Perceived threat and host community acculturation orientations toward immigrants: comparing Flemings in Belgium and Francophones in Quebec.

Montreuil, Annie ; Bourhis, Richard Y. ; Vanbeselaere, Norbert 等

ABSTRACT/RESUME

This empirical study compared the acculturation orientations of host communities whose ethnolinguistic vitality was perceived as somewhat threatened in two national settings: Fancophones in Quebec (N = 206) and Flemings in Belgium (N = 213). Undergraduates completed the Host Community Acculturation Scale (r-HCAS) toward valued and devalued immigrants. The respondents also completed social psychological scales including identification to national groups, ethnocentric and social dominance ideologies, security of ingroup identity, and perceived threat from immigrants. Results showed that in both settings, integrationism and individualism were the most strongly endorsed acculturation orientations. Assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionism were more strongly endorsed for devalued than for valued immigrants. Overall, Quebec Francophones held more polarized acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants compared to Flemings in Belgium. Social psychological correlates differentiating Quebec Francophones and Flemings in Belgium help account for the more polarized acculturation orientations obtained with Quebec Francophone undergraduates.

Cette etude empirique a compare les orientations d'acculturation de communautes d'accueil dont la vitalite ethnolinguistique est perque commc etant precaire: les francophones du Quebec (N=206) et les Flamands de Belgique (N=213). Des etudiants universitaires quebecois et flamands ont complete l'Echelle d'Acculturation de la Communaute d'Accueil (EACA-r) a l'egard d'immigrants valorises et devalorises. Les repondants ont aussi complete des echelles socio-psychologiques incluant l'identification 'a divers groupes nationaux et politiques, les croyances ethnocentriques et de dominance sociale, la perception de securite identitaire et le sentiment d'etre menace par la presence des immigrants. Les resultats demontrent que les Quebecois francophones et les Flamands ont prefere les orientations d'acculturation integrationniste et individualiste. Les orientations assimilationiste, segregationniste et exclusionniste ont ete endossees plus fortement a l'egard des immigrants devalorises qu'a l'egard des immigrants valorises. En general, les Quebecois francophones etaient plus polarises que les Flamands dans leur endossement des orientations d'acculturation envers les immigrants valorises et devalorises. Les correlats sociopsychologiques foumissent des pistes pour expliquer les orientations d'acculturation plus polarisees des Quebecois francophones comparativement aux Flamands.

Emerging research on acculturation processes from the perspective of host community members tends to treat the dominant society as culturally and linguistically homogeneous. However, the coexistence of subnational host communities within receiving countries is the rule rather than the exception in multiethnic societies (Fishman 1999). Countries of settlement are often made up of a dominant majority and subnational indigenous communities whose linguistic, cultural, or religious differences are the source of intergroup tensions that existed well before the arrival of immigrants (Bourhis 2001a; McAndrew and Gagnon 2000). Such is the case in Belgium and Canada.

The first goal of this study was to compare the acculturation orientations of two double status host communities who make up the dominant majority at the regional level (Quebec/Flanders) but who remain a linguistic and cultural minority at the continental level (North America/European Union). This study proposes that host community members who feel less secure linguistically, culturally, and politically are also less likely to be welcoming in their acculturation orientations toward immigrants. In line with recent studies, we also expect that host community members from both Quebec and Flanders are likely to endorse more welcoming acculturation orientations toward valued than devalued immigrants.

IMMIGRANT-HOST COMMUNITY RELATIONS IN QUEBEC AND FLANDERS

In Canada, Francophones and Anglophones are two host communities to which immigrants may acculturate. Francophones in Canada have a double status. While they form the dominant majority within the province of Quebec (81%; 5.8 million), their status is that of a linguistic minority across Canada (23%) and North America (2%, Bourhis 2003; Statistics Canada 2003a). Anglophones also have a double status. They constitute a declining host minority in Quebec (8%; 572,000), but comprise the linguistic host majority in the rest of Canada (60%).

In the long period preccding the "Quebec Quiet Revolution," (1) Quebec Francophones were a disadvantaged majority economically and socially relative to the elite Quebec Anglophone minority. As Quebec Francophones became increasingly secular, the French language emerged as the most important symbol of "Quebecois" identity and of the sovereignist nationalist movement (Balthazar 1992). But with the urbanization of Quebec society during the first half of the twentieth century, Quebec Francophones also became more keenly aware that English was the language of modernity and upward mobility, not only in Anglo-Canada but also in Quebec (Bourhis 1984). French Canadian nationalists highlighted the threatened position of the French language and culture in a province increasingly integrated economically and politically within Anglo-Canada (Rocher 1992). The rise of the Quebec nationalist movement in the second half of the twentieth century had the threatened position of the French language and culture as one of its enduring themes, not only in Canada, but even within Quebec itself (Balthazar 1992). To this day, Quebec sovereignty is proposed as a necessary measure designed to bolster the linguistic, cultural, and political security of Quebec Francophones within the last territorial enclave in which a distinctively French society can survive within North America (Bourhis 2001b). For Francophones, whose birth rate is very low (1.4 children/woman), the integration of immigrants to the French host community is seen as a way to maintain Quebec as the only French majority jurisdiction in North America.

In the province of Quebec, first generation immigrants represent about 707,000 people, corresponding to roughly 10 percent of the provincial population in 2001 (Statistics Canada 2003c). Eighty-eight percent of this provincial immigrant population (or 622,000 people) have settled in the greater Montreal metropolitan area (Statistics Canada 2003b). Montreal is a bilingual metropolitan region offering two distinctive host communities: the French mother tongue majority and the English mother tongue minority. For most immigrants, English has enjoyed the status of being the language of business and social mobility in Canada and in North America as a whole. Consequently, up until the mid 1970s, immigrants tended to integrate culturally and linguistically to the high-status, Anglophone minority in Quebec rather than to the lower-status, Francophone majority (Bourhis 1994a). However, successive Quebec governments adopted language laws designed to raise the status of French relative to English in the province as a way of consolidating the "French Fact" in Quebec (Bourhis 1994b). Taken together, these Quebec government measures had their intended effect of bolstering the linguistic integration of immigrants to the French majority in the school system (Mc Andrew 2002; Paille 2002) and in the work world (Bouchard 2002). However, given its status as the lingua franca of North America, the drawing power of English remains strong in Montreal, and many Francophones still fear that immigrants will integrate culturally and linguistically within the English rather than the French host community in the province (Bourhis 1994a).

