Do ethnic enclaves and networks promote immigrant self-employment?
Toussaint-Comeau, Maude
Introduction and summary
Immigrants have a high tendency to be self-employed. I estimate
that in the United States, the number of immigrant businesses rose from
2.7 million in 1997 to 3.3 million in 2002--an annual increase of 4
percent (compared with 2 percent yearly growth for all U.S. firms). (1)
According to the Ewing Marion Kauffman Foundation, immigrants outpaced
native-born Americans in new business start-ups: Immigrants had an
entrepreneurial index activity rate that increased from 0.37 percent in
2006 to 0.46 percent in 2007, while that of the native born remained
constant at 0.27 percent over the same period. (2)
Immigrants' businesses tend to be clustered in distinct
neighborhoods, and they have become an integral and growing aspect of
the vitality of metropolitan areas throughout the U.S. Scholars from
various fields have studied the geographical concentration of immigrants
in distinct locations across the U.S., as well as how this concentration
affects immigrants' integration and assimilation into American
society (Bartel, 1989). In this article, I focus on the relation between
ethnic geographical concentration and the propensity for self-employment
among immigrants to the U.S. I ask whether ethnic enclaves (geographical
concentrations of an ethnic group) and ethnic networks (social or
business networks among people of the same ethnicity, not necessarily
living in proximity to one another) influence the decision by immigrants
to be self-employed.
The relation between ethnic enclaves and self-employment remains
unclear. Ethnic enclaves could affect the rate of self-employment of an
immigrant group in different ways. On the one hand, these enclaves often
provide prime settings for immigrant entrepreneurs to capture the market
for "ethnic goods"--products (and services) that appeal
strongly to members of a particular group. These entrepreneurs may have
a comparative advantage in this type of market because they have more
information on--as well as a better understanding of--the tastes and
preferences of their own group. On the other hand, enclaves may be
negatively related to self-employment for other reasons: Entry by
potential immigrant entrepreneurs may become relatively difficult as
established immigrants could block the entry of more recent immigrants.
Also, some enclaves may be economically poor areas where residents have
lower purchasing power, possibly restraining the potential for business
growth. (3)
There are variations in geographical concentration patterns and
self-employment rates among immigrant groups. For example, immigrants
from Cuba tend to have relatively high geographical concentration in the
U.S., as well as above-average rates of self-employment. For such
groups, there certainly might be a link between ethnic enclaves and
self-employment opportunities. Some other groups, for example,
immigrants from India, are much more broadly dispersed, although they
too have above-average rates of self-employment. For such groups, it is
unlikely that their self-employment behavior is based solely on
specialization in ethnic goods within ethnic enclaves. In general,
immigrants with more human capital (higher education and job skills) are
less likely to live in ethnic enclaves. Given this tendency, other job
market factors and personal characteristics might play a greater role in
the choice of self-employment among immigrant groups with a greater
proportion of individuals who have more education and higher skills.
Finally, some groups, such as Mexican immigrants, have ethnic
geographical concentrations that are very large, but they remain
relatively underrepresented in business ownership. This suggests that
the "quality" of the social or business network within the
ethnic enclave is also relevant.
I also examine the role of ethnic social and business networks in
the choice of self-employment. Immigrant communities may be particularly
good locations in which to form such networks. These communities tend to
be relatively cohesive social units--often with a common language,
culture, and religion. Since immigrants are, by definition, relative
newcomers to a country, they are likely to experience problems in
getting information on job opportunities or business opportunities (as
well as on housing, schooling for their children, and other needs). This
lack of information often generates a need for such social and business
networks. Yet, it remains unclear how ethnic networks operate and how
much they affect the self-employment status or other labor market
outcomes of immigrants. For example, Munshi (2003) shows that ethnic
networks help Mexican migrants find jobs in low-wage, labor-intensive
sectors. If this is representative of how ethnic networks operate, then
the existence of such networks might be associated with lower rates of
self-employment.
In this article, 1 provide a brief survey of the literature on
possible effects of ethnic enclaves and networks on self-employment
rates among immigrants in the U.S. I use the U.S. Census Bureau's
Public Use Microdata Samples (PUMS)--specifically, the 5 percent sample
from the 2000 U.S. Decennial Census--to analyze the variations in
self-employment rates, the characteristics, and industries of these
immigrants from a variety of countries of origin. I also identify
various locations across the U.S. with relatively large ethnic
concentrations. Next, I conduct an empirical analysis to determine the
factors that influence the decision to be self-employed, including
assessing the effect of ethnic enclaves and networks. I find that ethnic
networks have a positive effect on the decision for immigrants to be
self-employed as an alternative to wage employment. Immigrants'
personal characteristics such as years since migration, English language
fluency, and education level are also important in their decision to be
self-employed. However, I find no clear impact of ethnic geographical
concentrations on the self-employment decision.
