An unwanted corroboree: the politics of the New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout.

Norman, Heidi

Abstract: The annual New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout is so much more than a sporting event. Involving a high level of organisation, it is both a social and cultural coming together of diverse communities for a social and cultural experience considered 'bigger than Christmas'. As if the planning and logistics were not difficult enough, the rotating-venue Knockout has been beset, especially since the late 1980s and 1990s, by layers of opposition and open hostility based on 'race': from country town newspapers, local town and shire councils, local business houses and, inevitably, the local police. A few towns have welcomed the event, seeing economic advantage and community good will for all. Commonly, the Aboriginal 'influx' of visitors and players--people perceived as 'strangers', 'outsiders', 'non-taxpayers'--provoked public fear about crime waves, violence and physical safety, requiring heavy policing. Without exception, these racist expectations were shown to be totally unfounded.

Background

With a grant from AIATSIS, I researched the social, cultural and (to a lesser extent) economic aspects of the annual New South Wales Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout competition (Norman 2006). This involved interviews with participants, organisers and government officials, as well as examining local government records, print media reports and ephemera such as programs, handwritten results and information packages that have been kept by the event organisers over the years.

This research highlighted the significance of the event as a vehicle for continuing and adapting cultural and social practices. The instigators of the Knockout, affiliated with Koorie United at the time, wanted to create a space for the many Aboriginal people who, for cultural and community reasons, were migrating to the city; they also wanted to showcase the talented Aboriginal footballers who, because of racism and/or the absence of recruitment in the bush, were overlooked in graded rugby league ranks.

The carnival flowered in the context of a rapidly expanding urban community and was continuous with all-Aboriginal rugby league since at least the 1930s. (1) Importantly, it was developed to create a space for contemporary culture business: a modern and adapted medium for cultural performance and expression, for kinship-based modes of organisation merged with state-shaped communities, and for courtship and competition. My account highlighted the Knockout as a social and cultural celebration considered by many to be the social highlight of the year--bigger than Christmas--and where winning is recalled as a lifetime memory. That said, the Knockout is also a highly political event, and that is my focus here.

The politics of the Knockout can be considered in different ways. First, as 'personal politics', where the actors have had a longstanding affiliation and have wielded some level of community political power. Second, some Knockout instigators reflected a different wave of urban migration and differentiated their politics from the more radical elements in the Redfern All Blacks, organised by the Communist Party and the Foundation for Aboriginal Affairs affiliate Ken Brindle. Knowingly or unknowingly, the Koorie United members and Knockout organisers articulated different, more progressive liberal ideas, similar to those of the Foundation.

Government and the Knockout

This article highlights the role of 'government' in the exercise of political power. Essential to an understanding of this event is that hosting the occasion, particularly in regional towns, has in most cases been opposed by the locals, and, in nearly all cases, significant caveats have been imposed on the organising committee, mostly by local government and the police, but at times by local businesses. This analysis is limited by the availability of material and also the scope of the research. Therefore the study focuses on available media coverage, supplemented by additional oral accounts of events and archives. The study includes Knockout venues in Armidale (1981, 1987, 2001), Dubbo (1984, 1999, 2000), Moree (1986, 1995, 2002), Walgett (1989), Sydney (1991, 1992), Bourke (1996), Nambucca Heads (1997, 1998, 2000) and Maitland (2003).

The exercise of power extends beyond the state: individuals outside the major formal institutions are also implicated in the 'art of government'.

Here, the local newspapers were forums of direct and indirect opposition to the Knockout. Rather than a study of the 'media' qua media, (2) I extend the analysis to include 'the media' as a site of governmental regulation. This approach follows the work of Stephen Mickler (1998), who suggests that rather than media coverage being understood in ideological terms, it plays a role in regulating and 'policing' the social order. News media are integral to the interests of governments seeking to 'problematise' certain populations. In this sense, news media are a vehicle for public discourse about Aboriginality and race relations, and 'discussion' about what and who is normal and acceptable and who is a citizen or who a 'visitor' (Mickler 1998:2)

This political dimension of the Knockout draws on media coverage, along with other primary sources, to understand how the competition and its actors are perceived and received, particularly in regional towns. At first glance, a contradictory story emerges: while Aboriginal sporting success is applauded, the arrival of large numbers of Aboriginal people in white-dominated country towns is considered a threat to social order and physical safety. From its inception in 1971 to the present, the hosting of the Knockout has in most cases been initially opposed. It required extraordinary additional measures by the organisers to placate local concerns and ensure the 'safety' of the town and residents.

Two dimensions need emphasis. First, language devices constructed Aboriginal people as 'others'. Second, the wholesale imputation of disorder and criminality with Aboriginal people and the Knockout, and how these associations functioned to deny people access to ovals, to affect the opening and closing hours of pubs and shops, and to justify the excessive numbers of police and private security at the event.