Belgium is comprised of two main linguistic communities, the Flemish and the French. This bi-national state adopted a territorial solution to manage its linguistic diversity. Consequently, Flanders is officially unilingual Flemish, while Wallonia is unilingual French. These two sub-national communities enjoy a considerable amount of autonomy and have engaged in respective nation-building projects of their own during the last century (Maddens, Billiet, and Beerten 2000). Flemings represent roughly sixty percent of the total population of Belgium (about 6 million, Belgique 2000). Until the mid 1960s, the Fleming majority was mainly of agricultural and Catholic background. It was dominated both economically and politically by the secular Francophone minority who controlled key sectors of the Belgian state. However, by the late 1950s, the Flemish region enjoyed an economic and political modernization which contributed to the revival of, and pride in the Flemish (Dutch) dialect and culture (Bourhis, Giles, Leyens, and Tajfel 1979). Despite the vitality of the Dutch language in the neighboring Netherlands, the Flemish dialect and culture retain a minority status within Europe and internationally. As such, the Flemish ethnic revival movement has also been associated with language policies designed to improve the status of Dutch relative to French within the Belgian state (Nelde 1997). In contrast, the French speaking Walloon region of Belgium suffered a gradual decline as coal powered steel industries of the early twentieth century were supplanted by high tech industries which tended to settle in Flanders, where trade union traditions were not as strongly entrenched as in Wallonia. Though suffering a decline on the demographic, economic, and institutional front, the Walloon minority of Belgium still benefits from the prestige and use of French as an international language in Brussels, the administrative capital of the European Union. Given the vitality of French in neighboring France, it is clear that the drawing power of French remains strong for immigrants across Belgium.

Although Belgium is not an immigration country per se, foreigners represent about 900,000 people, corresponding to roughly nine percent of the total population (Belgique 2000). This figure is a conservative indicator of the foreign population as it includes political refugees, asylum seekers, and migrant workers, while excluding people of foreign origin who have acquired Belgian nationality (i.e., a large portion of second- and third-generation immigrants). The foreign population is unequally distributed in Belgium: while the foreign-born population makes up about thirty percent of the Brussels-capital region, it forms only five percent of the total population in the Flemish region.

Differential Threat Hypothesis

The French of Quebec and the Flemings of Belgium are linguistic majorities who gained ascendancy in the last half century vis-a-vis formerly elite minorities; the English in Quebec and the French in Belgium. The French of Quebec and the Flemings of Belgium used language policies to increase the status of their respective language relative to the prestige language of the formerly elite minorities. In both cases, however, the former elite host minorities' drawing power remains strong for immigrants, given the prestige of English in North America and of French in France and the European Union.

We expect that Quebec Francophones may feel less secure culturally, linguistically, and politically than Flemings. We have seen to this day that the Quebec nationalist movement nurtured the linguistic, cultural, and political insecurities of Quebec Francophones while proposing sovereignty as a solution to such threats. Public opinion surveys have consistently shown that Quebec sovereignty remains a popular option, especially amongst young Quebec Francophones (including undergraduates). Many Quebec Francophones remain ambivalent toward immigrants because such newcomers are not attracted by the sovereignist option and, for reasons of geographic and social mobility, remain as likely to choose English as French as their language of linguistic and cultural integration within Quebec (Kalin 1996). Thus we hypothesize that Quebec Francophone host majority members may endorse less welcoming acculturation orientations toward immigrants than Flemish host majority members.

The geopolitical context of the European Union remains much more heterogeneous linguistically and culturally than does North America's. Thus while the Flemings constitute a linguistic majority in Flanders and remain a minority within Europe, they share this minority status with most other linguistically and culturally distinctive minorities of the European Union. The economic, political, and linguistic revival of the Flemings in Belgium was achieved in the latter part of the twentieth century without the mobilization of a sovereignist movement. A pro-sovereignty nationalist option was largely discredited following its collaboration with the German occupation during the Second World War. While the current right-wing, Vlaams Blok party proposes a xenophobic, anti-immigrant platform, it is not a popular option among Flemish university undergraduates. Taking these sociological factors into consideration, it is proposed that Flemish undergraduates may feel more secure culturally, linguistically, and politically than Quebec Francophones.

ACCULTURATION ORIENTATIONS OF HOST MAJORITY MEMBERS IN QUEBEC AND FLANDERS

As was shown in a number of recent studies, the feeling of threat experienced by host majority communities can have an impact on the acculturation orientations they endorse toward valued and devalued immigrants (Bourhis and Dayan 2004; Montreuil and Bourhis 2001; Piontkowski, Rohmann, and Florack 2002). Acculturation is a term used to describe the process of bidirectional change that takes place when two ethnocultural groups come into sustained contact with each other (Graves 1967). This definition of acculturation implies that dominant as well as non-dominant cultural groups are influenced and transformed by their intercultural contacts and are expected to modify some aspects of their respective culture as a mean of adaptating to ethnocultural diversity (Berry 1997).

The Interactive Acculturation Model (IAM) integrates within a common theoretical framework the following components of immigrant and host majority relations in cross-cultural settings: 1) acculturation orientations adopted by the host majority toward specific groups of immigrants, 2) acculturation orientations adopted by immigrant groups within the host society, and 3) interpersonal and intergroup relational outcomes that are the product of combinations of immigrant and host majority acculturation orientations (Bourhis, Moise, Perreault, and Senecal 1997). The IAM proposes that immigrant-host majority relational outcomes can be situated on a continuum ranging from harmonious, to problematic, to conflictual intergroup relations (Bourhis 2001a). In her recent review of acculturation models, Liebkind (2001) stated that the main contribution of the IAM was its emphasis on the intergroup nature of the acculturation process, taking into account the orientations of both host majority and immigrant group members as they interact within countries of settlement whose immigration and integration policies may vary considerably.

The IAM proposes that six acculturation orientations can be endorsed by host majority members toward immigrant minorities: individualism, integrationism, integrationism-transformation, assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionism. Individualism, integrationism, and integrationism-transformation can be considered as more welcoming acculturation orientations, given that host majority members who endorse such orientations are generally quite accepting of immigrants as group members or as individuals.

Individualism is an orientation in which host community members define themselves and others as individuals rather than as members of group categories such as immigrants or host majority members. For individualists, it is the personal characteristics of individuals that count most, rather than belonging to one group or another. Such individualists will therefore tend to downgrade the importance of maintaining the immigrant culture or adopting the dominant host culture as criteria of successful acculturation. Given that it is personal qualities and achievements that count most, individualists will tend to interact with immigrants in the same way they would with any individual who happens to be a member of the host community.

Host majority members who accept and value the maintenance of the heritage culture of immigrants and also accept that immigrants adopt important features of the majority host culture endorse the integrationist orientation. This orientation implies that host community members value a stable biculturalism among immigrant groups which may contribute to cultural pluralism as an enduring feature of the host society. Individuals who not only accept and value the cultural contributions of immigrants to the fabric of the majority host culture but are willing to transform some aspects of their own cultural habits and institutional practices for the sake of integrating immigrants endorse the integrationist-transformation orientation.

