OTC derivatives--a primer on market infrastructure and regulatory policy.
Ruffini, Ivana ; Steigerwald, Robert S.
Introduction and summary
Derivatives have long been important tools for managing risk. In
particular, as Culp (2004) explains, "derivatives can be used as a
means of engaging in risk transfer, or the shifting of risk to another
firm from the firm whose business creates a natural exposure to that
risk" (p. xiv). In this article, we discuss some recent
developments relating to the regulation of derivatives markets,
specifically the Group of Twenty (G-20) mandates, and examine the
infrastructure that supports derivatives markets (including both the
trade execution and post-trade clearing and settlement processes). Then
we identify some of the policy issues raised by the G-20 market
structure mandates. To provide a foundation for that discussion, first
we explain some key concepts and terms.
Key concepts and terms
What is a derivative? A derivative is a financial contract whose
value is based on an underlying market factor, for example, a reference
rate or index, commodity, or other asset that is used to manage risk or
support a particular profit-maximizing strategy.
How are derivatives traded? Derivatives contracts may be traded
over-the-counter (OTC), through swap execution arrangements (developed
in response to post-crisis legislation), or in listed markets on
exchanges. OTC markets are characterized by the absence of a centralized
trading mechanism and dependence on dealers as liquidity providers. By
contrast, listed markets typically use a central limit order book to
aggregate the trading interests of buyers and sellers. This permits
participants in listed markets to trade with each other in an auction
environment. OTC and listed markets, however, "do not represent a
black-and-white dichotomy," but points along a continuum of trade
execution arrangements (Culp, 2009, p. 5). Technological advances have
enabled the creation of a variety of electronic platforms for trading
standardized OTC products, some of which seem "very close to the
central limit order book operated on exchanges." (1)
How are the terms of derivatives contracts determined? Bilaterally
negotiated and customized derivatives contracts are hallmarks of OTC
derivatives markets. These contracts are negotiated between
counterparties (typically, a pair of dealers or a dealer and a client)
and are tailored to meet the counterparties' specific needs and
risk appetite. Some market participants may not require customized
contracts. They may instead trade derivatives contracts that have
standardized (vanilla) terms. Standardized contracts do not involve
negotiation of terms other than price and quantity.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
What is clearing and settlement? The term clearing generally refers
to a series of operational and risk management processes that occur
after a trade is executed and before the contract is settled. Settlement
involves the completion of all payments or transfers (for example, of
commodities or securities) in accordance with the contract's terms.
Settlement discharges the counterparties from their legal obligations
under the contract. "Central counterparty clearing" refers to
an arrangement by which a central counterparty (or CCP) is substituted
as a principal to all cleared trades, becoming the buyer to all sellers
and the seller to all buyers (CPSS-IOSCO, 2012, p. 9). As a result of
counterparty substitution, the bilateral contract between the original
buyer and seller is irrevocably terminated.
Figure 1 provides a stylized depiction of the structure of
counterparty relationships in bilateral and centrally cleared markets.
The left panel of figure 1 illustrates a network of bilateral
counterparty relationships between pairs of market participants. Some
participants, in particular, all of the large financial institutions at
the core of the market (in blue), have bilateral counterparty
relationships with each other. Others, such as smaller financial
institutions and end-users (in gray and peach), may trade with only one
or two counterparties. There is no central node in this market
structure, and counterparty risk is distributed through the network.
In the right panel of figure 1, a clearinghouse has been
substituted as the common counterparty to all clearing members (in this
illustration, only the large financial institutions are direct clearing
members of the CCP). Bilateral contracts between clearing members are
terminated and replaced by contracts between each clearing member and
the CCP. Bilateral contracts between clearing members and their
non-clearing member counterparties (that is, the smaller financial
institutions and end-users) remain in effect. In this market structure,
counterparty risk is aggregated in a central node, the CCP. As we
discuss later in this article, this centralization of risk can be both
beneficial and a source of fragility.
The new regulatory environment
The Global Financial Crisis, generally acknowledged as the worst
financial meltdown since the Great Depression, crippled housing, credit,
and equities markets and highlighted the extent of interconnectedness
among market participants, now widely recognized as a source of systemic
fragility. In particular, some participants in OTC derivatives markets
came under stress and one, AIG, required government intervention.
The heads of state of some of the world's largest economies
met in Pittsburgh in September 2009 to discuss ways to strengthen the
international financial regulatory system. The Group of Twenty (G-20)
summit resulted in agreement on a broad program of regulatory reform,
including fundamental changes to the regulation of OTC derivatives
markets. In particular, the G-20 reform program provides that,
"where appropriate," trades involving standardized OTC
derivatives must be executed on exchanges or electronic trading
platforms and cleared through CCPs. (2) It also imposes higher capital
requirements for non-centrally cleared trades and the reporting of all
OTC derivatives trades to trade repositories. (3) The G-20 assigned the
responsibility to monitor and assess the implementation of these reforms
to the Financial Stability Board (FSB). (4)
Later in this article, we consider some of the policy issues raised
by the G-20 market structure mandates. In particular, we note that there
are divergent opinions concerning the costs and benefits of mandatory
exchange trading and central clearing of derivatives. Further analysis
is needed before one can conclude that the benefits of centralized
trading and clearing of derivatives outweigh the associated costs.
Market infrastructure
OTC derivatives are contracts, and assessing the size of the OTC
derivatives market can be challenging because of the variability of
contract terms. The industry generally uses the notional amount
outstanding to track the size of the OTC market. The term
"notional" refers to the principal or face amount used to
calculate the payment or settlement obligations defined in the
derivative contract. However, the notional (or principal) amount is not
typically exchanged between counterparties and, therefore, is not at
risk. For example, take a fixed for floating interest rate swap (IRS) on
a $1 million notional amount--the only amount that would change hands
each period would be the net interest payment calculated on the notional
amount. This means that if the fixed rate were 5 percent and the
floating rate 4 percent for the period of one year, the amount of money
at risk would only be $10,000--the amount that the payor of the fixed
rate would have to pay its counterparty (see appendix C). There are
exceptions--some types of OTC derivatives, such as credit default swaps
(CDS) and some foreign exchange (FX) swaps may, but don't
necessarily involve the exchange of full notional amounts.