Initially, the coverage can generally be understood as supportive; in later years the public commentary, while focusing positively on Aboriginal sporting success, refers to the arrival of large numbers of Aboriginal people as an 'influx' and as a perceived threat to 'security'. Law and order rhetoric is common, expressed in police reports suggesting criminal activity, liquor licensing issues, and claims of damage to property and infrastructure.

Coverage of the Knockout in Sydney has been limited: it was hosted mostly in Sydney for the first 11 years (1970-1980), but there was no coverage in the print media and, in the following years, only six articles referred to the Knockout. In 2004, the Redfern-based Knockout attracted an estimated 30,000 Aboriginal people from as far west as Bourke and Moree and from Tweed Heads to Bega. But this huge event, taking place in the middle of Sydney, was deemed by the mainstream media as of no interest to urban sports fans or the general reader. Despite the employment of two media consultants by the local Aboriginal land council and Knockout committee, no news or sports media coverage was generated. I do not know precisely why there was no reporting.

Victory by Armidale's Narwan Eels in Sydney resulted in the Knockout being hosted in that north-western town the following year, 1981. In this first opportunity to assess community attitudes outside of Sydney, the reception and coverage of the event was generally positive. The local mayor welcomed representatives from the 35 teams and the organisers at an official reception (Armidale Express, 7 October 1981, p. 9). The Armidale Express ran five sports-related Knockout stories, including games results and coverage of the Aboriginal sports 'stars' in town (Armidale Express, 5 October 1981, pp. 1, 16, 32). The home side was spoken about enthusiastically (Armidale Express, 30 September 1981, p. 28), with a sense of widespread community pride and ownership of the all-Aboriginal Group 19 premiership winning side, which 'will defend the...championship...'. (3) The presence of Pat Dixon, a stalwart of the Armidale Aboriginal community and long-time representative and advocate of participation in local government, appears to have been highly influential in shaping public discourse--no doubt, combined with Narwan's Group 19 success. This was one of four exceptions to the generally negative media coverage of the Knockout since 1971 (see below).

'Influx'

Dubbo

Dubbo in 1984 marked a dramatic shift in local public discourse on Aboriginal people and racism. The debate, led by the Daily Liberal's editor and National Party Member for Dubbo and Shadow Minister for Small Business, Gerry Peacocke, was played out in some 17 articles, two pages of letters and editorial comment (Daily Liberal, 1 October 1984, pp. 3, 6-7; 3 October 1984, p. 6; 9 October 1984, p. 8; 12 October 1984, p. 28). Of these, four articles were about football, with the remaining articles about social issues--most notably crime and racism.

In the lead-up to the Knockout, the local paper commented positively on the local side, the Pacemakers, and how the event would attract some 'famous' Aboriginal footballers and first-graders (Daily Liberal, 28 September 1984, p. 28). However, by the Sunday of the Knockout weekend, the tone had changed. The Daily Liberal estimated the number of visitors at 3000, and this was spoken of with the negative term 'influx'. A third of the front page was taken up with a photograph of spectators in a grandstand at the Knockout, with the caption, 'Weekend of crime'. The story opened with: 'People have run amok in Dubbo this weekend. Brawls, assaults, complaints of beer glasses been thrown at passing cars, stealing intruders ... burning of park seats made the city a volatile place to be in' (Daily Liberal, 1 October 1984, p. 1). According to the article, police were 'making arrests and answering complaints at all hours of the night and day'. Every conceivable indiscretion was listed, including an arrest at a truck stop located well out of town and some that had yet to come to police attention. Yet, in the same issue, at the other end of the newspaper, the football was covered in some detail, including the quality of the competition, the welcome presence of first-grade players and notable results (Daily Liberal, 1 October 1984, p. 20).

By the Wednesday following the Knockout the coverage had become extreme, with a front page capitalised headline: 'CITY "RAPED"' (Daily Liberal, 3 October 1984, p. 1). The identities of the 'rapists' were revealed in the self-conscious description of the offenders by 'local businessman' Chris Muir, who was quoted as saying, 'I don't care who these people are ... their colour, race or religion', and adding, 'tourists were just getting back into their cars and driving off'. Gerry Peacocke pursued a more direct approach: 'It is disgraceful that numbers of any race of people could abuse a city's hospitality in the way it was done at the weekend.'

In a further article, the local member, pictured sitting at the base of the war memorial, invited comments from residents about the 'weekend vandalism' (Daily Liberal, 5 October 1984, p. 3). This 'invitation' was couched in prejudicial terms: not only did the accompanying photograph draw upon nationalist imagery of war and community identity, but the one Aboriginal source in the coverage was discredited. Steve Gordon, longtime elected Commissioner of the Aboriginal and Tortes Strait Islander Commission, was the last person interviewed in this news article after council members, politicians and business people and the list of reported incidents. He refuted all the claims and suggested that the violence was 'blown out of all proportion': the police had already congratulated him on the success of the carnival. Yet the newspaper editor insisted, 'All the reports of mayhem are in stark contrast with Steve Gordon's statement that police congratulated him' (Daily Liberal, 5 October 1984, p. 3).