From a policy perspective, the recognition that self-employment
could potentially enhance socioeconomic standing has inspired business
development and funding initiatives that encourage self-employment among
more vulnerable populations and communities, including immigrant ones.
Thriving business communities benefit not only individual business
owners but also local economies. Ethnic enclaves and networks may also
be particularly important for immigrant populations because these
populations are often underserved by mainstream financial institutions
and businesses.
Review of literature
The role of ethnic enclaves and ethnic networks in the choice of
self-employment among immigrants has been explored extensively in the
sociology literature. Economists have also developed theories and models
that incorporate informal nonmarket institutions, such as ethnic social
networks.
According to Aldrich and Waldinger (1990, p. 127), "ethnic
social structures consist of the networks of kinship and friendship
around which ethnic communities are arranged, and the interlacing of
these networks with positions in the economy (jobs), in space (housing),
and in society (institutions)." Ethnic enclaves potentially provide
environments where information can be shared more readily and easily and
where ethnic business networks can thrive. They offer a protected market
for ethnic goods production, and provide experience and apprenticeship
from co-ethnic employers.
Ethnic networks can also play a role in mobilizing monetary and
information resources for small businesses. For example, studies have
found that financial resources raised through ethnic networks are
critical for immigrant businesses, especially during the formation stage
when entrepreneurs tend to have greater liquidity constraints (Van Auken
and Neeley, 1998; and Anthony, 1999). Bond and Townsend (1996) find that
Hispanic immigrant business owners in a Chicago neighborhood tend to
seek financing in the informal sector (through ethnic networks) instead
of the formal financial sector (through banks) because of their
preference or cultural factors. They argue that these informal networks
may be particularly efficient at facilitating financing arrangements at
relatively lower information, search, and monitoring costs to the
immigrants. Other studies have found that informal loan activities (for
example, rotating credit associations) in ethnic networks are important
to many different ethnic business communities (Min, 1988; Light, 1972;
and Bonnett, 1981).
Ethnic enclaves are formed (or emerge) as a result of
interconnected factors. Among the reasons often cited for immigrants to
move to a particular area are the following: First, the area may be a
port of entry, which historically has attracted a cluster of immigrants
from the same country of origin; once the immigrants have established
themselves in such an area, they tend to stay, since moving elsewhere is
costly. Second, immigrants are often motivated to reunify with family,
friends, and co-ethnic members who have already settled in the host
country. Third, immigrants follow economic opportunities.
According to Chiswick and Miller (2002, p. 5), an ethnic enclave is
distinguished by the fact that it is an environment where "the
consumption characteristics of an immigrant/ethnic group [are] not
shared with the host population." Chiswick and Miller (2002, p. 5)
broadly define immigrants' consumption of ethnic goods as the
consumption of "market and nonmarket goods and services, including
social interactions for themselves and their children with people of the
same origin." They imply that the economies of scale in the
production of these ethnic goods lead to concentrations of co-ethnic
businesses and institutions. However, ethnic networks may develop
outside of ethnic enclaves, based on members' shared involvement in
a business sector or niche (Bonacich and Modell, 1980).
Research suggests that shared language, culture, and information
are key components to the creation of an "ethnic enclave
effect," which is relevant for ethnic businesses and economic
activities (see, for example, Lazear, 1999). Fafchamps (2001) finds that
trust, maintained through repeated social interactions, leads to the
emergence of spontaneous ethnic markets, causing traders'
businesses to grow faster. Clark and Drinkwater (2000) explore the high
rates of self-employment among ethnic minorities in England and Wales.
In doing so, they extend the classic two-sector model of wage work and
self-employment developed by Lucas (1978) and Evans and Jovanovic (1989)
into a formal model of ethnic enclaves and self-employment outcomes.
Clark and Drinkwater find that an ethnic enclave exerts a positive
influence on the self-employment of immigrants as it shifts up the
business's profit function for the immigrant (hence making
self-employment among immigrants more attractive). They suggest that the
potential explanation for this ethnic enclave effect is that the
relative costs of production in the enclave are lower as the group in
the ethnic enclave has a "better" distribution of knowledge
and information-that is, greater access to ethnic networks and contacts,
as well as familiarity with the tastes and preferences of the ethnic
clientele.
Measuring the size of ethnic enclaves is difficult because most
data sets do not provide information on the enclaves' geographical
boundaries. Most previous studies have used neighborhoods' average
characteristics, such as the proportion of an immigrant or language
group in a metropolitan statistical area (MSA), to approximate
neighborhood or enclave effects. (4) For example, using this measure,
Borjas (1986) finds that Hispanics in the U.S. are more likely to be
self-employed in areas (MSAs) that have larger Hispanic populations.