Host majority members who endorse the assimilationist, segregationist, or exclusionist orientations have in common the rejection of immigrants or their cultural specificities. The assimilationist orientation corresponds to the traditional concept of absorption whereby host community members expect immigrants to relinquish their cultural identity for the sake of adopting the culture of the majority host society. The assimilationist orientation implies that dominant host community members will eventually consider those immigrants who have assimilated as full-fledged members of the majority host society.

Members of the host community who prefer a segregationist orientation accept that immigrants maintain their heritage culture as long as they keep their distance from host majority members, as they do not wish immigrants to adopt or transform the host culture. Host community members who adopt this orientation disfavor cross-cultural contact with immigrants, prefer them to remain together in separate community enclaves, and are ambivalent regarding the status of immigrants as rightful members of the majority host society.

The exclusionist orientation is endorsed by members of the host community who are both intolerant of immigrants who maintain their culture of origin and also refuse to allow immigrants to adopt or transform features of the majority host culture. Exclusionists deny immigrants the choice to maintain their heritage culture and believe that immigrants may never be incorporated culturally or socially as rightful members of the host society. These six acculturation orientations are measured using a revised version of the Host Community Acculturation Scale (r-HCAS) based on the original version of the scale (Bourhis and Bougie 1998: Montreuil and Bourhis 2001).

Valued/Devalued Immigrant Groups Hypothesis

The IAM proposes that host majority acculturation orientations may differ depending on the national origin of the minority and immigrant group being considered by dominant host majority members (Bourhis 2001a; Bourhis et al. 1997). For instance, integrationism was the predominant acculturation orientation of Quebec Francophones toward "valued" immigrants from France whose language (French) and ethnic background (White) was similar to their own (Montreuil and Bourhis 2001). In contrast, these same Francophones were more likely to adopt acculturation orientations such as assimilationism and segregationism toward "devalued" immigrants from Haiti, whose linguistic background was similar (French) but whose ethnocultural background was different (Caribbean Black). Studies conducted with various host communities using the HCAS found that acculturation orientations such as integrationism and individualism were endorsed more strongly toward valued immigrants, while less welcoming acculturation orientations such as segregationism and exclusionism were more strongly endorsed toward devalued than valued immigrants (Bourhis and Dayan 2004; Montreuil and Bourhis 2001).

In the present study, Quebec Francophone undergraduates completed the r-HCAS toward immigrants from France as the valued immigrant group (Tchoryk-Pelletier 1989) and Muslim Arabs as the devalued immigrant group. Morocco and Algeria are the third and fourth countries of origin of immigrants who settled in Quebec during the last five years (Canada 2002). Such North African immigrants often have French as a first (L1) or second language (L2), thus contributing to the maintenance of the French Fact in Quebec. However, a sizable proportion of immigrants from Arab countries are Muslims and tend to be perceived as culturally and religiously very different by Quebec Francophones who remain predominantly Roman Catholic (Antonius 2002). A recent survey conducted across Canada since the events of September eleventh showed that it was in the province of Quebec that people expressed the highest level of concern for anti-Arab sentiment, this trend being more pronounced with the youngest generation of adults aged eighteen to twenty-nine (Jedwab 2003). Furthermore, while 29 percent of Quebec Franco-phones felt that Arabs project a negative image in Canadian society, similar perceptions were less likely to be held about other minorities such as Aboriginals (23%), Jews (15%), and Blacks (10%). Thus we expect that Quebec Francophone undergraduates will have less welcoming acculturation orientations toward devalued Muslim Arab immigrants from North Africa than toward valued immigrants from France.

Flemish undergraduates completed the r-HCAS toward Italian immigrants as the valued immigrant group in Belgium and Moroccans as the salient devalued immigrant group. Italians make up the most important group of European immigrants in Belgium (200,000, 23% of the total foreigner population) and the second-most important in Flanders after the Dutch (24,610 and 70,815 respectively; Belgique 2000). Though Italian migrants and the Flemish host community share in common Roman Catholicism, Italians do not contribute directly to the linguistic vitality of the Dutch or French speaking host communities of Belgium. Whereas European Union members tend to fare better than non-European foreigners on the labor market, Italians do not quite enjoy the same benefits as Belgians in housing and education (Belgique 2000). Although Italians continue to face some difficulties connected with their immigrant status, Belgians have quite positive attitudes toward Italy and toward Italians residing in Belgium.

Moroccans make up the most important non-European foreigner group in Belgium (121,000, 15% of total foreigners) and in Flanders (45,150; Belgique 2000). The devalued status of Moroccans is reflected in their over-representation in disadvantaged sectors of the labor market and housing across Belgium. Moroccans were originally recruited as guest workers by the Belgian government to supply cheap manpower for the booming industries of the early 1970s. The families of these guest workers were later accepted in the country through family reunification programs (Martiniello and Rea 2003). French-speaking Moroccans are less likely to bolster the linguistic and cultural vitality of the Flemish host community than to contribute to the linguistic vitality of the French host community (Snauwaert, Soenens, Vanbeselaere, and Boen 2003). Moreover, a large majority of Flemings spontaneously link the existence of interethnic tensions and conflicts in Belgium to the presence of Moroccan immigrants (Snauwaert, Vanbeselaere, Duriez, Boen, and Hutsebaut 1999). Taking the above into consideration, we expect that Flemish respondents will endorse more welcoming acculturation orientations toward valued immigrants from Italy than toward immigrants from Morocco.

METHOD

Respondents

Participants were 206 Quebec Francophone undergraduates attending a French university in the province of Quebec and 213 Flemish undergraduates attending a Flemish university in Flanders. The mean age for Quebec Francophones was twenty-five years and for Flemings, twenty. Quebec Francophone respondents were all born in Canada and all had French as a mother tongue. Both their parents were born in Canada and were also Francophone. Flemish respondents were born in Flanders and at least one of their parents was also born in Belgium, while the other could be born in one of the neighboring European Union countries such as France, the Netherlands, or Luxemburg. Dutch was the mother tongue of Flemish students and their parents.

Procedure

Between January and August 2001, undergraduates in Quebec and Flanders completed a questionnaire during class time. The first part of the questionnaire consisted of the revised-HCAS. Respondents also completed a range of scales and items used as social psychological correlates of each acculturation orientation. Unless otherwise specified, all variables were measured using a seven-point, Likert scale (1 = not at all or do not agree at all; 7 = very much or strongly agree). Questionnaires were provided in the respective mother tongue of the respondents: Dutch or French.