Peacocke's 'invitation', however prejudicial, created opportunities for critical debate. Dubbo residents, Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal, engaged in a heated discussion, accusing the editor and local member of 'sensationalism', 'subtle racism' and political exploitation (Daily Liberal, 6-7 October 1984, p. 3). Others argued that the 'Weekend of crime' story was an example of 'racial discrimination against the rest of us [white] Australians'. (4) Peacocke's hosting of a radio talkback forum also attracted critical debate--but not of the kind that might have been anticipated. In these forums, claims and counter-claims of racism became central. The debate encouraged the editor to both defend the Daily Liberal's coverages and to further assert that 'the fact that many Aborigines were present for the weekend ... must remain a major reason for the unrest' (Daily Liberal, 10 October 1984, p. 8; 5 October 1984, p. 7; 9 October 1984, p. 8) and the 'rape' of the town. Such language, coupled with the cenotaph image, can be read as conveying an experience of invasion. The press also raised the possibility of banning Aboriginal people from using public utilities, which further reinforces particular understandings of citizenship entitlements and powers of inclusion and exclusion.

Newspaper coverage attributed the 'crime wave' to Aboriginal people, who were never personified as locals, visitors, tourists or even football fans; their only identity was as a threat. Yet Aboriginal residents were active in the subsequent newspaper and talk-back debate and contested the political agenda of both the editor and state political representative (Daily Liberal, 12 October 1984, p. 8).

Moree

Moree hosted the Knockout in 1986, 1995 and 2002. Public commentary through the local newspaper, the Moree Champion, was consistently negative. If anything, the press coverage suggests more overt racism in the later years and the introduction of more restrictive police practices. Negative expectations set up by the Dubbo media coverage in 1984 had an impact on Moree. Prior to hosting the Knockout in 1986, high levels of civil disobedience were assumed; this was followed soon after the event by expressions of relief when this did not eventuate. Claims about town security problems, first raised in Dubbo, firmly entered the Moree public imagination. While 1986 was only the third time the Knockout had been hosted outside Sydney and the first time it had been hosted in Moree, the media had established a climate of fear for local security and safety. Paradoxically, this moral panic co-existed with a great deal of interest and pride in rugby league in the sports pages, particularly for the home side, the Moree Boomerangs.

In Moree's three hostings there has been no basis for the fears predicted and expected by the local press. Following the 1986 Knockout, the media reported 'an incident free weekend with extra police called in to help control crowds and extra traffic [also] reporting a quiet time' (Moree Champion, 7 October 1986, p. 1).

Subsequently, in 1995, the police congratulated the crowd 'for the manner in which they conducted themselves' and for an 'almost totally incident free weekend, with one break and enter being the only serious occurrence Police had to attend' (Moree Champion, 3 October 1995, p. 4). Moreover, in 2002 the Moree Champion reported, 'Good Behaviour: The influx of people into Moree over the weekend was a successful show of good behaviour and sportsmanship, including a one-day record of zero crime' and that 'local police said ... [the] additional 60 officers in town was a calming presence' (Moree Champion, 8 October 2002, p. 1).

In the lead-up to the 1986 Moree event, there were a few articles in the Champion about disturbances in Aboriginal housing areas. Given the well-known history and geography of race relations in Moree, this was not surprising (Moree Champion, 2 October 1986, pp. 1-2). The combined effect of these articles, in the days leading up to the Knockout, suggested an air of trouble and restlessness. However, in the lead up to the Knockout, it was reported that 'Moree's Aboriginal community [was] smiling' as it was about to facilitate the injection of an estimated $50,000 into the Moree economy (Moree Champion, 18-19 September 1986) Yet community anxiety about the Knockout was reiterated in the Moree Champion's (7 October 1986, p. 4) editorial in the wake of what was a successful event:

 It was an open secret in Moree that the NSW
 Aboriginal Rugby League Championship
 was seen as an invitation to trouble ... people
 were prepared for trouble and it was not
 because of the influx of 50 teams, it was
 because the 50 league teams were black and
 they would bring with them thousands of
 supporters.

The anxiety was confirmed in Moree Council's actions in the lead up to 1986. It removed potential 'missiles' from the main street, including tree guards and any loose pavers, and restricted the sale of alcohol at the town's major social venue. Similar restrictions were reinstituted in 1995, despite no precedent of violence or social unrest. Again, the local government and the police went to considerable lengths to ensure what they saw as 'community safety'. Additional Moree police officers were called upon for duty, as well as all regional police. Police made special requests of hoteliers: a ban on takeaway alcohol and glass vessels, and the introduction of early closing over the weekend, all 'in the spirit of public safety and good order' (Moree Champion, 21 September 1995, pp. 1, 5). However, other events organised for the weekend of the Knockout, such as weddings and private functions booked in advance (for the non-Aboriginal community), were exempt.