However, he finds no "enclave effect" (the percentage of the
ethnic minority in the MSA) on the decision to be self-employed among
Asians. Alternatively, defining ethnic enclaves in terms of
"language concentration" (the percentage of individuals who
speak the same language in an MSA), Borjas (1986) finds no enclave
effect for immigrants from English-speaking countries. This result is
driven in part by the heterogeneity in culture and experience of
immigrants from the large pool of English-speaking countries, including
England, Jamaica, and the Philippines.
Measuring ethnic social and business networks is also difficult
because few data sets contain information on relationships among
individuals who make up an ethnic immigrant group. Borjas (1995)
proposes a proxy for measuring a "network effect" based on
ethnic group similarity. In essence, he uses the average characteristic
of the group to measure the network effect. He refers to this as the
"average quality" or "ethnic capital" of the group.
He assumes that groups with more ethnic capital will transmit more
skills to others within their respective groups or to subsequent
generations, and this would be the mechanism by which ethnic capital
operates.
Bertrand, Luttmer, and Mullainathan (2000) conduct a study on
social networks and welfare culture in the U.S. Using the (non-English)
language spoken at home, they proxy for the social links between
minority individuals in a neighborhood. In other words, they measure the
"quantity" of a social network for an individual as the number
of people the minority individual "interacts" with through
this language. Bertrand, Luttmer, and Mullainathan are also interested
in the knowledge or attitude that the people who speak this language
have about a particular activity (in this case, welfare participation).
They measure the "quality" of the social network by counting
the number of people in this language group who use welfare. In essence,
they suggest that there is a social network effect because they find
evidence that increased contact availability raises welfare use among
those language groups that already have high welfare participation.
In this article, I use the conventional measure of ethnic
geographical concentration and apply Bertrand, Luttmer, and
Mullainathan's (2000) measure of social networks (the interaction
between "quantity" and "quality") to explore the
self-employment decision of immigrants in the U.S. 1 am interested in
whether and to what extent the self-employment decision is affected by
ethnic geographical concentrations and ethnic networks.
Characteristics of immigrants and self-employment rates
In my analysis of the self-employment rates of immigrants, 1 use
the U.S. Census Bureau's Public Use Microdata Samples; in
particular, 1 use the 5 percent sample taken from the 2000 U.S. Census.
1 restrict the sample population to immigrant males who are 25-54 years
old and who live in a metropolitan statistical area. I focus on males
because the inherent gender differences in labor market decisions would
make a consideration of females' self-employment decisions a
separate analysis; this is not within the scope of my article. To
identify the ethnic immigrant groups, I select immigrant individuals
based on their countries of origin (to be explicit, these individuals
must have been born outside of the 50 U.S. states and the District of
Columbia). (5) Further, I restrict this study to individuals in groups
from countries of origin with 1,000 people or more sampled in the 5
percent PUMS from the 2000 U.S. Census. I do this because of concerns
about interpreting results from too small a group sample size. These
selection criteria leave me with a sample of 307,079 individual
males--from 33 countries of origin in 297 metropolitan statistical areas
and 1,572 public use microdata areas (PUMAs). (6)
Table 1 reports the characteristics of my population sample by the
selected countries of origin (grouped by region (7)). Mexican immigrants
make up 40 percent of the sample population. On average, they have less
education than other immigrants. Over 40 percent of Mexican immigrants
have less than a high school level of schooling. Immigrants from Puerto
Rico, as well as those from South and Central America and the Caribbean,
also have lower than average schooling. By contrast, the majority of
immigrants from India and Pakistan; immigrants from Africa (notably
those from Nigeria); and immigrants from various countries in Northeast
Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Middle East have some college education.
Similar to the differences in educational attainment, a much lower
proportion of Mexican, South and Central American, and Caribbean
immigrants speak English fluently than those from other countries. The
differences in educational attainment and English language fluency are
likely to influence the types of businesses (professional services or
not) that the self-employed immigrants enter.
Table 1 also reports self-employment rates. Broadly speaking,
immigrants from South and Central America, Southeast Asia, and the
Caribbean tend to have lower average rates of self-employment (those
from Cuba being a notable exception). By contrast, generally, immigrants
from Northeast Asia, India, Pakistan, the Middle East, Europe, and
Canada have higher average rates of self-employment. Differences exist
among immigrants from different countries within the same region. For
example, among immigrants from the Caribbean region, Cubans and
Dominicans have relatively higher rates pf self-employment than Haitians
and Jamaicans. Similarly, among immigrants from the Northeast Asia
region, (North and South) Koreans (8) have a higher rate of
self-employment compared with the other two large immigrant groups--the
Chinese and the Japanese. All the immigrant groups from the Middle East
region have a fairly sizable rate of self-employment. However,
immigrants from Israel, Iran, and Lebanon have even higher rates of
self-employment, ranging from 25 percent to 28 percent. Among immigrants
from Europe, those from Italy and Poland have relatively much higher
rates of self-employment, compared with those from Germany and France.
