first
sociology program at McGill University, applying much of what they
learned in Chicago to their studies of urban Montreal, rural Quebec
villages, and the Prairies. Even more specifically, we have to rethink
the commonly held belief that Dawson and Hughes differed from Park with
their modified pluralism approach to ethnic relations. If Kivisto is
correct, his Canadian students actually reflected more accurately
Park's views than we have historically thought. Or that his
Canadian students found a cultural context more open to modified
pluralist approaches than the U.S. social context, where assimilation
played a key political and ideological role. Separating ideology from a
descriptive process of ethnic interaction may be harder than imagined.
The second implication is related to our current understanding of
assimilation, pluralism, and global society. To argue for the relevance
of assimilation, even a reconfigured assimilation, may not make sense in
a globalized and transnational world where identities are now optional.
Kivisto's approach critiques multicultural theorists precisely
because they attempt to discover what it is that holds a diverse society
together. Yet he points out they never use the word assimilation to
discuss ethnic interactions. Rather, multicultural theorists use
cognates like incorporation, integration, or inclusion. For Kivisto,
this is precisely what theorists of assimilation and multiculturalism
have in common--accounting for diversity and unity which, says the
author, is the heritage of assimilation theory. However, what both
assimilation and pluralist theories may be missing is contemporary ways
in which migrants bypass these arguments in a transnational and global
world. It could be argued that migrants are increasingly utilizing a
translocal identity (identities not rooted in one location) which
bypasses the concerns of nation-states over similarity or difference. In
the end, we may be talking about the same thing. Perhaps it is the way
assimilation historically is used to prescribe a certain course for
ethnic groups that is problematic. Does that make assimilation less
useful as a concept?
For these reasons, I find Kivisto's argument extremely
fascinating, yet I am not entirely convinced. Kivisto is a well
respected social theorist and he should be read by university students
and researchers. This is an engaging volume for all who are interested
in social theory and ethnic studies.
Michael Wilkinson; Michael.Wilkinson@twu.ca
Department of Sociology, Trinity Western University