In 2002 the police instituted even greater restrictions on alcohol sales during the Knockout, arguing that this was 'in the best interests of the community as a whole and [to] ensure the principles of responsible service of alcohol harm minimization' (Moree Champion, 8 October 2002, p. 1). The restrictions included a total ban on any takeaway alcohol in the days leading up to and during the long weekend, while any alcohol served on licensed premises would be served in plastic containers only. Trading hours in all pubs and clubs were reduced.

Over the Knockout weekend, other public events took place in the region, as well as the tourism associated with the hot pools. But policing and crowd behaviour were only discussed in relation to the Knockout. There has never been an incident during a Knockout to necessitate a strategic police presence, yet the media and local government attribute this to the effectiveness of their public order strategies. The successful 1995 Knockout was attributed to the 'co-operation and collective input' of government services and the police, 'which ensured the ultimate success of the carnival' (Moree Champion, 3 October 1995, p. 4). Police commentary both patronised Aboriginal people but also linked any criminal behaviour during the Knockout to Aborigines. In 2002 it was reported in the media that 'Moree residents welcomed the extra police, not only with open arms but with arms bearing cakes and other goodies for them to enjoy' and that, 'several business houses supplied "things" for the police' (Moree Champion, 8 October 2002, p. 2). In a telling commentary that highlights local bias, the Champion (8 October 2002, p.1) reported that 'peace prevailed over the long weekend with the vast majority of house thieves, car stealers and drunken brawlers taking a break'. The 'incident-free' day, the paper said, was because all the criminals were too busy with the football!

This is in contrast to the very positive sports coverage, similar to that in 1986, where the Champion had, for example, reported that many first-grade and international players were in Moree for the football. That article included extensive photographs of the Moree Boomerangs' children's 'cheer squad', and a double-page photographic spread of the grand final between the Moree Boomerangs and Narwan Eels, as well as commentary on the outcome of the game (Moree Champion, 7 October 1986, pp. 14-15). Similarly, in 2002 the newspaper reported favourably on the 'Beloved Boomerangs', where 'putting on the Boomerangs guernsey really makes your hair stand on end', accompanied by a two-page photographic spread (Moree Champion, 8 October 2002, p. 20).

Armidale

The return to Armidale in 1987 was not as prejudicial and inflammatory as the events at regional centres in previous years. The sports pages commented on the football final, while the front-page coverage was largely a favourable report from the police on crowd behaviour and the maintaining of law and order. The Armidale Express (6 October 1987, p. 1) noted with relief a 'Quiet weekend' where 'police ... reported a "relatively quiet" weekend ... despite the influx of more than 10,000 players and visitors'. The police justified and reassured community responses to the Knockout: 'When any large body of people comes to a city from outside the local residents, no matter what the event, they may naturally have certain fears.' Yet the police suggested their heightened presence was a necessity rather than an over-reaction: 'we had ... sufficient number[s] of police ... so that if a problem arose we could address it.' Such policing tactics also apply to events like the Bathurst motorcycle races or at Bay 13 at the Melbourne Cricket Ground, but in the context of the Knockout, it shows a strong additional 'race' factor.

The Knockout in Armidale in 2001 coincided with the death of community elder Pat Dixon, who had been an Armidale councillor for 15 years and deputy mayor for three, a Knockout organiser and an Australian Labor Party (ALP) candidate for State elections. Her passing was cause for considerable sadness at the Knockout, with her life commemorated by Narwan players who led a minute's silence prior to the grand final. Several articles and letters offering tributes to Dixon's life were also published in the Armidale Express.

Yet again the media associated criminal behaviour and law and order issues exclusively with the football and Aboriginal people. Many other events were hosted in the regional centre, involving locals and visitors from various backgrounds. Yet, again, criminal behaviour was not an issue at the Knockout. The police were quoted as saying that 'the weekend had been free from any major incidents and police were pleased with people's behaviour overall': the local commander said, 'There have been hardly any arrests, a few minor street offences but overall the visitors to town have been well behaved. The football seems to be going off well and the bottle ban and the (hotel) accord also seem to be working well' (Armidale Express, 1 October 2001, p. 1). A few days later the paper praised 'fans on their best behaviour at footy knockout': 'police have praised the conduct of spectators who attended the Aboriginal rugby league Knockout ... and the vast majority of people had complied with the spirit of the carnival as a drug and alcohol free competition' (Armidale Express, 5 October 2001, p. 6). Nevertheless, all arrests and misdemeanours over the Knockout weekend were listed (Armidale Express, 5 October 2001, p. 3). The Australian Youth Dance Festival, Fisherama Classic, Specialist Car Club and university residential schools were also hosted in Armidale at that time, yet the Knockout was singled out. This was made more explicit in the editorial, where the success of the event was praised and highlighted the error (perhaps the editor's own, and the town's) of negative expectations, although with the heading 'Police the unsung heroes of long weekend':

After all the angst and trepidation, Armidale survived the long weekend pretty well. In fact survived isn't the word for it--we prospered from the staging of the Aboriginal football knockout carnival and a host of other events. The reality of the long weekend was in stark contrast to the fears many residents held that there would be trouble in the streets ... that strife never eventuated is a huge credit to the many people involved in the staging of the carnival (Knight 2001).