The heterogeneity in self-employment status among immigrant groups
suggests that it is useful to disaggregate them by country of origin as
opposed to by region or common language.
Industries of self-employed immigrants
The types of industries that self-employed immigrants enter can
provide useful insights as to the relative importance of location. For
example, translation services and restaurants with specialty ethnic food
may be characterized (more or less) as businesses that sell ethnic
goods--defined earlier as products (and services) that draw a co-ethnic
clientele. As such, self-employed individuals in these types of
businesses would more likely be in a location with a potential co-ethnic
market. By contrast, other businesses such as taxi services and
landscaping services are less likely to be dependent on a co-ethnic
market.
I summarize here the most common industries in which some immigrant
groups start their own businesses (see the appendix for more details).
The most common industries for self-employed Mexican immigrants are
construction, landscaping, and auto repair. Some of the top industries
for self-employed immigrants from Jamaica and Haiti are taxi and
limousine services, auto repair, and restaurants. Physician office
services, computer design, and insurance services are also among the top
industries for self-employed Haitians. Self-employed Cuban immigrants
tend to be in construction, but they are, for the most part, fairly
dispersed over a wide range of industries, including truck
transportation, auto repair, real estate, and physician office services.
Among immigrants from the Northeast Asia region, particularly those
from China and (North and South) Korea, most of the businesses are
restaurants and other food services. Dry cleaning and laundry facilities
are also popular industries for self-employed Chinese and Korean
immigrants.
The industry mix is slightly different for immigrants from the
Southeast Asia region. The top industries reported by immigrants from
Vietnam are nail salons, followed by restaurants and other food
services. The main business activities for immigrants from Laos are crop
production from farming. They also list restaurants and other food
services as their other most popular choice for self-employment.
Some top industries for self-employed Indian and Pakistani
immigrants are physician office services, grocery stores, taxi and
limousine services, restaurants, and construction.
Immigrant entrepreneurs from Israel report construction and real
estate, as well as grocery stores, as their top industries. For
self-employed immigrants from Iran, construction, beauty salons, and
taxi and limousine services are among their top industries.
Self-employed immigrants from Africa--specifically, immigrants from
Nigeria and Ethiopia--are concentrated mostly in taxi and limousine
services; beyond that, their businesses are in a wide range of
industries.
The variety of immigrant businesses listed here suggests that,
while some may not require English language skills to operate, they are
not necessarily catering exclusively to an ethnic clientele in an ethnic
enclave.
Where are immigrants located?
To identify where immigrants are located across metropolitan
statistical areas in the U.S., and to assign a value to the potential
size of their ethnic enclaves, I look at the total number of persons in
the entire 2000 U.S. Census from the same country of origin living in an
MSA as a percentage of the MSA's overall population (see table 2,
panel A). I show the top three MSAs for each ethnic immigrant group, I
also look at the population of each ethnic immigrant group in its
respective top three MSAs relative to the group's overall
population in the country (see table 2, panel B). So, where are ethnic
immigrant groups concentrated?
To start with, Miami is the clear location of geographical
concentration for Cubans. They make up 23 percent of the population of
Miami (table 2, panel A). Los Angeles; New York City; Chicago; Miami;
Orlando, Florida; and Washington, DC, receive the largest shares of all
the immigrants from South and Central America (table 2, panel B). Places
like McAllen-Edinburg-Mission, Laredo, and El Paso in Texas have sizable
portions of their populations (25 percent or above) originating from
Mexico (table 2, panel A).
Immigrants from Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia also have visible
percentages in some MSAs, as seen in panel A of table 2. For example,
over 7 percent of the population in San Francisco is from China. Nearly
9 percent of the population of Honolulu, Hawaii, is from the
Philippines. And about 5 percent of the population of San Jose,
California, is from Vietnam.
African immigrants generally represent a very small percentage in
any MSA (table 2, panel A). However, the largest shares of African
(Nigerian and Ethiopian) immigrants are in Washington, DC, New York
City, and Atlanta (table 2, panel B).
Haitian and Jamaican immigrants have the largest share of their
population in New York City, Miami, and Fort Lauderdale. Florida (table
2, panel B).