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
In December 2013, the average notional amount outstanding of OTC
derivatives was $710 trillion, more than eight times the average
notional amount outstanding in June of 1999 of about $81 trillion
(figure 2). Representing markets in terms of notional amounts has
limitations. For example, it may foster misunderstanding about risks
associated with particular derivative instruments. For example, in
figure 2 interest rate swaps have the largest notional amounts, but this
does not mean they carry the most risk. In reality, the risk exposure
from a particular type of OTC derivatives contract depends on various
factors, such as the concentration of positions and the volatility of
the underlying asset. Notional amount is just one of a number of inputs
used to calculate risk exposure.
Since the crisis, total average notional amounts have tended to be
in a range between roughly $600 and $700 trillion. According to some
commentators, this leveling off is mostly a result of an increase in
trade (portfolio) compression and a post-trade risk management process
that reduces notional amounts though the elimination of redundant
positions (positions that offset each other and thus have no economic
value) (Kaya, 2013).
Economically redundant positions can occur when market participants
change their trading strategies. For example, one of the counterparties
to a non-cleared IRS may want to change or eliminate the interest rate
exposure from that contract. That can be accomplished either by
terminating or renegotiating the terms of the existing contract.
However, termination or renegotiation of an existing contract requires
the agreement of the other counterparty, which may not be feasible. For
example, the other counterparty may want to maintain the original risk
exposure, or may be willing to terminate only at a premium over
prevailing market rates (Steigerwald, 2014).
It may be simpler and more economical to enter into an offsetting
swap with a new counterparty. By entering into a new IRS with matching
(but opposite) cash flows, the market participant that has changed its
trading strategy can eliminate the economic risk of the original
position (PIMCO, 2008). The redundant IRS positions eliminate interest
rate risk, but not the credit risk that one of the counterparties may
fail to perform its obligation. The Lehman Brothers insolvency in
mid-September 2008 brought to light the magnitude of redundant
derivatives positions (called "notional overhang") and
prompted efforts to reduce it through multilateral terminations of such
contracts (Kiff et al., 2009).
The Bank for International Settlements (BIS) calculates the gross
market value of the OTC market by aggregating the market values of all
outstanding in-the-money contracts before netting. Approximately 4
percent of gross notional value has been considered by the industry to
be a good estimate of the gross market value of OTC derivatives. For
example, as of June 2012, the average notional value outstanding was
$638.9 trillion, while the gross market value amounted to $25.4
trillion, or 3.97 percent of notional value (International Swaps and
Derivatives Association [ISDA], 2012).
OTC derivatives markets and infrastructure (5)
Bilateral negotiation of contract terms is one of the defining
features of the OTC derivatives market. Recent changes prompted by the
G-20 regulatory reforms for derivatives markets are intended to
transform the traditional structure of these markets. In this section,
we provide a foundation for understanding this transformation by
examining the characteristics of different derivatives instruments, the
various ways derivatives are used by market participants, and the
importance of counterparty credit risk in shaping post-trade clearing
and settlement arrangements.
Derivatives instruments
Derivatives are risk transference contracts whose value is based on
one or more underlying market factors (Office of the Comptroller of the
Currency, n.d.)--such as events (for example, defaults and
bankruptcies), reference rates (for example, interest rates and foreign
exchange rates), and the prices of assets, (such as commodities, bonds,
and equities). Derivatives instruments include forwards, futures, swaps,
and options (see the appendices for detailed examples).
Forwards are bilateral contracts that specify the terms of an
exchange at a future date (McDonald, 2012). Forwards typically have no
upfront costs or fees, making it possible for market participants to
enter positions without incurring immediate costs.
Futures are standardized forward contracts that are traded on
exchanges and centrally cleared by CCPs (McDonald, 2012). Futures
contracts, like forward contracts, call for an exchange at a future
date, but the terms of the contract (other than price and quantity) are
established as standard terms for all traders by the exchange. We
discuss central counterparty clearing and counterparty credit risk in
more detail later.
Swaps are derivatives contracts that set out the terms of a series
of forward transactions (McDonald, 2012). Typically, a swap transaction
involves an exchange of cash flows based on the notional amount at
specified intervals (or "reset" dates) during the life of the
swap. Some swaps, however, call for an exchange or payment of the full
notional amount. Generally, swaps are structured so that at inception,
the value of the swap is zero. Swaps may be traded and cleared either
bilaterally or through central market infrastructures.
Options (6) are derivatives contracts that give the holder of the
contract the right but not the obligation to purchase or sell the
underlying interest at a specific date or time interval in accordance
with the terms of the contract (U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission,
2004). The buyer of an option pays a premium for the right to exercise
the option (by buying or selling the underlying interest) in the future.
The seller of an option receives the premium in return for agreeing to
buy or sell the underlying interest to the option holder at the agreed
price if the holder exercises the option. Options are traded both in
listed markets and over-the-counter. (7)
Market participants
Derivatives can be used by market participants to achieve a desired
risk exposure, to speculate in the markets, to reduce transaction costs,
or to avoid certain regulatory costs (McDonald, 2012). Market
participants can be classified as hedgers, speculators, or a combination
of the two.
Hedgers seek to transfer or manage risk exposures. For example, an
airline may wish to lock in the price of fuel over a certain time
horizon so that it can accurately forecast its cost basis and offer
airline tickets for sale months in advance. It may do so by hedging in
the energy derivatives market. There are limited opportunities to hedge
jet fuel using jet fuel futures. Airlines may hedge with a mix of crude
oil, heating oil, and unleaded gasoline futures calibrated to closely
correlate with the volatility in the jet fuel prices or use customized
swaps. Similarly, banks and other end-users that are exposed to
maturity, currency, and interest rate mismatches between assets and
liabilities may enter into swap agreements to balance their exposure
(Miller, 1998).
Hedgers may be exposed to basis risk if the hedge position does not
exactly correspond to the underlying risk exposure. Basis risk is a
broad term that describes a risk exposure resulting from an imperfect
hedge. This exposure can be exacerbated by differences in the terms of
the hedge contract and the underlying risk position, such as differences
in expiration, maturity, and other material dates; delivery terms (for
example, location, transportation, and storage costs); and changes in
yield curves.
Speculators enter into derivatives contracts purely seeking profit.
Some speculators benefit from the leverage that is associated with
derivatives contracts--as a result, the profit or loss can be large in
comparison to the initial cost of entering into a trade. Others may
benefit from lower transaction costs or from regulatory or tax
arbitrage. For example, taxes on the sale of stock can be deferred when
derivatives are used "to achieve the economic sale of stock
(receive cash and eliminate the risk of holding the stock) while still
maintaining physical possession of the stock" (McDonald, 2012, pp.