The 'peace' of the weekend, the editor wrote, was due to the highly visible patrols and large numbers of police who 'provided both assurance for the law abiding and deterrence for anyone with mischief on their mind' (Armidale Express, 5 October 2001, p. 3).

Walgett

When the Walgett Barwon Aboriginal Corporation hosted the Knockout in the small northwestern town in 1989, it went to incredible lengths to construct the oval and amenities. The Corporation organised billets, camping facilities, portable toilets, and food for 5000 visitors and 1500 locals for five days (Tatz 1995:329). The chief superintendent of police unsuccessfully sought cancellation of the event and, as Tatz (1995) pointed out, in the end sent in the special tactical response unit--'and waited for Armageddon'. There were five arrests over the entire period.

The independent local paper, the Spectator, indicated a level of support and enthusiasm for the Knockout. It also featured the first instance of an advertisement, placed by the local pharmacy, directed at Knockout participants as consumers. The Spectator's sports editorial commented on the 'high standard of football and perfect organization' (11 October, p. 4). Positive views were expressed in a letter to the editor from the police patrol commander, 'extend[ing] our sincere congratulations to the Barwon Aboriginal Community organizers ... on the peaceful/ successful Rugby League Knockout' and 'the many thousands of spectators ... who conducted themselves in an orderly [and] peaceful fashion' (Spectator, 11 October 1989, p. 4).

Guildford Oval, Sydney

The Sydney carnivals at Guildford Oval in 1990 and 1991 were commented on in the Sydney Morning Herald, a paper of much greater sophistication than its country cousins. Articles discussed the cultural and social significance of the festival, referring to the Knockout as 'not just a sporting event but a great social occasion, virtually a statewide corroboree,' where 'there are few, if any, fights. It's a serious business' (Sydney Morning Herald, 7 October 1991, p. 3). This was the start of the formal reconciliation movement and perhaps indicated a desire to better communicate Aboriginal history and culture. Similar coverage of the 1992 final in the same paper conveyed the cultural significance of the Knockout: 'to most who attend, it's a big "rugby league corroboree," the highlight of the Aboriginal sporting calendar in NSW, as well as one of the biggest social gatherings of the year' (Sydney Morning Herald, 5 October 1992, p. 34). But the following day, after a 'street brawl' at a pub, the paper reported that 'rugby league fans hurled rocks and bottles at police ... after hundreds of people had converged on the hotel yesterday after the ... Aboriginal Knockout Carnival' (Sydney Morning Herald, 6 October 1992, p. 7). Even though the Knockout was hosted elsewhere, the fight at Petersham was attributed to it.

Nambucca

The 1997 and 1998 Knockouts were hosted on the north coast by the Nambucca Valley Rams. The 1997 event was reported in media coverage and public commentary as a success; for example, 'Police applaud "terrific" behaviour', 'a huge success', and a front-page photographic feature of the winning team and captain. The story 'Tears of joy' applauded an 'awesome rugby league triumph at Coronation Park in Nambucca Heads ... [which] propelled the Nambucca Valley Rams into premiership glory and earn't [sic] the right to host next year's ... championships' (Nambucca Valley Guardian News, 9 October 1997, p. 1).

Strong opposition to the 1998 Knockout emerged from key sectors of the Nambucca community. Aboriginal people were alarmed to encounter hostility from the local business community, including all shops, pubs and clubs closing early for the duration of the long weekend, including the local Rugby League Club. For example, longtime Knockout organiser and participant Barry Duncan attended the Knockout in Nambucca in 1997 and 1998 and recalled in detail his experience of clubs and pubs shutting and his inability to purchase basic essentials like food and pharmaceuticals because the shops had closed (Barry Duncan, personal communication, 14 April 2005). The inexplicable opposition was headed by an alignment of Nambucca Heads businesses organised as the Liquor Consultative Committee. This group expressed its 'grave concerns' over the council's approval of the Knockout and claimed 'the police were also "extremely concerned" that the situation could get out of hand and were "attempting to have riot shields and batons available"' (Guardian News, 24 September 1998, p. 4). The Nambucca police refuted these claims, insisting that 'nothing is further from the truth'; rather, 'if things go as well as they did last year, we do not anticipate any significant problems'; the police confirmed that the decision to close licensed venues early was something made by the clubs and pubs, not the police (Guardian News, 1 October 1998, p. 5).