The panels in figure 1 (pp. 38-39) display graphically the
relationship between the ethnic concentration levels of selected
immigrant populations in MSAs and their self-employment rates. (The
ethnic concentration level here is defined as the percentage of the
immigrant group, irrespective of age or gender, in an MSA divided by the
percentage of the immigrant group in the entire country.) There is a
tendency for Mexican immigrants to have higher rates of self-employment
in MSAs with larger shares of their population (panel A). Interestingly,
the reverse is true for the other groups. Immigrants from the other
ethnic immigrant groups exhibit either equally representative
self-employment rates in all the different MSAs, regardless of their
respective population share (for example, immigrants from Cuba), or they
have higher rates of self-employment in places with lower shares of
their populations (for example, immigrants from Haiti, Nigeria, the
Philippines, and Vietnam).
Measuring ethnic networks
Following Bertrand, Luttmer, and Mullainathan (2000), I define
ethnic network here as the interaction between the size of the network
(the conventional measure of ethnic enclave) and the quality of the
network:
[NETWORK.sub.jk] [approximately equal to] [E.sub.jk] x [Q.sub.k].
where [E.sub.k] is the "ethnic enclave" of a person from
a country of origin group k living in area j, defined as follows:
[E.sub.jk] = ln Number of people from group k in area j / Total
population in area j/ Number of people from group k / Total population
in country
Note that the percentage of the group in the MSA is divided by the
group proportion in the U.S. This instills the interesting property
whereby if individuals in a particular group are evenly distributed
across areas, the measure will equal to 1 for all people in that group
(or it will equal 0, in log form).
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Here, [Q.sub.K] stands for the quality of the networks or the
"'knowledge" and "attitude" of others from the
country of origin group k. This is measured by the average
self-employment rate of the group in the U.S. For ease of interpretation
of the "network effect" (the interaction term between
[E.sub.jk] and [Q.sub.K]), independent of the pure "enclave
effect," I subtract [E.sub.jk], an adjusted measure of
self-employment plus the deviation of the average self-employment rate
of ethnic immigrant group k from the average self-employment rate of the
entire U.S. population sample. Hence, I redefine "'network
quality" as follows:
[Q.sub.k] = [SELFEMP.sub.k] - [SELFEMP].
Table 3 reports the average values of the two measures--the
"enclave effect" measure ([E.sub.jk]) and the interaction
term, or "network effect" ([NETWORK.sub.jk] [approximately
equal to] [E.sub.jk] x [Q.sub.K]), for each of the 33 immigrant groups.
(To make the results easier to see, the ethnic immigrant groups'
countries of origins are arranged by decreasing order of magnitude of
the enclave effect measure.)
Table 3 shows that the Cubans, the Dominicans, the Haitians, the
Iraqis, the Jamaicans, the Polish, and the Chinese are the most
spatially concentrated immigrant groups in the sample. Other immigrant
groups such as Israelis, Mexicans, Egyptians, Nigerians, and Indians are
fairly dispersed. French and German immigrants, as well as Canadian
ones, are the most widely dispersed.
Table 3 also shows that Israeli, Cuban, Iranian, Iraqi, Lebanese,
Korean, Italian, and Polish immigrants have some of the highest average
values for ethnic networks. By contrast, Mexicans, El Salvadorans,
Laotians, and Filipinos, as well as Haitians, have lower average values
of ethnic networks relative to the average value for all immigrants.
The results reported in table 3 suggest that ethnic geographical
concentration (enclaves) and ethnic networks may operate in different
ways and have different effects. To illustrate this, I group immigrants
into the following four categories: 1) those with above-average (or
high) geographical concentration and above-average (or high)
self-employment rates (business/social networks); 2) those with
above-average (or high) geographical concentration and below-average (or
low) self-employment rates; 3) those with below-average (or low)
geographical concentration and above-average (or high) self-employment
rates; and 4) those with below-average (or low) geographical
concentration and below-average (or low) self-employment rates. Table 4
displays where the immigrant groups from the different countries are
placed within these four categories.
Regression analysis
I now turn to a multivariate analysis to evaluate in a more
rigorous manner the impact of ethnic concentration and ethnic networks
on the self-employment decision among immigrants. To do so, I estimate a
linear probability model of self-employment choice in which the
right-hand side contains, in addition to ethnic network and ethnic
concentration, personal characteristics--namely, education, proficiency
in English, years since migration, age, marital status, and race. (As
mentioned previously, I only perform this analysis for the immigrant
male population aged 25-54 in my sample.) Table 5 displays the results.
The results for all the covariates are consistent with
expectations. Years since migration raise (at a decreasing rate)the
probability of self-employment, consistent with previous research
(Borjas, 1986). Relative to the omitted category (those with only a high
school diploma), those with some high school level of education (who did
not graduate) have a higher probability of being self-employed, while
those with very low education (less than a high school level education)
have a lower probability of being self-employed. The result that very
low education hampers self-employment propensity is consistent with
previous findings. Individuals with more education or human capital may
be positively self-selected for self-employment for several reasons.