Questionnaire Measures

Revised Host Community Acculturation Scale (r-HCAS)

Respondents completed the revised-HCAS scale twice, once toward a valued immigrant group and a second time toward a devalued immigrant target group. Immigrants from France and Muslim Arab immigrants were chosen as the respective valued and devalued group for Quebec Francophone respondents. Italians and Moroccans were the salient valued and devalued immigrant groups used for the r-HCAS scales completed by Flemish undergraduates. Note that for the Quebec Francophone sample, the double label "Muslim Arab" was used intentionally to address a common social representation in Quebec: immigrants from Arab countries are often automatically associated with the Muslim religion.

Each of the six acculturation orientations were assessed for the following three domains: employment, cultural maintenance, and endogamy-exogamy. Examples of the actual items used to measure these six acculturation orientations in the domain of cultural maintenance for Quebec Francophones toward Muslim Arab immigrants are presented herein: Individualist (Cronbach alpha = .60 and .67, respectively for Quebec Francophones and Flemings), "Whether Muslim Arab immigrants maintain their cultural heritage or adopt the Quebec Francophone culture makes no difference because each person is free to adopt the culture of his/her choice"; Integrationist (Cronbach alpha = .60 and .58), "Muslim Arab immigrants should maintain their own heritage culture while also adopting the Quebec Francophone culture"; lntegrationist-transfonnation (Cronbach alpha = .46 and .50), "Quebec Francophones should transform certain aspects of their own culture to truly integrate Muslim Arab immigrants"; Assimilationist (Cronbach alpha = .58 and .47), "Muslim Arab immigrants should give up their culture of origin for the sake of adopting the Quebec Francophone culture"; Segregationist (Cronbach alpha = .56 and .51), "Muslim Arab immigrants can maintain their culture of origin as long as it doesn't influence the Quebec Francophone culture"; Exclusionist (Cronbach alpha = .79 and .69), "Quebec Francophones have nothing to gain from Muslim Arab immigrants or their culture." The structure of the HCAS and the revised-HCAS scales were validated with college and university students in Canada (Bourhis and Bougie 1998; Montreuil and Bourhis 2001; 2004), Germany (Montreuil, El-Geledi, Bourhis, Klink, and Mummendey 2003), France (Personnaz, Bourhis, Barrette, and Personnaz 2002), and Israel (Bourhis and Dayan 2004).

Social Psychological Correlates

The second part of the questionnaire measured a number of social psychological correlates chosen as those most likely to account for differential acculturation orientations toward valued and devalued immigrants in each national setting. The multiple identity profile of Quebec Francophone and Flemish undergraduates was measured using a list of statements formulated for different national, regional, linguistic, and political groups (e.g., "To what extent do you identify as Quebec Francophone?").

The Ethnic Thermometer Scale (ETS) asked respondents to indicate how they perceived various cultural and linguistic groups in their country on a 100-point scale where 0 represents an extremely unfavorable attitude and 100 an extremely favorable attitude. Target groups for the Quebec Francophone sample were: Quebec Francophones, Quebec Anglophones, and immigrants from France, Vietnam, China, Haiti, the West Indies, Latin America, and Muslim Arabs. Target groups for the Flemish sample were: Flemings, Belgians, Walloons, French nationals, Dutch nationals, and Italian, Asian, Turkish, and Moroccan immigrants.

The Quality of Ingroup Identity Scale measured the degree to which Quebec Francophones and Flemings felt proud, happy, confident, and at ease, and how much they liked being members of their own respective group. The wording of the quality of identity scale was: "To what extent do you feel proud to be Quebec Francophone?" (Cronbach alpha = .94 for Quebec Francophones; .90 for Flemings).

Ethnocentrism measures how much individuals maintain an evaluative bias in favor of their own group while perceiving out-groups as being inferior to their own group (Berry, Kalin, and Taylor 1977). The Ethnocentrism Scale adapted for the Canadian context was made up of six items and had a Cronbach alpha of .58 for Quebec Francophone respondents and .62 for Flemish respondents (Berry et al. 1977).

The Social Dominance Orientation Scale (SDO) measured beliefs in the legitimacy of social hierarchies made up of dominant and subordinate groups (Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, and Malle 1994). The SDO scale consisted of sixteen items, and the internal consistency of the scale was .88 for Quebec Francophones and .91 for Flemings.

Feeling of Security as Quebec Francophone and as Fleming was assessed in four domains: cultural, linguistic, economic, and political. The ingroup security items were formulated as follows: "To what degree do you feel secure culturally as a Quebec Francophone?" (Bourhis and Bougie 1998).

Perceived threat to ingroup identity was measured using one item per target group. This item was formulated as follows: "To what extent do you feel your ingroup identity is threatened by the presence of the following groups?" (Bourhis and Bougie 1998). For Quebec Francophones, the targeted groups were immigrants from France as the valued group and Muslim Arabs as the devalued group. For Flemings, Italian immigrants were the valued group while Moroccans were chosen as the devalued group.

Given the reactive nature of some of the scales, a Social Desirability Scale was included at the end of the questionnaire to control for participants who may respond in a face-saving way to sensitive items in the questionnaire. This fourteen item scale was answered using true or false items (Cronbach alpha = .68 for Quebec Francophones, .67 for Flemings; Crowne and Marlowe 1960).

RESULTS

Multiple Identity Profile

Quebec Francophone undergraduates identified very much as Francophone (M= 6.6 on a 7-point scale) and as Quebecois (M=6.5), moderately as Canadian (M=4.1), and not at all as Anglophone (M=2.0). Politically, Francophones identified much more as Sovereignist (M=4.6) than as Federalist (M=2.2). Whereas Flemish undergraduates identified very much as Dutch-speaking (M=6.2), Flemish (M=5.5), and Belgian (M=5.4), they identified less strongly as European (M=5.0) and not at all as Francophone (M=1.4) or Walloon (M=1.2). Politically, Flemish undergraduates strongly identified with the Green Party, AGALEV (M=4.5), but did not identify with the extreme-right wing party, Vlaams Blok (M=1.3).

Attitude toward Ethnic Groups

Undergraduates rated various ethnic groups on the Ethnic Thermometer Scale. Quebec Francophones most favored their own group, Quebec Francophones (M=88 on a 100-point scale), followed by valued immigrants from France (M=75), and the Quebec Anglophone co-national outgroup (M=70). Next came visible minority groups such as the Vietnamese (M=66), the Chinese (M=65), the Haitians (M=64), the West Indians (M=63), and the Latinos (M=62). With an attitude score just below the mid-point of the scale, the least favorably perceived group were Muslim Arabs (M=49). Flemish undergraduates favored their own group, Flemings (M=82), followed by Belgians in general (M=77). They had favorable opinions of Dutch nationals (M=67), European Union migrants in Belgium, French nationals, and their respective co-national outgroup, Walloons (all Ms=66). The Italian valued immigrant group along with Asian immigrants were favorably perceived (M=65). Finally, Turkish immigrants (M=55) and Moroccan immigrants (M=54) received the least favorable evaluations from Flemish undergraduates.