Opposition to the Knockout in this instance came not from any layer of government but from the 'non-political' business sector. It invoked issues of crowd safety, legal obligations and service delivery. The most 'compelling' objection was that 'the Knockout would put great strains on the perception of the Valley as a relaxed and wonderful tourist destination' (Guardian News, 24 September 1998, p. 4). The closure of shops caused inconvenience, and pubs, clubs and takeaways being closed negated the experience of the Knockout as a social-cultural gathering.

Following the Knockout long weekend, the Guardian News covered the football with 15 photos, including a double spread and commentary on the game and prize money. In familiar style, the Guardian News quoted the police commenting on a 'trouble-free' and 'smooth weekend'.

Welcoming the Knockout

There have been four notable exceptions to the consistently negative perception of the Knockout. In two cases Aboriginal people were represented on the local council and thus had some influence in placating misunderstandings. In the third case, support for the hosting of the Knockout was underpinned by the allocation of local government resources and a well-placed Aboriginal councillor. In a fourth instance, the local council sponsored the local rugby league team.

Bourke

The Bourke Knockout was enthusiastically embraced by the local council and business community. The Bourke/Weilmoringle 'Mighty Midgets' victory in Moree in 1995 saw the team and entourage make their way home, convoy-style, to cheering towns en route. Bourke's mayor, Wal Mitchell, along with what seemed like the entire town population, waited to congratulate the team and wasted no time showing support for Bourke to host the Knockout the following year. On the following Monday, the Western Herald reported extensively on the victory, with the mayor's congratulations ('a tremendous win') and his intention to convene a meeting to discuss the possibility of the carnival taking place locally the next year (Western Herald, 2 October 1995, p. 1). Here was a mayor applauding the 'great financial and social benefit to the town' (Western Herald, 2 October 1995, p. 1), the first example of positive public commentary by a town official about the economic benefits. Such public official congratulation and the obvious enthusiasm to host the Knockout were unique in the Knockout's history. Further, Bourke Shire Council allocated a budget and appointed a part-time event manager to assist the community-led committee with the organisation.

The front-page story was strong: 'More than 6,000 people are expected to converge on Bourke this weekend to be part of the spectacle and excitement of the ... 1996 Knockout'; 'This is a fantastic opportunity for Bourke, to play host to this great sporting event' (Western Herald, 3 October 1996, pp. 1, 10). The paper featured advertisements from local businesses that specifically mentioned the Knockout, openly welcomed visitors and wished competitors a successful weekend. The press concluded that this event was 'classed as one of the best Knockouts ever' (Western Herald, 3 October 1996, p. 1). Law and order issues were also reported differently: the only comment was attributed to Robert Knight, President of the Bourke/Weilmoringle football team, who said, 'Despite fears that such a large number of people gathering in a small centre would cause law and order problems, there were relatively few incidents and none related to the football' (Western Herald, 10 October 1996, p. 1). The level of positive media reporting at Bourke was unprecedented.

Significantly, the Bourke Knockout led to Aboriginal people being hailed as community development leaders. Robert Knight said, 'it would be great if the success of this event in Bourke opens the way for future large sporting events. We've done the hard work of proving a big event can be staged here, so we'll see what happens' (Western Herald, 10 October 1996, p. 1).

Dubbo

New issues emerged with the 1999 Knockout in Dubbo. There was the same pattern of police 'paying tribute' to the crowd's behaviour and listing 'incidents', but the business community commented on a profitable weekend. In the lead-up there was some fiery correspondence in the Daily Liberal. This was the first direct dialogue about the attitudes of regional towns towards the Knockout. Interestingly, the discussion also invoked, for the first time in Knockout coverage, the reconciliation movement, and reflected on issues of racism in Dubbo. Eunice Peachey's lengthy letter (Daily Liberal, 'Letters', 29 September 1999, p. 7) expressed this clearly: 'They say there's no racism, prejudice or discrimination in Dubbo. Maybe not for white people ... But let them stand in the shoes of an Aboriginal person for a day or two and be treated ... different ... [and] since when did [Dubbo] just become the white people's town?'.

Two factors account for this public discourse. First, there was a new editor at the Daily Liberal, with different views and aspirations for the town and its media. He was openly supportive of the Aboriginal community and the hosting of the Knockout. In one editorial he challenged the community's racism: 'some people ... believe Dubbo should not be hosting the event at all. And that's not because it's a football carnival but because it's an Aboriginal football carnival. Those same voices were silent when white football players misbehaved in Dubbo earlier in the year'; he concluded, 'It is about racism, the treatment of and attitudes towards indigenous people and their legitimate activities' (Daily Liberal, 'Editorial', 29 September 1999, p. 7). Second, by 1999 the former member of parliament had lost his seat, turned his attention to local government and was elected mayor. Mayor Peacocke characteristically rejected claims that Dubbo was a racist town but was sidelined from any further comment in the local media (Daily Telegraph, 2 October 1999, p. 17).