Business owners" human capital may influence the businesses'
viability (Bates, 1990). The educational attainment of entrepreneurs
might also help facilitate financing opportunities and business success
as it can serve as a basis for screening in lenders' evaluations
(Cressy, 1996). Even so, table 5 shows that those with some college
education have a lower probability of being self-employed relative to
high school graduates. This finding suggests that increasing returns to
schooling in the labor market make the opportunity costs of wage
employment higher for college graduates.
Immigrants who speak English "well" or "very
well" have a higher probability of being self-employed compared
with those who do not speak English. This finding is consistent with
previous research (Fairlie and Meyer, 1996).
I now turn to the ethnic network effect and ethnic enclave effect.
Prior to discussing the results, it is instructive to briefly discuss
the econometrics of the identification strategy. One concern was to
ensure that the effects of ethnic networks and ethnic enclaves were not
really being driven by characteristics that are affecting
self-employment but are correlating with the ethnic measures. I address
this concern by adopting the Bertrand, Luttmer, and Mullainathan (2000)
strategy; I use the stepwise approach as presented in their paper. The
fact that the effects remain positive and significant even as l
successively augment the model with the explanatory variables shows
their robustness. The group fixed effects dummies and the PUMA fixed
effects dummies allow me to control for potential
"unobservable" characteristics (such as ability or
motivation). The PUMA fixed effects dummies allow me to control for
differential neighborhood effects, addressing Manski's (2000)
"reflection problem." (9)
In the first column of table 5, I begin with a regression that
contains the ethnic enclave size effect variable, the relative ethnic
network effect indicator variable, and the dummy variables for the
country of origin group and PUMAs (the coefficients of those dummy
variables are not listed, since there are too many). In the second
column, l introduce the variables for age, marital status, race, and
education. The network effect coefficient barely changes. In the third
column, I add the remaining controls--the English language proficiency
and the years since migration. The network effect coefficient increases
very slightly. Overall, l note that across all the specifications the
ethnic network positively affects the choice of self-employment for
immigrants. The results suggest that a 1 percentage point higher ethnic
network corresponds to a 1.5 percent increase in the likelihood that an
individual will become self-employed.
The results for the ethnic enclave effect are in contrast with
those for the ethnic network effect. The ethnic enclave effect has a
coefficient of nearly zero across all the specifications, suggesting
that there is no clear impact of ethnic geographical concentration on
the self-employment decision and that immigrants overall tend to be
equally likely to be self-employed, regardless of their population
density in an MSA. (This finding was also apparent in figure 1 on pp.
38-39 for immigrants from several countries.)
What make ethnic networks operate?
I find that ethnic networks affect positively the likelihood that
immigrants are self-employed. In this section, I discuss the mechanisms
by which these networks could operate. If, as I found in table 5, ethnic
networks promote the choice of self-employment for immigrants, they
should have a greater influence on the self-employment decision of
individuals with a relative disadvantage in the wage sector due to their
personal characteristics. To test for this supposition, I reestimate the
models for self-employment by adding an interaction term between ethnic
network and the characteristics of individuals--namely, years since
migration, English language proficiency, and education. A positive
coefficient for these interaction terms would signal that the network
exerts a greater positive effect on the self-employment decision of
individuals with particular characteristics.
The results are reported in table 6. The first row of this table
shows how the network effect varies with years since migration. The
positive coefficient signals that the network effect appears to be more
important if the individuals have resided in the U.S. for a longer
period. Intuitively, although recent immigrants are likely to have
greater information problems, which generate the need for networks, the
startup costs of business are likely to be a deterrent to entry for more
recent cohorts (Borjas, 1986). This result suggests that the longer the
immigrants reside in the U.S., the better they may be able to take
advantage of available information through networks and realize their
goal of self-employment.
English language proficiency allows immigrants to organize and
operate their businesses, communicate with customers who may not belong
to the same ethnic group, and adhere to legally mandated practices. It
may also allow the immigrants to become financially assimilated and
access formal financial markets, and it may provide a positive signal to
financial institutions. However, for individuals who do not speak
English, the ethnic network should mitigate the costs of language
deficiencies for self-employment. This appears to be consistent with the
finding in the second row of table 6, which shows the interaction
between English language proficiency and network to be statistically
insignificant. This suggests that the fact of speaking English fluently
does not confer a significant advantage over those who do not speak
English fluently, provided the immigrant is in a position to benefit
from an ethnic network.
The third and fourth rows show how the network effect varies with
education. The results suggest that the ethnic network may be more
important in increasing the chances of self-employment if individuals
have some high school level of education. In contrast, the network is
relatively less important in terms of the self-employment status for
immigrants who are highly educated (those with college degrees).