2-3). Speculators are important because they contribute to market
liquidity. Hedgers benefit from this liquidity. In practice, the line
between the hedgers and speculators can be blurred, as some market
participants may alternate between taking speculative positions and
hedging risk. (8)
Counterparty credit risk
There are many risks associated with derivatives trading. We focus
on counterparty credit risk because it plays a key role in shaping
post-trade clearing and settlement arrangements for derivatives markets.
Market participants that enter into a derivatives contract are
exposed to the risk that the counterparty may default before the
contract matures. This exposure is commonly referred to as counterparty
credit risk. Counterparties may be required to pledge cash or securities
as collateral (sometimes called margin) to mitigate this counterparty
credit risk. (9) Assessing potential loss exposure given the possibility
of counterparty default (commonly referred to as loss given default) is
complicated. For example, the value of an interest rate swap at
inception is usually zero for both parties. As the underlying rates,
asset prices, and other conditions outlined in the swap agreement
change, the swap valuation also changes. The contract becomes "in
the money" for the party that is due a payment, and "out of
the money" for the party that owes a payment. These periodic
payments are calculated on notional amount. A credit loss on an IRS
would occur if at the time of counterparty default the swap is in the
money for the non-defaulter. Thus, the amount at risk of an in-the-money
position is the in-the-money amount, not the notional amount.
Assessing loss given default for a credit default swap (CDS) is
even more complex. A CDS buyer seeks protection from losses that may be
caused by default of a specified reference credit (for example, a
company, a security, or a reference entity in an index (10)). The
protection buyer pays periodic premiums to the seller, who in turn
agrees to make a payment up to the notional amount to compensate the
buyer for losses resulting from specified credit events. Credit events
are specified in the CDS contract and can vary from bankruptcy to
obligation acceleration (when a bank declares a debt due before
maturity).
CDS are settled either by payment of cash differences or delivery
of the underlying reference interest. In cash-settled contracts, the
reimbursement for the loss is calculated as the difference between the
notional and the post-credit-event value of the underlying reference
credit. In physically settled contracts, the buyer delivers the actual
obligation of the reference entity (for example, a bond or other
security) and the seller pays the face amount of the obligation.
Paradoxically, physical delivery can trigger demand for the underlying
bonds covered by CDS contracts, causing the price of the bond to
increase. In 2009 the International Swaps and Derivatives Association
(ISDA) established new settlement procedures for CDS. Under those
procedures, a committee of industry experts will decide whether a credit
event has occurred and whether or not to conduct an auction to determine
the cash settlement price (ISDA, n.d.).
Market infrastructure
Financial markets have evolved in a variety of ways--in particular,
developments in computing, data processing, and communications
technologies have had a transformative impact. In this section, we
briefly describe both the infrastructure for conducting derivatives
trades and the post-trade clearing and settlement infrastructure for
derivatives markets, noting the effects of recent changes in these
structures.
Trade execution
In order to trade, traders first need to communicate (either
directly or through a third party) the desired quantity, type of
contract, and the price at which they are willing to trade, as well as
other material terms and conditions. The second step includes recording
the details of the trade--contract terms and counterparty identity.
These first two steps are often referred to as trade execution.
Organized exchanges and alternative trading systems are different
types of trading venues--they differ in terms of how they perform their
functions and regulation (SEC, 1998). As a result of technological
developments, changes in regulation, and demutualization, trading has
transitioned away from pits and telephones to electronic platforms.
Today, the difference between the two types of trading systems hinges on
the formality of the structure (with exchanges being more formal) and
the degree of regulatory oversight (Kohn, 2004).
An exchange, for purposes of this primer, is an organized and
regulated marketplace for trading certain listed commodities,
securities, or other financial products and contracts. Exchanges create
and list contracts with standardized terms, such as expiration dates,
minimum price quotation increments, deliverable grade of the underlying,
delivery location, and mechanism. Not every financial contract can be
traded on an exchange. Typically, to be traded on an exchange, a certain
level of demand is necessary to ensure liquidity (although some
financial instruments that are standardized and trade in liquid markets,
such as the U.S. Treasury market, are not listed on exchanges).
Exchanges aim to ensure orderly trading and facilitate price discovery.
Examples of stock exchanges include the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE),
National Association of Securities Dealers Automated Quotation System
(NASDAQ), and Tokyo Stock Exchange. Derivatives exchanges include ICE
Futures U.S., ICE Futures Europe, Chicago Board Options Exchange (CBOE),
London International Financial Futures and Options Exchange (LIFFE),
Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME), and London Metal Exchange.
Alternative trading systems (ATS) are over-the-counter trade
execution venues. Initially, OTC contracts were negotiated over the
phone, but in the late 1990s alternative trading systems, or electronic
platforms, which functioned like bulletin boards for posting bids and
offers, began to emerge. More recently, electronic platforms for trading
swaps have been developed in response to legislation implementing the
G-20 trade execution mandate. Bloomberg, Tradeweb, ICAP, Tradition, and
Tullett Prebon, among others, have developed such swap execution
facilities (SEFs). (11)
The implementation of these new swap trading platforms has
influenced the fragmentation of global OTC derivatives markets
(Giancarlo, 2014). This is reflected in figure 3 (p. 88), which shows
changes in dealer trading activity after the implementation of the G-20
trade execution mandate for swaps regulated by the CFTC. This
development has important implications for financial stability. As CFTC
Commissioner J. Christopher Giancarlo recently noted, "[r]ather
than controlling systemic risk, the fragmentation of global swaps
markets into regional ones is increasing risk." (12)
Figure 3 illustrates fragmentation in the global swaps market. We
see that as of October 2013, following the implementation of the SEF
mandate, trading between European and U.S. dealers (the red line)
dropped from above 600 billion euros to a 200-300 billion euro range. At
the same time, trading between European dealers (the blue line)
increased from 1.6 trillion euros to 2.75 trillion in October. This
trend continued with the CFTC's made-available-to-trade (MAT)
determinations, which expanded the number of derivatives contracts
available for trading on SEFs. Throughout this period, we see a general
decline in bilateral trading between U.S. dealers (the green line)
following the implementation of the SEF trading requirement, the
expected consequence of the G-20 trade execution mandate. We also
observe geographical fragmentation as evidenced in a decline in trading
between European and U.S. dealers (the red line), apparently reflecting
the preference of European dealers for trading outside of the SEF
regime. (13)
Clearing and settlement
The next step in the value chain of a derivatives transaction is
clearing--generally including trade matching and risk management (credit
limits, margin collateral requirements, etc.). Bilateral clearing can be
accomplished either directly between counterparties or through a
clearing agent that matches records and reports back to the traders.
