Responsibility and truth.
Hinkson, John
The dramatic declaration by the United States in 2003 that the
threat of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) could justify preemptive strikes against sovereign nations marked a break in the history of
nation-states. In the view of the Bush administration WMDs meant, in
short, that relations between nations would no longer be structured
around the mutual recognition of sovereignty. The aftermath of this
declaration is now history, starkly represented in the agony of the
people of Iraq and the Middle East.
Whether pre-emptive strikes can ever be justified is a weighty
matter. As acknowledged by Kofi Annan, contemplating such strikes is not
necessarily mere opportunism. The implications of WMDs for humanity
overwhelm national borders. Nevertheless, pre-emption cuts deeply into
the basic assumptions of all previous approaches to world order. It
requires special standards of truth, supported by an authority that is
free from the domination of any particular super-state.
It is now clear that the pre-emptive strike against Iraq did not
meet any such standard. The spectacle of the leaders of the West
generating their justifications for war in a frenzy of activity,
constructing a smokescreen of 'reliable' intelligence, was
embarrassing for all but the most devoted believers in the American Way.
The orchestrated circulation of reports of WMDs in Iraq was built on the
flimsy evidence of emigres and pushed towards the foregone conclusions
of those in power. These machinations were said to justify the war. They
'justified' a preemptive strike that was so interwoven with
deep cultural division that it may well yet trigger World War III.
Some states and some significant individuals insisted on a more
measured approach to the threat of WMDs. At an individual level it is
sufficient to mention former and present weapons inspectors and
occasional intelligence officers whose considered judgements were swept
aside and whose reputations were undermined in order to confirm an
imminent threat. And those individuals who spoke out were complemented
by others who quietly made it known that the intelligence community was
at least divided on the presence of WMDs in Iraq.
While the significance of individuals who put the truth before
their own career prospects can hardly be understated, only strong and
independent social institutions will ensure that the truth will be
valued in times of social crisis. The countervailing power of a
respected institution is needed to modify and caution any opportunist
political manoeuvre. It is in this setting that the most worrying
developments in the emergence of global society are to be found.
We are no longer surprised when those who take truth seriously in
the intelligence community find themselves isolated and under pressure.
The attitude of realpolitik adopted by advisers in accepting the terms
set by government of what they are allowed to say, is a subset of a
broader process: the undermining of the integrity of the public service.
The processes of re-structuring that followed the neo-liberal takeover
broke up the public service as a relatively independent institution with
its own principles of deliberation and truth-telling. Indeed its
de-stabilization became a working principle of global society. With a
somewhat different agenda, the media became preoccupied with celebrity
and immediacy at the expense of professional journalism, overwhelming
the reflective and educative role they once took more seriously. Those
sections of the media which have not relinquished an independent,
reflective approach are increasingly embattled.
That these are aspects of an institutional revolution that strike
at the heart of the Western tradition is conclusively confirmed in the
re-structuring of academic institutions, for many centuries the
background support for the intelligence service, the public service
generally, and media institutions. Here a shift of focus towards the
production and protection of intellectual capital--placing the
'university' at the centre of what global society means--has
undermined the ethic of the free circulation of ideas, as instrumental
value comes substantially to substitute for interpretation.
Predominantly responsible for the production of WMDs, as one aspect of
the techno-scientific revolution, the university now in large part
relinquishes its long-held traditions of social and cultural evaluation.
It is tempting to see the crisis of the West today in terms of the
'stupidity' of some political judgements. But that same
irrationality is prompted by the pursuit of policies which can in no way
be justified by acceptable standards of truth. This is a cultural crisis
whereby the West has lost its institutional capacity to judge what is
true and therefore to evaluate its practice. To do so again, to find a
path past the present blind alley, we must find the resources to rebuild
those institutions that once allowed for the critical assessment of
policy.