As these results illustrate, Quebec Francophones tend to express more favorable attitudes toward valued immigrants from France than toward immigrants from other national origins or even toward the Quebec Anglophone co-national outgroup. Flemings were equally favorable toward their Walloon co-national outgroup and Italian immigrants. Members of both host communities expressed the least favorable attitude toward the devalued immigrant groups chosen for this study, thus confirming our choice of Muslim Arabs and Moroccans as the most devalued immigrant groups in Quebec and Flanders respectively. It remains that Quebec Francophone undergraduates were more polarized in their differential ratings of the valued versus devalued immigrant group (75-49=26 points difference) than were Flemish undergraduates (65-54=11 points difference).

Acculturation Orientations

As expected, individualism and integrationism were the most strongly endorsed acculturation orientations by both Quebec Francophone and Flemish undergraduates. However, as seen in Figures 1a and 1b, members of both host communities were significantly less inclined to endorse the integrationism-transformation orientation, demonstrating limits in the cultural changes host community undergraduates are willing to undertake in order to incorporate immigrant cultural specificities within the host culture and institutions. Assimilationism was weakly endorsed, while segregationism and exclusionism were two orientations much less endorsed by undergraduates in Quebec and Flanders. This order of preference was also expressed by similar populations of Quebec Anglophones (Montreuil and Bourhis 2004) and French-origin undergraduates in Paris (Personnaz et al. 2002). As in a recent study using the HCAS scale, the social desirability measure was not correlated with any of the six acculturation orientations endorsed by Flemish and Quebec Francophone undergraduates (Montreuil and Bourhis 2001).

[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]

Testing the Valued/Devalued Hypothesis

Figure 1a shows that Quebec Francophones endorsed the individualism and integrationism orientations more strongly toward valued than devalued immigrants, thus supporting our valued/devalued hypothesis. Paired-sample t-tests performed on each of these orientations revealed that this difference was statistically significant for individualism (Ms=5.9 versus 5.0; t(205)=11.08, p<.001), integrationism (Ms=5.9 versus 5.0; t(205)=10.51, p<.001), and integrationism-transformation (Ms=4.1 versus 3.0; t(205)=12.58, p<.001). Also in line with our valued/devalued hypothesis, Quebec Francophones were more likely to endorse the assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionism orientations toward devalued than valued immigrants. These effects were subtle but significant for assimilationism (Ms=2.9 versus 2.1; t(205)=9.92, p<.001), segregationism (Ms=2.6 versus 2.1; t(205)6.78, p<.001), and exclusionism (Ms=1.7 versus 1.2; t(205)=6.72, p<.001).

For Flemish undergraduates, acculturation orientations were also endorsed to a different extent depending on the valued or devalued status of the immigrant target group. In line with our valued/devalued hypothesis, Figure 1b shows that Flemish undergraduates more strongly endorsed the integrationism and individualism orientations for valued immigrants than for devalued immigrants. Paired-sample t-tests performed on each of these orientations revealed that this effect was found for individualism (Ms=5.3 versus 5.1 ; t(212)=5.32, p<.001), integrationism (Ms=5.4 versus 5.0; t(212)=7.51, p<.001 , and integrationism-transformation (Ms=4.0 versus 3.6; t(212)=6.28, p<.001). Unlike Quebec Francophones, Flemings were as likely to endorse assimilationism toward devalued as valued immigrants (both Ms=2.9; t(212)=1.36, p=.17). However, as with Quebec Francophones, Flemish undergraduates were more likely to endorse the segregationism (Ms=2.4 versus 2.2; t(205)=5.45, p<.001) and exclusionism orientations (Ms=1.7 versus 1.5: t(205)=5.13, p<.001) toward devalued immigrants than toward valued immigrants. Although statistical tests indicated that these effects were significant for five of the six acculturation orientations, the size of these differences were much smaller for Flemings than for Quebec Francophones.

Testing the Differential Threat Hypothesis

As a way of exploring the differential threat hypothesis, we tested if Quebec Francophones were more polarized in the endorsement of acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants than were Flemings. For each acculturation orientation, polarization scores were computed by subtracting the degree of endorsement toward devalued immigrants from the degree of endorsement toward valued immigrants. A positive score indicated that respondents were more likely to endorse an orientation toward valued rather than devalued immigrants, while a negative sign in front of a polarization score indicated that respondents were more likely to endorse this orientation toward devalued than valued immigrants. These scores were then submitted to six Oneway ANOVAs that compared Quebec Francophones and Flemings in the degree of polarization they expressed in acculturation orientations. Results indicated that Quebec Francophones were more polarized in their endorsement of acculturation orientations than were Flemings, whose endorsement of each acculturation orientation toward valued and devalued immigrants were much less differentiated. Quebec Francophones were more polarized than Flemings in the endorsement of individualism (mean difference score of 0.92 for Quebec Francophones versus 0.28 for Flemings, F(1,417)=43.90, p<.001), integrationism (0.91 versus 0.39; F(1,417)=26.67, p<.001), and integrationism-transformation (1.05 versus 0.30; F(1,417)=60.86, p<.001). These three orientations were generally endorsed to a higher extent toward valued than toward devalued immigrants, as indicated by the positive valence of the difference scores. Quebec Francophones were also more polarized than Flemings in the endorsement of assimilationism (-0.78 versus -0.01, F(1,417)=61.12, p<.001), segregationism (-0.52 versus -0.22; F(1,417)=13,64, p<.001), and exclusionism (-0.49 versus -0.23; F(1,417)=9.74, p <.01).

Social Psychological Correlates of Acculturation Orientations

Why were Quebec Francophones more polarized than Flemish undergraduates in their endorsement of acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants? Social psychological variables were analyzed as potential factors accounting for the more polarized acculturation orientations obtained for Quebec Francophones relative to Flemish undergraduates. Table 1 illustrates how both host communities compare on various social psychological correlates of acculturation orientations. Quebec Francophone undergraduates felt that their social identity was more positive than did Flemish undergraduates. Endorsement of the ethnocentrism and social dominance orientation was weak for both groups of undergraduates. However, Quebec Francophones were even less likely to endorse ethnocentric ideologies and the Social Dominance Orientation than were Flemish undergraduates.

Results presented in Table 1 show that Quebec Francophones felt less secure than Flemish undergraduates in the linguistic domain, the cultural domain, the political domain, and the economic domain. Quebec Francophones were more likely than Flemings to feel their ingroup identity was threatened by the presence of devalued immigrants, whereas valued immigrants did not represent a threat to either host community. The insecurity felt by Quebec Francophones in the linguistic, cultural, political, and economic domains compared to the Flemings may help account for their more polarized endorsement of acculturation orientations relative to Flemish undergraduates.