Alternatively, trades can be submitted to a central clearinghouse, which
becomes the counterparty to both sides of the trade and guarantees
performance of the contract. The final step is the settlement of the
contract, whereby the parties fully perform their respective
obligations.
A specialized form of financial market infrastructure, the central
counterparty clearinghouse or CCP, is widely used in modern securities
and risk transfer markets. The defining characteristic of central
counterparty clearing is counterparty substitution by means of novation
or an equivalent legal mechanism (Steigerwald, 2014). As a result of
counterparty substitution, the clearinghouse becomes a principal to all
trades it accepts for clearing and the clearinghouse undertakes to
perform in place of the original counterparties to such trades. The
interposition of a clearinghouse as the common counterparty to all
trades accepted for clearing tends to simplify and improve transparency
of the bilateral "credit chains" that may develop in repeated
transactions among market participants (Acharya, 2013).
Examples of central counterparty clearinghouses include CME
Clearing, Eurex Clearing A.G., ICE Clear Credit LLC, The Options
Clearing Corporation, and LCH.Clearnet LLC.
G-20 policy discussion
In September 2009 the G-20 leaders agreed that all
"standardized OTC derivative contracts should be traded on
exchanges or electronic trading platforms, where appropriate, and
cleared through central counterparties" (G-20, 2009, p. 9). They
also agreed to impose higher capital requirements for non-centrally
cleared trades and require trade data to be reported to trade
repositories. Although these are important aspects of the G-20
regulatory reforms, we address the trade reporting requirement only
incidentally in this article.
Both supporters and opponents of the G-20 mandates generally
recognize the benefits of exchange trading and central clearing.
Nevertheless, they reach dramatically different conclusions concerning
whether these changes will improve transparency in the derivatives
markets and mitigate systemic risks, as intended by the G-20. In this
part of the primer, we consider some of these policy issues.
BOX 1
Who trades in OTC derivatives and why?
OTC markets meet a need for customized contract
terms for hedging purposes. For a hedge to qualify
for hedge accounting treatment, it needs to be sufficiently
correlated to the underlying interest, which
sometimes requires tailoring of contract terms.
Other benefits of OTC trading include liquidity in
a broader range of instruments than in listed markets
and the ability to negotiate the placement of
large contracts on mutually favorable terms.
The OTC market includes the end-user (retail)
and interdealer (wholesale) segments. Most
end-users are hedge funds, corporations, asset managers,
and institutional investors, while dealers are
large banks. In the retail segment, dealer banks help
their clients create effective hedges; while in the
interdealer segment banks hedge their own aggregated
risk exposure across different lines of business.
Note: The Financial Accounting Standards Board (FASB)
has established standards known as Generally Accepted
Accounting Principles (GAAP), which include accounting
and reporting standards for derivatives.
Transparency and interconnectedness in OTC derivatives markets
One of the main criticisms of OTC derivatives markets is that they
are not transparent. For example, as Mengle (2009, p. 1) notes:
Characterizations [of OTC derivatives markets]
such as "murky," "opaque," and "anonymous"
appear regularly in the financial press. The
apparent implication is that financial markets
would be more efficient, and society would
be better off, if over-the-counter derivatives
moved to a higher level of transparency.
What does transparency mean in this context and why does it matter?
To answer that question, we draw on the market microstructure
literature, (14) which defines transparency as the quantity and quality
of information about trading that is available to market participants
and others. Madhavan (2000, p. 224) explains that:
Non-transparent markets provide little in the
way of indicated prices or quotes, while highly
transparent markets often provide a great deal
of relevant information before (quotes, depths,
etc.) and after (actual prices, volumes, etc.)
trade occurs.
The degree of transparency in a market depends on many factors,
such as the speed with which information is disseminated and the extent
to which it is available to potential traders. One of the most important
factors, of course, is the means by which trades are executed.
Auction markets typically use a centralized trading mechanism, such
as a central (or consolidated) limit order book, which permits buyers
and sellers to trade with each other directly, without intermediation by
dealers (Harris, 2003). By comparison, OTC markets are primarily dealer
markets. As Duffie (2012) explains, OTC markets do not "use a
centralized trading mechanism, such as an auction, specialist, or
limit-order book, to aggregate bids and offers and to allocate
trades" (Duffie, 2012, p. 1). (15) This has obvious implications
for the transparency of OTC markets, because "buyers and sellers
negotiate terms privately, often in ignorance of the prices currently
available from other potential counterparties and with limited knowledge
of trades recently negotiated elsewhere in the market" (Duffie,
2012, p. 1). This, in turn, has obvious implications for market
efficiency and price discovery.
This absence of a centralized trading mechanism means that buyers
and sellers in OTC markets interact through dealers rather than in an
auction environment. It also means that there is no single, central
point for aggregating and disseminating information about trades that
take place in the market. This may suggest that centralized auction
markets are inherently superior to dealer markets. However, some markets
do not have sufficient trader participation to operate as continuous
auction markets. (16) Consequently, many markets are hybrids that use
both centralized and decentralized trade execution mechanisms.
Another important issue that is sometimes treated as an
informational problem--and, thus, an issue of transparency--is the
ability of market participants to evaluate the creditworthiness of their
potential counterparties. Specifically, as Acharya and Bisin (2010, p.
3) explain:
An important risk that needs to be evaluated
at the time of financial contracting is the risk
that a counterparty will not fulfill its future
obligations. This counterparty risk is difficult
to evaluate because the exposure of the counterparty
to various risks is generally not public
information.
This is, of course, a fundamental problem of financial
contracting--namely, the ability of market participants to make credible
commitments to carry out their obligations at some time in the future, a
problem that arises even in direct, bilateral transactions between a
pair of counterparties (Nosal and Steigerwald, 2010). Acharya and Bisin
focus on the problem of commitment in situations where traders are
indirectly linked in opaque "credit chains." As Acharya (2013,
p. 83) explains:
[S]uppose that counterparty A agrees to pay
B. Then, A turns around and sells a similar
contract to C. The addition to A's position
from the contract with C dilutes the payoff
on its contract with B in case that A turns out
ex-post to not have adequate funds to repay
both B and C. Thus, B's payoff dependency
on what else A does represents a negative
payoff externality on B due to A's counterparty
risk. The key efficiency question is whether
B can adequately reflect this risk in charging
price or adopting risk controls (e.g., margins
or overall position limits) on A. Clearly, B's
ability to do so depends upon whether B can
observe what A does.