Positive press coverage was by now quite standard: police and traders paid respect and homage to the fans and their behaviour. Three letters appeared in the Daily Liberal: two responded to Eunice Peachey's letter and another, by Aboriginal community leader Rod Towney, replied to a talkback radio caller who had complained that 'we tax payers have to pay to clean up the oval'. Towney's letter explained that the organisers' clean up of the ovals and social venues would be done by volunteers, 'because of our pride in our city and ourselves'; he also contested the distinction between 'taxpayers' and 'Aborigines', before urging 'the narrow-minded, backward-thinking minority to come out of the dark ages' (Daily Liberal, 8 October 1999, p. 6).

The 1999 Dubbo coverage had some new dimensions: there was dialogue on race and racism and greater claim made by Aboriginal people over local identity. In 2000 public discourse shifted again to reflect a greater sense of Aboriginal inclusion, doubtless inspired by the Sydney Olympic Games and the triumph of Cathy Freeman (see Bruce and Wensing, this volume). That said, the hosting of the Olympics brought calls for a temporary halt to the Knockout. Following a directive from the state government, most local councils voted to suspend major sporting, commercial or community events two weeks before and following the Olympic and Paralympic Games. While the Nambucca Valley Rams were in line to host the Knockout, the governing body was well represented by Dubbo people. Together, they persuaded their local governments and the state government to allocate the necessary police resources to allow the event to take place. A concerted campaign by the Dubbo Aboriginal community, assisted by the ALP-connected Warren Mundine, on the Dubbo local government led to the allocation of police resources and the Knockout was hosted in Dubbo concurrently with the Sydney Olympics.

Dubbo councillors argued their case to the state government in economic terms. One letter to the editor demonstrates the argument:

The September period is very important to Dubbo's economic calendar. During this time we usually have many events taking place, like last year's Aboriginal Football Knockout ... that generated income to our economy. It seems to me that Premier Bob Carr and his Labor Party are not genuine about his commitment to the bush (Daily Telegraph, 2 March 2000, p. 20).

The letter criticised the Labor Party's so-called 'Country Party wing' and suggested that it should find another way to administer the games, a way 'that is not at the expense of the already struggling country towns' (Daily Telegraph, 2 March 2000, p. 20).

Unlike past difficulties in gaining the support of local government, not to mention other nonstate actors, the council understood that the hosting of the Knockout was a critical cultural and economic event for regional centres. Similarly, there was a new articulation of 'us' that explicitly included the Aboriginal community in Nambucca Heads, and the shire council's general manager went to considerable efforts to secure additional police (Guardian News, 21 September 2000, p. 2).

The Dubbo organising committee had also become more 'media savvy'. In an interview with the author in August 2004, Warren Mundine (former Dubbo Councillor and Australian Labor Party official) explained how the organising committee, affiliated with the Dubbo Pacemakers and the then Knockout governing body, NARLA, was mindful to utilise and manage local media coverage. An unprecedented 15 articles were published in the Daily Liberal, none of which quoted the police or mentioned crowd behaviour. The headings included, 'Excitement building' (Daily Liberal, 26 September 2000, p. 34), 'Huge prize money on offer for Koori players' (Daily Liberal, 26 September 2000, p. 34) and 'Hoping for a city embrace' (Daily Liberal, 26 September 2000, p. 28). Irene Peachey expressed the hope 'that the Dubbo community accepts all Aboriginal people the way they have embraced Olympic Champion Cathy Freeman'. Other articles stressed 'Brothers honour dad' (Daily Liberal, 29 September 2000, p. 42), 'Carnival is "about family"' (Daily Liberal, 30 September 2000, p. 40)and 'Sigh of relief as sensational knockout ends' (Daily Liberal, 3 October 2000, p. 1). Most articles attached positive photographs of Aboriginal people.

Maitland

The Knockout was united again in 2003, having previously been hosted in two different locations following community divisions over, among other things, hosting authority. Reunited under the leadership and support base of the Maitland Aboriginal community and key organisations such as the Local Aboriginal Land Council, it now attracted positive media coverage and, like Bourke, had strong local government support. In the five articles published in the Mercury, no mention was made of trouble, a need for extra police or community fears. The articles were sports related, commenting on the sports stars likely to play, as well as the quality of football and prize money. One article featured an action photograph and comment on the players and game. Similarly to Bourke, the local side, Mindaribba, was sponsored by the Maitland City Council and the hosting of the event was viewed as an indication of the capability of the city to 'host a large number of tourists and events' (Maitland Mercury, 24 September 2003).