As can be seen in Tables 2a and 2b, correlations between polarization scores in acculturation orientations and the social psychological variables were conducted to better account for differences obtained between Quebec Francophones and Flemish undergraduates. Note that absolute polarization scores on acculturation orientations were used in the correlation matrix. These scores are an indication of the degree of difference obtained in the endorsement of each acculturation orientation toward valued vs devalued immigrants.

As regards Flemish undergraduates, results presented in Table 2a show that only two ingroup security scores out of a possible twenty-four were significantly correlated with acculturation polarization scores. Overall, linguistic, cultural, political, and economic security were not correlated with the polarization of acculturation orientations for Flemish undergraduates. However, results did show that feeling that the ingroup identity was threatened by the presence of immigrants was related to polarization of assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionist orientations. The more Flemings felt their ingroup identity was threatened by the presence of immigrants, the more likely they were to distinguish between valued and devalued immigrants in their endorsement of the assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionism orientations.

Ethnocentrism and Social Dominance Orientation were ideological beliefs that also affected the polarization scores of Flemish undergraduates. As shown in Table 2a, the more Flemish undergraduates endorsed the ethnocentrism and social dominance orientation ideology, the more polarized they were in their endorsement of each acculturation orientation except assimilationism. The more Flemish respondents were ethnocentric and socially dominant, the more they favored valued over devalued immigrants in their individualism and integrationism acculturation orientations. Conversely, the more Flemish undergraduates were ethnocentric and socially dominant, the more they endorsed the assimilationist, segregationist, and exclusionist orientations toward Moroccans relative to Italian immigrants. Finally, political identification with the extreme-right party, Vlaams Blok, was related to the polarized endorsement of the exclusiouism orientation. Note that the identification of Flemish undergraduates to the Vlaams Blok party was very weak, as was their endorsement of the exclusionist orientation.

What social psychological factors were correlated with the polarized acculturation orientations of Quebec Francophones? Results presented in Table 2b show that security in the cultural domain was negatively related to polarization in five of the six acculturation orientations for Quebec Francophones. The less Quebec Francophones felt secure in their cultural identity, the more polarized they were in their endorsement of individualism, integrationism, assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionism toward valued versus devalued immigrants. In other words, Quebec Francophones who felt that their cultural identity was insecure were more likely to endorse individualism and integrationism toward valued than devalued immigrants. The more insecure they felt culturally, the more strongly they endorsed the assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionism orientations toward devalued immigrants compared to valued immigrants. Security in the linguistic domain was also negatively related to polarization on the segregationism and exclusionism acculturation orientations. Thus, the less secure Quebec Francophones felt in their linguistic identity, the more strongly they endorsed the segregationist and exclusionist orientations toward Arab Muslims relative to valued immigrants from France. Likewise, the less secure Quebec Francophones felt politically, the more strongly they endorsed assimilationist and segregationist orientations toward Arab Muslims relative to immigrants from France. Finally, note that Francophone insecurity in the economic domain was not correlated with polarization on any of the acculturation orientations. This pattern suggests that symbolic threat (Stephan and Stephan 2000) rather than realistic conflict of interest (Esses, Dovidio, Jackson, and Armstrong 2001) is at the core of Quebec Francophone acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants.

Results also showed that the more Quebec Francophones felt that their identity was threatened by the presence of immigrants, the more polarized they were in their endorsement of each of the six acculturation orientations. Thus, feeling threatened by the presence of immigrants was associated with a stronger polarization of acculturation orientations endorsed toward Muslim Arab immigrants relative to valued immigrants from France.

Ethnocentrism and social dominance orientations also affected the polarization scores of all six acculturation orientations endorsed by Quebec Francophones. As seen in Table 2b, the more Francophone undergraduates endorsed the ethnocentrism and social dominance orientation, the more polarized they were in their endorsement of each of the six acculturation orientations. The more Quebec Francophones were ethnocentric and socially dominant, the more they favored immigrants from France over Muslim Arabs in their individualism and integrationism orientations. Conversely, the more Quebec Francophones were ethnocentric and socially dominant, the more they endorsed the assimilationist, segregationist, and exclusionist orientations toward devalued Muslim Arabs relative to valued immigrants from France.

Finally results showed that the more Quebec Francophones identified with the Quebec sovereignist movement, the more polarized they were in their endorsement of the assimilationist and exclusionist orientations. Thus, the more Quebec Francophones endorsed the Quebec separatist party, the more they endorsed the assimilationist and exclusionist orientations toward devalued Muslim Arabs relative to more valued immigrants from France.

DISCUSSION

Both Quebec Francophones in Montreal and Flemish undergraduates in Leuven strongly endorsed welcoming acculturation orientations toward immigrants such as individualism, integrationism, and to a lesser extent, integrationism-transformation. Conversely, undergraduates from these two national settings were less likely to endorse rejecting acculturation orientations such as assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionism. These results corroborate previous findings obtained with university students sampled in other metropolitan settings such as Los Angeles, Paris, and Tel Aviv (Bourhis and Dayan 2004; Montreuil et al. 2000; Personnaz et al. 2002). Given their advantaged social class and educational background, university undergraduates across these national settings may not feel directly affected by the presence of newly established immigrants and would be the category of host majority members most likely to endorse welcoming acculturation orientations such as integrationism and individualism. Categories of host community members whose social class and educational background are less priviledged would be expected to have more competitive contacts with newly settled immigrants on the job front and in housing and may be less likely to endorse welcoming acculturation orientations toward such outgroups.

Endorsement of the integrationism-transformation orientation implies that host majority members are willing to transform key features of their own majority institutions and their own habits to better accommodate important aspects of the immigrant culture. Results showed that undergraduates in both Belgium and Quebec were less willing to endorse the integrationism-transformation orientation than the integrationism and individualism acculturation orientations, which both implied a much weaker commitment to the transformation of the host culture. The differential endorsement of the integrationism-transforlnation versus the classic integrationism orientation by undergraduates surveyed in Quebec and Flanders attests to the conceptual relevance of distinguishing between these two types of integrationism orientations. Clearly integrationism-transfonnation must be fully integrated conceptually within current models of host majority/immigrant acculturation relations (Berry 1997, 2001; Bourhis et al. 1997).