BOX 2
Order-driven versus quote-driven markets
Derivatives trading may take place in "order-driven,"
"quote-driven," or "hybrid" trading environments.
In an order-driven market, the willingness of a
market participant to trade a specified amount at
a specified or "limit" price is displayed to all other
market participants in a central limit order book.
Market participants may also submit "market" orders
to trade immediately at the current prevailing price.
By disseminating information about bids and offers,
order-driven markets enhance pre-trade transparency
but do not guarantee that limit orders will be
executed (Kaniel and Liu, 2006; Macey and
O'Hara, 1997). A trade in an order-driven market
only takes place when an order to buy can be
matched against an order to sell in the central
limit order book.
A quote-driven (dealer) market does not use
a central limit order book. Instead, dealers in these
markets quote the prices at which they are willing
to enter into trades with others. These quotes may
only be indicative--that is, not binding as an offer
to enter into a trade on the quoted terms--and
may not be widely disseminated. Thus, pre-trade
transparency in dealer markets may be limited. In
contrast to order-driven markets, however, the execution
of a trade in a quote-driven market is not
dependent on the willingness of third parties to
buy or sell at limit prices that are widely disseminated.
The buyer and seller in a quote-driven market
determine whether a trade will take place through
direct negotiations. As a result, traders in quote-driven
markets are assured of trade execution,
assuming they can reach agreement on the terms
of a trade.
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
The inability of a direct counterparty to fulfill its obligations,
as a result of bankruptcy or other circumstances, may disrupt the
performance expectations of others in the credit chain. Market
participants are thus dependent upon the ability and willingness to
perform of a party with whom they did not deal directly and whose
creditworthiness they may not be able to evaluate. Acharya and Bisin
(2010) call this form of interdependency a "counterparty credit
risk externality."
This externality has an obvious informational component--namely,
that traders only know and can assess (however imperfectly) the
creditworthiness of their direct counterparties. No market participant
has a complete view of the credit relationships upon which it is
dependent, even if only indirectly. Unlike pre-trade and post-trade
transparency, however, this has nothing to do with the availability of
information about the prices and cannot be addressed by centralized
trade execution. Instead, this externality must be dealt with by
enhancing trader commitment in some fashion. This is the classic role of
post-trade clearing institutions.
We turn next to the trade execution and central clearing mandates
to consider their implications for transparency and interdependency in
derivatives markets.
The trade execution mandate
The primary justification for the trade execution mandate is that
it ... can potentially increase trade transparency, particularly
pre-trade transparency, and ... provide trade transparency more
efficiently than OTC markets" (IOSCO, 2011, p. 35). Centralized
auction-style trade execution mechanisms undoubtedly enhance pre-trade
and may also facilitate post-trade transparency. But the benefits of
centralized trading structures do not come without costs--including,
potentially, reduced liquidity, and impaired price discovery (Pirrong,
2010). Decisions about how much and what types of information to make
available to traders and how broadly to disseminate that information
have different implications for different types of market participant
and "... are likely to benefit one group of traders at the expense
of others" (Madhavan, 2000, p. 241). For example, traders who have
private information tend to favor anonymous trading systems, while
others may favor greater pre-trade transparency (Madhavan, 2000). These
decisions are critical to the design of trade execution mechanisms. As
Lee (1998, p. 98) explains:
The choice by an exchange of what price and
quote information to release is a central element
of the wider decision as to what market
architecture to adopt. Not only are there substantial
differences between the types of data
about prices and quotes that trading systems
choose to release, there are also differences in
the types of information that trading systems
are able to deliver.
These differences in pre-trade transparency exist because "...
no single market structure is viewed as best by all parties"
(Madhavan, 2000, p. 251).
This point is supported by the market microstructure literature,
which conceives of the interaction between investors and market markers
as a strategic interaction among parties with differences in risk
aversion, capital endowments, demand for immediacy, private information,
access to other trading alternatives, and so on (for example, Duffie,
2012; Duffie, Garleanu, and Pedersen, 2005). Pre-trade transparency
concerning the prices and quantities at which market participants are
willing to enter into trades is important because "... it affects
the informativeness of the order flow and hence the process of price
discovery" (Madhavan, 2000, p. 241). As Duffie (2012, p. 5)
explains, "... dealers have incentives to narrow their bid-ask
spreads ... to compete for trading opportunities" in markets that
provide for enhanced pre-trade and post-trade transparency. These
benefits, however, are not linear:
If price transparency is too great, ... some dealers may lose the
incentive to intermediate, given their fixed costs and the risk of
adverse selection by informed customers. Unless the potential demand ...
is sufficient to justify exchange trading, a ... large increase in OTC
market transparency could ... potentially reduce trading opportunities
for investors. (Duffie, 2012, p. 5)
In fact, "[a]nonymous exchange-based trading can ... lead to
inefficiently thin markets or even market failure" (Duffie, 2012,
p. 8, emphasis added). The idea that there can be too much transparency,
however, is completely absent from the arguments that are typically made
in support of the G-20 trade execution mandate.
Moreover, customized derivatives transactions are valuable
risk-management tools that facilitate hedging and other trading
strategies. This has important implications for risk management because
remaining unhedged can be costly. For example, an enterprise that is
unable to enter into effective hedging transactions:
... may choose to avoid some projects whose uncertain cash flows
have a high net present value for their shareholders out of fear that
losses resulting from unhedged risks could be misperceived by their
shareholders or superiors as a reflection of poor project selection or
management. A failure to hedge can also increase the probability of
bankruptcy, or at least financial distress, which brings additional
costs, such as legal fees or high frictional costs for raising new
capital when distressed. (Duffie, Li, and Lubke, 2010, p. 10)
Accordingly, the Squam Lake Group suggests that the benefits of
centralized trading "should be weighed against the benefits of
innovation and customization that are typical of the OTC market"
(French et al., 2010, pp. 70-71).
The G-20 apparently recognizes that the benefits of the trade
execution mandate may depend on the circumstances--thus, the mandate is
to be implemented only "where appropriate" (FSB, 2010, p. 5).