Conclusion
in this article, 1 provide an overview of the literature on ethnic
enclaves and networks. I discuss, define, and measure these two
concepts, and then assess the mechanisms through which they affect the
self-employment decisions of immigrants in the U.S. Then, I analyze the
data, present the descriptive statistics, and conduct empirical analyses
to reaffirm some of the intuitive results gleaned from the data. 1 find
that ethnic networks play a positive role in the likelihood that
immigrants will choose self-employment as an alternative to wage
employment. Immigrants' personal characteristics such as years
since migration, English language proficiency, and education level are
also important in their decision to be self-employed. However, I find no
clear impact of ethnic geographical concentrations on the
self-employment decision.
From a policy point of view, the role of self-employment in
potentially enhancing the socioeconomic standing of more vulnerable
populations and communities, including immigrant ones, has inspired
initiatives that encourage self-employment. The findings from this
article provide some insights into self-employment among immigrant
groups--an important avenue toward economic integration and
socioeconomic mobility.
APPENDIX: TOP TEN INDUSTRIES OF SELF-EMPLOYED IMMIGRANTS
Region/ 1 2 3
Country of origin
South and Central America
Taxi and
limousine Auto
Columbia Construction services repair
Landscaping Truck
El Salvador Construction services transportation
Landscaping Auto
Guatemala Construction services repair
Landscaping Auto
Mexico Construction services repair
Services to Taxi and
buildings and limousine
Peru Construction dwellings services
Middle East
Taxi and Restaurants
limousine and other
Egypt services food services Construction
Taxi and
Beauty limousine
Iran Construction salons services
Grocery Liquor
Iraq Construction stores stores
Real Grocery
Israel Construction estate stores
Auto
Lebanon Construction Restaurants repair
Restaurants Taxi and
and other limousine
Turkey Construction food services services
Africa
Taxi and
limousine Truck Beauty
Ethiopia services transportation salons
Taxi and
limousine Technical/ Financial
Nigeria services consulting investment
India/Pakistan
Taxi and
Physician limousine Grocery
India offices services stores
Taxi and
limousine Grocery
Pakistan services stores Construction
Performing Real
Canada Construction arts estate
Europe
Accommodations
and food Real
France Construction services estate
Performing Technical/
Germany Construction arts consulting
Restaurants
and other Barber
Italy Construction food services shops
Services to
Truck buildings
Poland Construction transportation and dwellings
Caribbean
Truck Auto
Cuba Construction transportation repair
Taxi and
Dominican limousine Grocery
Republic Construction services stores
Taxi and
limousine Auto
Haiti services Construction repair
Taxi and
Auto limousine
Jamaica Construction repair services
Auto Truck
Puerto Rico Construction repair transportation
Northeast Asia
Restaurants Taxi and
and other limousine
China food services Construction services
Restaurants
and other Performing
Japan Construction food services arts
Restaurants Dry cleaning
and other and laundry
Korea Construction food services services
Southeast Asia
Restaurants
and other Retail
Cambodia food services Construction bakeries
Restaurants
Crop and other
Laos production food services Construction
Restaurants
and other Physician
Philippines Construction food services offices
Restaurants
and other Auto
Thailand food services Construction repair
Restaurants
Nail and other
Vietnam salons food services Construction
Region/ 4 5 6
Country of origin
South and Central America
Services to Restaurants
Truck buildings and and other
Columbia transportation dwellings food services
Services to Restaurants
Auto buildings and and other
El Salvador repair dwellings food services
Restaurants Services
Truck and other to private
Guatemala transportation food services households
Restaurants
Truck and other Crop
Mexico transportation food services production
Services
Auto to private Truck
Peru repair households transportation
Middle East
Offices of Clothing and Wholesale
Egypt dentists accessories trade
Auto Auto Professional-
Iran repair dealers engineering
Taxi and
Auto limousine Real
Iraq repair services estate
Taxi and
limousine Arts/
Israel services entertainment Restaurants
Jewelry,
luggage,
and leather Grocery Gas
Lebanon goods stores stores stations
Wholesale Retail-
trade- Manufacturing- jewelry,
durable wood luggage,
Turkey goods product and leather
Africa
Retail Gas
Ethiopia Consulting trade stations
Physician
Nigeria Bookkeeping Construction offices
India/Pakistan
Traveler Computer
India accommodations design Restaurants
Restaurants
Physician and other Gas
Pakistan offices food services stations
Computer
Legal Technical/ design
Canada services consulting and related
Europe
Professional-
technical Computer
France Restaurants services design
Legal Real Auto
Germany services estate repair
Landscaping Beauty Auto
Italy services salons repair
Taxi and
Auto limousine Real