Conclusion

Where media coverage is available, in only a few instances were Aboriginal people and the Knockout included in positive discussions about local towns or communities, and on only a couple of occasions was the event viewed as making an economic contribution to rural communities. The Knockout was received more positively, as indicated in the media coverage, when there were significant links between the organising committee and local government, either through the presence of Aboriginal councillors or through sponsorship. In a majority of cases, where public records are available, Aboriginal people were constructed as a threat to social order, despite the low level of violence associated with the event since its inception. The Knockout and associated large numbers of Aboriginal visitors created enormous anxiety among white residents--with the tourists consistently referred to as an invasive 'influx' and large numbers of police justified as required for the maintenance of order and normality over the long weekend. This study has demonstrated that, despite wide community fear and anxiety, there was, in fact, scant basis for the assumptions of widespread criminality and civil disobedience. Yet the attribution of violence and threatening social disorder has been a persistent and central dimension in public commentary about the Knockout.

Aboriginal people as organisers of the Knockout and as participants have felt the assumptions of violence and disorder very keenly. In the interviews undertaken for this research, the experience in Nambucca Heads in particular was deeply humiliating. To understand the construction of oneself in such demonic terms and to be so curtailed in one's movement and activity led many participants to consider no longer attending Knockout carnivals. (6) At the same time, Knockout organisers also evinced a level of anxiety. After all, their towns and their communities would be on show, and they naturally wanted to provide the best possible experience not only for Aboriginal people but for the wider community as well. After the Knockout, organisers would say with a sense of pride, relief and possibly defiance, 'we've shown what we can do'. The last thing Knockout organisers would want is for their own mobs to 'muck up'. There is too much pride--cultural and social and even economic--at stake.

Cowlishaw (2004:164) has argued that 'both the fear of and the practice of violence mark the border between Aboriginal and white domains'. Yet in the case of the Knockout I have suggested that the constructions of the 'violent relationship' have been contested in some instances and rejected in others. Moreover, I have argued that the reception of the Knockout, and the experience of players and spectators in rural towns, has been significantly shaped by a local politics of fear, prejudice and misperception. There is now a substantial tradition of peaceful, harmonious and well-regarded football Knockout competitions. It remains to be seen how rural Australian towns adopt and accept that experience.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful for the research support provided by Cameron Muir, comments on earlier drafts by Professor Gillian Cowlishaw and research colleagues in the University of Technology Sydney Cosmopolitan Civil Societies Research Centre. Thank you to Colin Tatz and Daryl Adair for their constructive editorial comments.

REFERENCES

Cowlishaw, Gillian 2004 Blackfellas, Whitefellas and the Hidden Injuries of Race, Blackwell Publishing, Carlton, Victoria.

Knight, Christian 2001 'Police the unsung heroes of long weekend', Armidale Express, 5 October, p. 3.

Mickler, Steve 1998 'News, governmentality and Aboriginality: Beyond pathologies of othering in media studies', Critical Arts Journal 12 (1/2).

Norman, Heidi 2006 'A modern day corroboree: Towards a history of the New South Wales Rugby League Knockout', Aboriginal History 30:169-86.

Tatz, Colin 1995 Obstacle Race: Aborigines in sport, New South Wales University Press, Kensington, NSW.

Heidi Norman

University of Technology Sydney

NOTES

(1.) There were several all-Aboriginal, or mostly all-Aboriginal, rugby league teams competing in country and south Sydney districts that date from the 1930s, including the Moree Boomerangs, Redfern All Blacks, La Perouse Panthers/Blacks, and teams from Sunrise Station (Purfleet) and Bellbrook on the New South Wales mid-north coast in the 1940s and 1950s, from Cowra and a mixed railway workers union team in Dubbo during the mid-1940s.

(2.) In this I am referring to the way the print media report the media; for example, where the police are the main source, with Aboriginal voices largely absent.

(3.) The Narwan Eels formed the previous year and in 1981 won the Group 19 Premiership, the country rugby league division covering Armidale.

(4.) F Carney, 'Weekend of crime' (letter to the editor), Daily Liberal, 10 October 1984, p. 8 (the letter argues that Peacocke's statements are insensitive and ill-considered and concludes, 'I have no option but to consider him a racist'); J Kleinig, 'Weekend crime' (letter to the editor), 5 October 1984, p. 7; and J Fuller, 'Weekend crime' (letter to the editor), Daily Liberal, 9 October, p. 8.

(5.) Fitzpatrick and editor, 'Weekend crime' (letters to the editor), Daily Liberal, 3 October 1984, p. 6.

(6.) Pam Jackson (personal communication, November 2008) expressed this most emphatically in several conversations with the author.

Heidi Norman is a Senior Lecturer in Social and Political Change at the University of Technology, Sydney. <Heidi.Norman@uts.edu.au>