The G-20 Leaders' Statement, however, does not provide any guidance
concerning when it is appropriate to require trading on exchange or a
similar trade execution platform. According to the FSB, it may be
appropriate to mandate exchange trading:
... where the market is sufficiently developed to make such trading
practicable and where such trading furthers the objectives set forth by
the G-20 Leaders and provides benefits incremental to those provided by
standardization, central clearing and reporting of transactions to trade
repositories. (FSB, 2010, p. 5)
Ultimately, the decision is left to market regulators. This traps
regulators in complicated decisions about infrastructure design that are
not simply technical in nature--as we noted earlier, they also have
different implications for different types of market users--potentially
benefiting one group at the expense of another (Harris, 2003; Madhavan,
2000). As we have noted, there are unavoidable trade-offs among
pre-trade transparency, liquidity, and price discovery that must be
taken into account in the design of a trade execution mechanism. The
G-20 trade execution mandate favors a centralized approach based on the
assumption that extensive pre-trade transparency is equally beneficial
to all market participants, an assumption that is not supported by the
market microstructure literature. Moreover, all market participants,
regardless of their preferences concerning pre-trade transparency, will
be harmed if the implementation of the mandate impairs liquidity, price
discovery, and the ability to use derivatives markets for hedging
purposes.
Because the objective of improving market transparency can be
accomplished by other, less costly and disruptive means, certain G-20
countries have indicated that they will not implement, or will delay
implementation of, the trade execution mandate, and some G-20 countries
will not mandate but only encourage central clearing through an
incentive-based regulatory framework. (17) According to the FSB,
progress in implementing the trade execution mandate remains
"slower than in other commitment areas" and "[s]ome
authorities have indicated that they are waiting for useful data to be
available before adopting requirements to promote increased exchange and
electronic platform trading" (FSB, 2013, p. 27).
Central counterparty clearing
As we noted in our discussion of the "counterparty credit risk
externality" identified by Acharya and Bisin, traders in some
markets may be dependent upon the ability and willingness to perform of
a party with whom they did not deal directly and whose creditworthiness
they may not be able to evaluate. Figure 4, for example, employs actual
data to represent a point-in-time snapshot of the complex relationships
among counterparties in a single credit default swap contract that is
traded bilaterally and not centrally cleared.
The counterparty relationships in this illustration are necessarily
opaque--only bilateral counterparties stand in direct contractual
relationships and no single market participant can have a complete view
of all relevant credit and liquidity relationships. In particular,
market participants may not know their counterparties' exposures to
others, upon which they are indirectly dependent. The lack of such
information can result in an "information-related gridlock that we
observed in the fall of 2008" (Yellen, 2013, p. 14).
In central clearing arrangements, a central counterparty (CCP)
becomes the substituted counterparty to all trades accepted for
clearing. In effect, the CCP becomes the buyer to every seller and the
seller to every buyer and undertakes to perform in place of the original
counterparties to such trades. Central counterparty clearing thus
transforms opaque bilateral counterparty credit relationships into a
"hub and spoke" arrangement. As a result of central clearing,
counterparty relationships become simpler and more transparent--each
clearing member has a single counterparty, the CCP. Thus,
"[h]igher-order, unobservable counterparty credit risk is replaced
by first-order, observable counterparty risk with respect to the
CCP" (Gai, Haldane, and Kapadia, 2011, p. 468).
[FIGURE 4 OMITTED]
Central clearing, however, does not completely eliminate opacity or
interdependence. There are several reasons for this. First, the CCP
becomes the substituted counterparty only to transactions between
clearing members. End-users and non-clearing members typically have no
recourse against the CCP if a clearing member intermediary fails to meet
its obligations to its customers (Scott, 2010; Jones and Perignon, 2008;
Jordan and Morgan, 1990). Moreover, these customers ordinarily do not
know the identities or risk exposures of the clearing member's
other customers. Nevertheless, they may be exposed to the risk of
"fellow customer" loss (depending on applicable law) if the
default of another customer causes the clearing member to default on its
obligations. These end-users remain dependent upon potentially complex,
inherently opaque credit chains to which they are exposed indirectly
through their common intermediaries. Central clearing internalizes some,
but not all, externalities in the assessment of counterparty credit
risk.
In addition, CCPs depend on a variety of services provided by
financial intermediaries, such as settlement banks, custodians, and
liquidity providers, These services and the arrangements among CCPs and
their critical service providers are far from simple or transparent, For
example, CCPs depend critically on daily (and sometimes intraday)
variation settlements--sometimes called variation margin. These payment
flows occur through the interbank payment system (or systems) for each
currency in which variation settlement obligations are denominated, Not
all CCP clearing members, however, have direct access to those systems.
Those that do not must use settlement banks to make variation settlement
payments on their behalf. Settlement banks intermediate settlement
payments and may also provide intraday credit to support the exchange of
payments between the CCP and its clearing members. Settlement banks are
typically among the largest clearing members of a CCP. The failure of a
bank that acts both as a clearing member and a settlement intermediary
would pose a significant risk to a CCP.
Central clearing arrangements are designed to mitigate counterparty
credit risk, They do so by using a number of important risk management
tools--such as netting, collateralization, and membership standards. The
use of these risk-management tools also makes CCPs dependent on
time-critical flows of liquidity. This means that payments or transfers
"must be made at a particular location, in a particular currency
(or securities issue), and in a precise time frame measured not in days,
but in hours or even minutes" (Marshall and Steigerwald, 2013, p.
30).
An example of the risks posed by CCPs' dependence on
time-critical liquidity flows intermediated by settlement banks occurred
in October 1987 when global equity markets plunged and clearing members
were required to meet large intraday and end-of-day margin calls.
Settlement banks became "less willing to advance credit to clearing
members" and the Federal Reserve had to take action to ensure
adequacy of aggregate liquidity in the financial system (Marshall and
Steigerwald, 2013, p. 41). The situation was further complicated by the
operational failure of the Federal Reserve's Fedwire funds transfer
system on Tuesday, October 20, 1987, as clearing members were attempting
to meet their margin calls,
Central counterparty clearing can be effective in managing
counterparty credit risk, Does it also mitigate systemic risk? As we
have seen, it transforms counterparty relationships by interposing the
clearinghouse as the common counterparty to all clearing members, As a
result, clearing members (and the end-users on behalf of which they act)
become completely dependent on the ability of the CCP to perform its
obligations (see Murphy, 2013, and Duffie, Li, and Lubke, 2010). In
addition, central clearing concentrates risk in the CCP making it
"... a major channel through which ... [financial] shocks are
transmitted across domestic and international financial markets"
(CPSS-IOSCO, 2012, p. 5).