Results obtained with Quebec Francophone undergraduates supported the valued/devalued hypothesis. Quebec Francophones endorsed more welcoming acculturation orientations toward valued immigrants from France than toward devalued immigrants of Arab/Muslim background. This was the case for the endorsement of the individualism, integrationism, and integrationism-transformation acculturation orientations. Conversely, Quebec Francophones more strongly endorsed the assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionism orientations toward Muslim Arab immigrants than toward immigrants from France. These results were obtained despite the fact that both immigrants from France and those of Muslim Arab background share French as a first or second language with Quebec Francophone host majority members. By virtue of their knowledge of French, North African immigrants of Muslim Arab background contribute to the bolstering of the French Fact in Quebec as much as immigrants from France (Bourhis 1994a). However, according to Stephan and Stephan (2000), the presence of immigrants perceived as having different values, standards, beliefs, or attitudes may induce representations of such outgroups as constituting a "symbolic threat." Thus, despite the increasing secularization in both Quebec and France, it remains that immigrants of Muslim Arab background do not share Roman Catholicism as a religious background with Quebec Francophones. Furthermore, we have seen that immigrants of Muslim Arab background have suffered negative stereotyping in the Quebec setting since September eleventh (Jedwab 2003). In contrast, immigrants from France not only share the French language with Quebec Francophones, but also remain the source country upon which Quebec French culture was originally based before and after the "British Conquest."

Results obtained with Flemish undergraduates supported the valued/devalued hypothesis for five of the six acculturation orientations. Flemish undergraduates endorsed more welcoming acculturation orientations toward valued immigrants from Italy than toward devalued immigrants of Moroccan background. This was the case for individualism, integrationism, and integrationism-transformation acculturation orientations. While the valued/devalued hypothesis was not supported in the case of the assimilationism orientation, the hypothesis was supported in the case of the segregationism and exclusionism orientations. Flemish undergraduates were less likely to endorse the segregationism and exclusionism orientations toward valued immigrants from Italy than toward devalued immigrants from Morocco. However, compared with Quebec Francophones, Flemings were less polarized in their differential endorsement of acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants. For Flemish undergraduates, immigrants of Italian and Moroccan background could be seen as somewhat equivalent with respect to their weak role in bolstering the vitality of the Flemish host community on the linguistic or cultural front. Implicitly, Flemings may perceive that both Italians and Moroccans are immigrants who are more likely to integrate linguistically and culturally within the rival Francophone host community than within the Flemish community. However, as in the Quebec setting, it remains that immigrants of Moroccan background remain a "devalued" group as they have suffered negative stereotyping since September eleventh while also being discriminated against in housing and employment in Belgium (Belgique 2000).

Taken together, results obtained with Quebec Francophones and Flemish undergraduates support the valued/devalued hypothesis and corroborate similar patterns obtained with host majority members toward valued versus devalued groups in Tel Aviv and with another cohort of Francophone host majority members in Montreal (Bourhis and Dayan 2004; Montreuil and Bourhis 2001). These results support a fundamental premise of the IAM model to the effect that the same host majority members may endorse differentiated acculturation orientations depending on the national origin of the immigrant groups being considered (Bourhis 2001a; Bourhis et al. 1997).

Overall, results supported the differential threat hypothesis. Flemish undergraduates felt more secure linguistically, culturally, and politically than Quebec Francophones. Furthermore, Flemish undergraduates felt that their national identity was less threatened by the presence of devalued immigrants than did Quebec Francophones. For Flemish undergraduates, feelings of cultural, linguistic, and political threat were not much correlated with polarized endorsement of the acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants. Given that Flemish undergraduates felt quite secure linguistically, culturally, and politically, it is not surprising that such security measures were not correlates of polarized acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants. However, those Flemings who felt their national identity was threatened by the presence of immigrants were more likely to polarize their endorsement of the assimilationism, segregationism, and exclusionism orientations toward devalued versus valued immigrants. Though identification with the Vlaams Block party was very low, Flemish undergraduates who did identify with this party were also those who were more polarized in their exclusionism orientation toward devalued versus valued immigrant groups.

The stronger feeling of threat experienced by Quebec Francophones does help account for the fact that Francophones were more polarized in their endorsement of acculturation orientations than were Flemish undergraduates. Given that Quebec Francophones felt less secure culturally, linguistically, and politically than Flemings, it was perhaps not too surprising to find that Francophones endorsed more polarized acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants. We saw that the less culturally secure Francophones felt, the more polarized they were in their endorsement of each acculturation orientation toward valued versus devalued immigrants. Likewise, the less linguistically secure Quebec Francophones felt, the more differentiated they were in their endorsement of the segregationism and exclusionism orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants. Similarly, the more Francophones felt their Quebecois identity was threatened by the presence of immigrants, the more likely they were to polarize their endorsement of each acculturation orientation toward valued versus devalued immigrants. Clearly, feelings of cultural and linguistic security along with threat perceptions were related to endorsements of more welcoming acculturation orientations toward valued immigrants and of more rejecting orientations toward devalued immigrants for Quebec Francophones. Results also showed that the more Quebec Francophones identified with the Quebec separatist party, the more likely they were to be polarized in their endorsement of the assimilationist and exclusionism orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants. These results suggest that nationalist parties can be instrumental in nurturing a climate of cultural and linguistic insecurity along with the sentiment that national identity can be threatened by the presence of immigrant outgroups. Nationalist parties have a vested interest in focussing the attention of their sympathizers on the presence of common threats and disparaged outgroup others (Bourhis and Montreuil 2004). Such a strategy can increase loyalty to the ingroup, sharpen ingroup/outgroup boundaries, stimulate antipathic perceptions of outgroup others, and ultimately bolster personal group mobilization for the achievement of the "noble ingroup cause" (Reicher and Hopkins 2001). In the Quebec case, the sovereignty party has nurtured the perceptions not only that the security of the French language was threatened in the province, but that the national ingroup core could be undermined by the presence of outgroup communities, who were not only likely to vote against the sovereignty cause by "voting ethnically," but were also likely to be attracted as much by linguistic and cultural integration within the competing English host community as the French one.

Finally, results showed that the more Quebec Francophone and Flemish undergraduates endorsed ethnocentrism and social dominance orientation, the more polarized they were in their acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants. Ethnocentrism measures how much individuals maintain an evaluative bias in favor of their own group while perceiving out-groups as being inferior to their group. Social dominance orientation is an ideology which endorses nonegaliterian and hierarchically structured relationships between dominant and subordinate groups within society. Individuals who endorse the social dominance ideology readily endorse legitimizing myths about the inequality of social groups and perceive that the ingroup is superior to, and dominant over relevant out-groups. Thus endorsement of ideological beliefs such as ethnocentrism and social dominance orientation can be related to how much both Quebec Francophone and Flemish undergraduates polarize their acculturation orientations toward valued versus devalued immigrants. Ideological beliefs about the superiority of the ingroup and the legitimacy of social stratification are constructs which must be better integrated within social psychological models of host majority/immigrant acculturation relations in multiethnic societies.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research was made possible by a grant to the first author from Fonds pour la Formation de Chercheurs et l'Aide a la Recherche and to the second author from Immigration et Metropoles and from the Concordia-UQAM Chair in Ethnic Studies. The authors wish to thank the undergraduate students of the Universite du Quebec a Montreal and of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven who participated in this research. The authors also thank members of the Laboratory for Experimental Social Psychology at Katholieke Universiteit Leuven for their help in adapting the questionnaire and collecting the data. Correspondence concerning this manuscript should be addressed to: Annie Montreuil and Richard Y. Bourhis, Departement de psychologie, Universite du Quebec a Montreal, C.P. 8888, Succ. Centre-ville, Montreal, Quebec, Canada H3C 3P8. E-mail: montreuil.annie@courricr.uqam.ca, ourhis.richard@uqam.ca.