Masaaki Shirakawa (2012), a former governor of the Bank of Japan,
notes that central clearing has "unambiguous advantages" (p,
3), Nevertheless, he also notes that:
[C]entralized clearing has its own issues. It may increase, if not
properly designed, moral hazard among market participants, who will be
less concerned with counterparty risk, Centralized clearing also
concentrates risk in the clearing entity itself, which might become
"too big to fail," (Shirakawa, 2012, p, 3, emphasis added)
Whether the benefits of central counterparty clearing dominate or
whether they are substantially offset by costs that are both pervasive
and irreducible, remains an open question,
It is important to note that although central clearing with
counterparty substitution provides the foundation for modern futures and
other financial markets, its significance has not been widely
appreciated by policymakers or academics, Until recently, moreover,
academic interest in the institutional structure of derivatives markets
and the nature and significance of central counterparty clearing has
been limited,
Conclusion
In this primer, we discussed the trading and clearing
infrastructure for derivatives, as well as some important policy changes
that are shaping those structures, In the first part of the primer, we
provided a foundation for understanding the economic role, selected
risks, and significance of derivatives markets. We explained the value
chain of a typical derivatives transaction, starting with negotiation of
the contract and ending with final settlement, and briefly described the
evolution of derivatives markets, We also discussed the impact of the
G-20 market structure mandates and related regulatory changes,
In response to the G-20 market structure mandates, some OTC markets
are converting to futures markets (Weitzman, 2012). For example, a
segment of the energy OTC derivatives market has been
"futurized" by the conversion of swap contracts to swap
futures contracts (CFTC, 2013). Market participants may find it possible
to use standardized futures markets for hedging. If not, some may decide
to exit derivatives markets altogether. It remains to be seen how these
developments will unfold. At a minimum, they suggest that the G-20
market structure mandates may result in important but unintended
consequences, such as the fragmentation of the global OTC derivatives
market (ISDA, 2014).
In the second part of the primer, we focused on the policy
rationale for the G-20 trade execution and central clearing mandates. We
noted that centralized trade execution and central counterparty clearing
have many benefits, but also may involve significant costs. The central
question for policymakers is whether the benefits of executing
derivatives trades on exchanges, through SEFs or similar trading
facilities, and clearing transactions through CCPs outweigh the costs
associated with the mandates.
Efforts to provide a comprehensive economic analysis of the G-20
reform program for OTC derivatives have recently begun. For example, the
Macroeconomic Assessment Group on Derivatives (MAGD) issued an
assessment of the G-20 reforms in August 2013 (BIS, MAGD, 2013). MAGD,
which included representatives of member institutions of the FSB working
in collaboration with the International Monetary Fund, studied selected
aspects of the G-20 reform program for OTC derivatives (18) and
concluded that "the economic benefits of [the] reforms are likely
to exceed their costs" (BIS, MAGD, 2013, p. 3). (19) However, the
MAGD chairman also points out that more work is needed to improve our
understanding of the likely macroeconomic impact of regulatory reforms
that target the derivatives as well as other types of financial
contracts (Cecchetti, 2013, p. 8). The work of MAGD is, on balance, a
positive development. We should not, however, underestimate the
challenge of fairly assessing the costs and benefits of the G-20 program
of regulatory reforms for derivatives markets. We look forward to
further studies of the type undertaken by MAGD and eagerly await the
results of those studies.
APPENDIX A: EXAMPLE OF A FORWARD CONTRACT
Company USA enters into a contract with Company Italy to purchase
650,000 square feet of 9 cm. thick-honed Italian Carrara Bianco marble
slabs for 1 million [euro] to be delivered in three months on September
30, XXXX. The terms of the contract stipulate the payment in full (in
euros) at the time of delivery. Company USA will need to convert U.S.
dollars to euros to meet its settlement obligation.
To mitigate the exchange rate risk exposure, Company USA enters
into a forward contract to lock in an exchange rate of 1 euro = 1.30
U.S. dollars.
Parties to the forward contract are exposed to the counterparty
risk:
a. Company USA enters into a forward contract with a bank. The bank
fails. Company Italy delivers the marble and Company USA needs to pay
euros to Company Italy. Company USA exchanges U.S. dollars for euros at
the prevailing exchange rate. Company USA would incur a loss if the U.S.
dollar depreciated against the euro.
b. Company USA enters into a forward contract with a bank. The bank
delivers euros as agreed, but Company Italy is bankrupt and fails to
deliver the marble. Company USA can "close out" the FX forward
or exchange euros back to U.S. dollars at the prevailing exchange rate.
Company USA would incur a loss if the U.S. dollar appreciated against
the euro.
c. Company USA enters into a forward contract with Company Italy.
Company Italy is bankrupt, fails to deliver the marble, and also
defaults on the forward currency contract. Company USA has no exchange
rate risk exposure (but, of course, may suffer a loss replacing the
undelivered marble).
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
PMT # Reset date Payment date Fixed rate Fixed payment
(percent) (dollars)
1 1/1/XXXX 4/1/XXXX 5.000 125,000.00
2 4/1/XXXX 7/1/XXXX 5.000 125,000.00
3 7/1/XXXX 10/1/XXXX 5.000 125,000.00
4 10/1/XXXX 1/1/XXXX+1 5.000 125,000.00
5 1/1/XXXX+1 4/1/XXXX+1 5.000 125,000.00
6 4/1/XXXX+1 7/1/XXXX+1 5.000 125,000.00
7 7/1/XXXX+1 10/1/XXXX+1 5.000 125,000.00
8 10/1/XXXX+1 1/1/XXXX+2 5.000 125,000.00
Total 1,000,000.00
PMT # 3-month LIBOR rate Floating payment
(percent) (dollars)
1 4.302 107,550.00
2 4.403 110,075.00
3 4.745 118,625.00
4 4.872 121,800.00
5 5.581 139,525.00
6 5.468 136,700.00
7 5.460 136,500.00
8 5.058 126,450.00
Total 997,225.00
PMT # Net cash flow
(dollars)
1 17,450.00 Fixed (Bank A) pays
2 14,925.00 Fixed (Bank A) pays
3 6,375.00 Fixed (Bank A) pays
4 3,200.00 Fixed (Bank A) pays
5 (14,525.00) Floating (Bank B) pays
6 (11,700.00) Floating (Bank B) pays
7 (11,500.00) Floating (Bank B) pays
8 (1,450.00) Floating (Bank B) pays
Total 2,775.00
APPENDIX B: EXAMPLE OF A FUTURES CONTRACT
On September 16, XXXX, Company A, a speculator expecting the price
of oil to increase, purchases 100 November XXXX crude oil futures
contracts based on a benchmark grade (West Texas Intermediate or WTI) on
the Intercontinental-Exchange (ICE) at $91.62 per barrel. Let's say
that on September 19 the market has moved and the price per barrel is
now $94 and Company A decides to capture the profit by selling 100
contracts at the market price. (In the example we do not include any
transaction costs, commissions, fees, the cost of margins, or the time
value of money.)
Each WTI contract listed on ICE is for 1,000 barrels of crude oil.
Profit = 100 (contracts) * ($94 - $91.62) * 1,000 (barrels) = = 100
* $2.38 * 1,000 = $238,000.
APPENDIX C: EXAMPLE OF A BILATERAL SWAP CONTRACT
Bank A and Bank B enter into a two-year plain vanilla, fixed for
floating interest rate swap (IRS) on 1/1/XXXX on a notional amount of
$10 million. The fixed rate is set at 5 percent and floating at
three-month London Interbank Offered Rate (LIBOR).
In this example, there are eight quarterly payments. Reset date
refers to the date on which a new floating rate becomes effective for
the period--in this case, the period is three months. Payment date
refers to the date when the cash flows are netted and payment received
by one counterparty.
Fixed rate refers to the fixed rate outlined in the swap contract.
The fixed payment is calculated by multiplying the notional amount by
the interest rate divided by the number of periods in one year (in this
case = 4, 4 quarters in a year).
Floating rate refers to the prevailing floating rate as specified
in the contract (in this case three-month LIBOR rate) as of the reset
date (in this example the LIBOR rate is hypothetical). The floating
payment is calculated by multiplying the notional amount by the floating
interest rate divided by the number of periods in one year. Cash flows
are calculated by subtracting the floating payment from the fixed
payment amount. The amounts in red denote that the counterparty with a
floating obligation pays.
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NOTES
(1) See Smyth and Wetherilt (2011, p. 334): Trade execution
arrangements are constantly evolving and can be quite complex.
(2) See Group of Twenty (2009, p. 9). We refer in this article to
the trade execution and central clearing mandates as "market
structure" mandates.
(3) The capital and trade reporting requirements are important.
However, a thorough analysis of these requirements is outside the scope
of this article.
(4) The Financial Stability Board coordinates the work of national
financial authorities and international standard-setting bodies to
foster global financial stability through the development and
implementation of effective regulatory, supervisory, and other financial
policies. More details and a list of institutions represented are
available at www.financialstabilityboard.org/about/overview.htm.
(5) This discussion is intended as a description of economic
attributes, not legal and regulatory characteristics.
(6) We exclude from our discussion employee stock options, which
are a form of contingent compensation, not risk transference
(derivative) contracts.
(7) For statistical purposes, the BIS treats any derivatives
contract with an embedded option as an OTC option and reports such
contracts separately from OTC forwards and swaps.
(8) Market makers are a good example--they aim to have a hedged
portfolio, but also provide liquidity to the market through speculation.
For further details, see Heckinger et al. (2014).
(9) See, for example, DTCC (2014). We do not consider margining
arrangements for derivatives markets in detail in this primer. For
additional information, see ISDA-CSC (2010) and Johnson (2007).
(10) When one or more reference entities in a CDS index fails to
perform its contractual obligations, the ISDA Credit Derivatives
Determinations Committee may declare a credit event--triggering payment
to protection buyers. Following a credit event, the CDS index would be
revised to replace the defaulting reference entity.
(11) The U.S. Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC, 2013)
defines an SEF as a "trading system or platform in which multiple
participants have the ability to execute or trade swaps by accepting
bids and offers made by multiple participants in the facility or system,
through any means of interstate commerce, including any trading
facility, that (A) facilitates the execution of swaps between persons;
and (B) is not a designated contract market" (pp. 33476-33481).
(12) See Giancarlo (2014), available at www.cftc.gov/PressRoom/
SpeechesTestimony/opagiancarlos-1.
(13) ISDA claims that its empirical analysis of cleared derivatives
data provides evidence that implementation of the SEF trading
requirement in the U.S. has caused fragmentation between U.S. and
European markets. See, for example,
http://www2.isda.org/functionalareas/research/research-notes/.
(14) The discussion in this section is based primarily on Harris
(2003), Hasbrouck (2007), and Duffie (2012).
(15) As Duffie (2012) also notes, however, "[s]ome OTC markets
have special intermediaries known as brokers that assist in negotiations
between buyers and sellers, conveying the terms of one investor to
another, usually without revealing the identities of the counter-parties
to each other" (p. 1). Consequently, some OTC markets may not be
pure dealer markets. For a discussion of interdealer trading in oTC
markets, see Hasbrouck (2007).
(16) For example, Hasbrouck (2007) notes that "[a] dealer may
make continuous trading possible when the natural customer-supplied
liquidity in the book would not suffice" (Hasbrouck, 2007, p. 16,
emphasis added).
(17) Most member jurisdictions plan to implement the central
clearing commitment through a combination of mandatory clearing
requirements and incentives, such as higher capital and margin
requirements. Several jurisdictions indicated that, at least initially,
they anticipate implementing the commitment to centrally clearing all
standardized OTC derivatives through incentives alone (FSB, 2013).
(18) MAGD explains that it examined the following direct costs to
market participants as a result of the G-20 reforms:
(i) the cost of increased collateral required by CCPs and by
bilateral margining rules; (ii) the cost of increased regulatory capital
required by Basel III; and (iii) other direct costs of reform. The sum
of these costs, when compared to the pre-reform costs of trading OTC
derivatives, gives an estimate of the extra costs of using OTC
derivatives once reforms have been fully implemented. We estimate the
change in annual global costs as between 15 billion [euro] and 32
billion [euro], with a central estimate of 20 billion [euro] (table 10)
(BIS, MAGD, 2013, p. 37).
MAGD also notes that its estimates were not intended to be
comprehensive.
(19) Addressing only the clearing mandate, Milne (2012, p. 1)
argues that the costs of the mandate "are not so large as some
commentary has suggested, at least provided that mandatory clearing is
applied only to widely traded standardized contracts."
Ivana Ruffini is a senior policy specialist and Robert S.
Steigerwald is a senior policy advisor in the financial markets group of
the Economic Research Department at the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago.
The authors thank Ed Nosal, Lisa Barrow, Richard Heckinger, Kirstin
Wells, and David Marshall for helpful comments and conversations.