NOTE

(1.) This is how we designate Quebec's period of accelerated modernization in the 1960s.

Table 1

Social Psychological Correlates of Acculturation Orientations
for Quebec Francophones and Flemings

 Quebec
 Francophones Flemings
 (N=206) (N=213)

Quality of Ingroup Identity 5.9 5.0
Social Dominance Orientation 1.9 2.2
Ethnocentrism 2.1 2.4
Identity Security in Linguistic Domain 3.7 5.5
Identity Security in Cultural Domain 4.7 5.4
Identity Security in Political Domain 4.1 4.8
Identity Security in Economic Domain 4.6 5.2
Feeling Identity Threatened by the
Presence of Devalued Immigrants 2.8 2.3
Feeling Identity Threatened by the
Presence of Valued Immigrants 1.6 1.7

 F(1,416)

Quality of Ingroup Identity 81.00 *
Social Dominance Orientation 10.86 *
Ethnocentrism 16.63 *
Identity Security in Linguistic Domain 192.99 *
Identity Security in Cultural Domain 31.31 *
Identity Security in Political Domain 21.91 *
Identity Security in Economic Domain 21.10 *
Feeling Identity Threatened by the
Presence of Devalued Immigrants 8.81 *
Feeling Identity Threatened by the
Presence of Valued Immigrants 0.57

Notes: Scores on each scale range from 1 (not at all) to 7 (very much).

* p < .01.

Table 2a

Correlation Matrix for Flemish Undergraduates (N=213)

 Polarization in Polarization in
 Individualism Integrationism

Identity Security in
Cultural Domain .09 .12
Identity Security in
Linguistic Domain .12 -.01
Identity Security in
Political Domain -.01 -.08
Identity Security in
Economic Domain .00 -.08
Feeling Identity Threatened by
the Presence of Immigrants .04 .10
Ethnocentrism .18 **# .18 **#
Social Dominance Orientation .19 **# .23 **#
Political Identification with
Vlaams Blok Party .07 .10

 Polarization in
 Integrationism- Polarization in
 transformation Assimilationism

Identity Security in
Cultural Domain .01 .08
Identity Security in
Linguistic Domain .03 -.02
Identity Security in
Political Domain -.17 *# .06
Identity Security in
Economic Domain -.03 .00
Feeling Identity Threatened by
the Presence of Immigrants .13 .16 *#
Ethnocentrism .15 *# .13
Social Dominance Orientation .17 *# .12
Political Identification with
Vlaams Blok Party .06 .05

 Polarization in Polarization in
 Segregationism Exclusionism

Identity Security in
Cultural Domain .09 .17
Identity Security in
Linguistic Domain -.01 -.02
Identity Security in
Political Domain .00 .01
Identity Security in
Economic Domain -.04 .00
Feeling Identity Threatened by
the Presence of Immigrants .24 **# .32 **#
Ethnocentrism .31 **# .35 **#
Social Dominance Orientation .21 **# .45 **#
Political Identification with
Vlaams Blok Party .13 .37 **#

Note: Figures in bold indicated with #.

Note: Correlations in bold differ significantly from zero at: * p <.05,
** p <.001.

Table 2b

Correlation Matrix for Quebec Francophone Undergraduates (N=206)

 Polarization in Polarization in
 Individualism Integrationism

Identity Security in
Cultural Domain -.19 **# -.23 **#
Identity Security in
Linguistic Domain -.13 -.13
Identity Security in
Political Domain -.14 -.13
Identity Security in
Economic Domain -.04 -.04
Feeling Identity Threatened by
the Presence of Immigrants .23 **# .27 **#
Ethnocentrism .29 **# .35 **#
Social Dominance Orientation .20 **# .28 **#
Political Identification with
Sovereignist Party .09 .09

 Polarization in
 Integrationism- Polarization in
 transformation Assimilationism

Identity Security in
Cultural Domain -.07 -.15 *#
Identity Security in
Linguistic Domain -.07 -.13
Identity Security in
Political Domain -.13 -.17 *#
Identity Security in
Economic Domain -.05 -.09
Feeling Identity Threatened by
the Presence of Immigrants .16 *# .17 *#
Ethnocentrism .29 **# .30 **#
Social Dominance Orientation .21 **# .15 *#
Political Identification with
Sovereignist Party .02 .16 *#

 Polarization in Polarization in
 Segregationism Exclusionism

Identity Security in
Cultural Domain -.31 **# -.24 **
Identity Security in
Linguistic Domain -.19 **# -.20 **#
Identity Security in
Political Domain -.17 *# -.10
Identity Security in
Economic Domain -.09 -.13
Feeling Identity Threatened by
the Presence of Immigrants .22 **# .33 **#
Ethnocentrism .27 **# .47 **#
Social Dominance Orientation .19 **# .37 **#
Political Identification with
Sovereignist Party .07 .16 **#

Note: Figures in bold indicated with #.

Note: Correlations in bold differ significantly from zero at: * p <.05,
** p <.001.

Figure 1a

Acculturation Orientations of Quebec Francophones (N = 206)
toward Valued and Devalued Immigrants

 Valued Immigrants Devalued Immigrants

Individualism 5.9 5
Integrationism 5.9 5
Integrationism-
 tranformation 4.1 3
Assimilationism 2.1 2.9
Segregationism 2.1 2.6
Exclusionism 1.2 1.7

Note: Table made from bar graph.

Note: 1 = Not at all; 7 = Very much

Figure 1b

Acculturation Orientations of Flemings (N = 213)
toward Valued and Devalued Immigrants

 Valued Immigrants Devalued Immigrants

Individualism 5.3 5.1
Integrationism 5.4 5
Integrationism-
 tranformation 4 3.6
Assimilationism 2.9 2.9
Segregationism 2.2 2.4
Exclusionism 1.7 1.9

Note: Table made from bar graph.

Note: 1 = Not at all; 7 = Very much

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