Poland repair services estate
Caribbean
Landscaping Real Professional
Cuba services estate services
Dominican Auto Retail
Republic repair Restaurants trade
Services to
buildings Physician
Haiti Transportation and dwellings offices
Services to
Truck Landscaping buildings
Jamaica transportation services and dwellings
Landscaping Real Performing
Puerto Rico services estate arts
Northeast Asia
Grocery Consulting Performing
China stores services arts
Landscaping Technical/ Wholesale
Japan services consulting trade
Clothing and
Grocery accessories Auto
Korea stores stores repair
Southeast Asia
Taxi and Personal/
limousine household Truck
Cambodia services goods repairs transportation
Manufacturing-
Auto Traveler electrical
Laos repair accommodations supplies
Insurance
carrier
and related Auto Real
Philippines services repair estate
Retail Real Technical/
Thailand trade estate consulting
Beauty Auto
Vietnam Landscaping salons repair
Region/ 7 8
Country of origin
South and Central America
Real Landscaping
Columbia estate services
Services Services
to private incidental to
El Salvador households transportation
Services to
buildings Real
Guatemala and dwellings estate
Services to
buildings Retail
Mexico and dwellings trade
Landscaping Real
Peru services estate
Middle East
Professional-
scientific/
Physician technical
Egypt offices services
Physician Legal
Iran offices services
Video
rental Gas
Iraq stores stations
Physician
Israel offices Consulting
Clothing
and shoes Wholesale
Lebanon stores trade
Insurance
Dry cleaning carrier
and laundry and related
Turkey facilities services
Africa
Professional-
technical
Ethiopia services Construction
Wholesale
Nigeria trade Transportation
India/Pakistan
Truck
India transportation Construction
Retail Wholesale
Pakistan trade trade
Motion
picture
Physician and video
Canada offices services
Europe
Management
technical Landscaping
France consulting services
Trusts, funds,
securities,
and financial Physician
Germany services offices
Performing Legal
Italy arts services
Restaurants Services
and other to private
Poland food services households
Caribbean
Services to
Physician buildings
Cuba offices and dwellings
Dominican Truck Real
Republic transportation estate
Truck
Haiti Restaurants transportation
Jamaica Bookkeeping Restaurants
Services to
buildings Beauty
Puerto Rico and dwellings salons
Northeast Asia
Securities,
Dry cleaning funds, and
and laundry financial
China services services
Computer
Legal design
Japan services and related
Services to
buildings Real
Korea and dwellings estate
Southeast Asia
Manufacturing-
Agriculture- seafood
fishing, hunting, and other
Cambodia and trapping miscellaneous
Jewelry,
luggage, Manufacturing-
and leather fabric
Laos goods stores mills
Legal Landscaping
Philippines services services
Administrative Miscellaneous
and waste retail
Thailand management trade
Agriculture-
fishing, hunting, Real
Vietnam and trapping estate
Region/ 9 10
Country of origin
South and Central America
Technical/ Retail
Columbia consulting trade
Professional- Grocery
El Salvador engineering stores
Specialty Car
Guatemala food stores washes
Services
Auto to private
Mexico dealers households
Peru Restaurants --
Middle East
Dry cleaning
and laundry Liquor
Egypt facilities stores
Retail-
furniture/
Real home
Iran estate furnishing
Manufacturing- Beauty
Iraq printing salons
Nondepository
credit Legal
Israel and related services
Taxi and
limousine Physician
Lebanon services offices
Auto Gas
Turkey repair stations
Africa
Auto
Ethiopia repair Transportation
Nondepository
Professional- credit and
Nigeria engineering related
India/Pakistan
Financial Technical/
India investment consulting
Truck Auto
Pakistan transportation repair
Securities,
funds, and
financial Auto
Canada services repair
Europe
Financial Technical/
France investment consulting
Professional-
scientific/
Professional- technical
Germany engineering services
Trusts, funds,
securities,
and financial Real
Italy services estate
Computer
Technical/ design and
Poland consulting related
Caribbean
Accommodations Restaurants
and food and other
Cuba services food services
Retail trade- Grocery and
Dominican other direct related
Republic establishments wholesalers
Insurance
carrier and
Computer related
Haiti design services
Real
Jamaica estate Artist
Taxi and Restaurants
limousine and other
Puerto Rico services food services
Northeast Asia
Computer
Wholesale design
China trade and related
Specialized
design Real
Japan services estate
Physician Liquor
Korea offices stores
Southeast Asia
Landscaping Auto
Cambodia services repair
Computer
Grocery design
Laos stores and related
Accounting,
bookkeeping Technical/
Philippines services consulting
Gift,
novelty,
Gas and souvenir
Thailand stations shops
Manufacturing-
Grocery cut and
Vietnam stores sew apparel
Notes: For convenience. Mexico is put in the South and Central
America group, although only southern Mexico is typically considered
part of Central America. The population from the U.S. overseas
territory Puerto Rico is included, although individuals from there
are technically not immigrants. The U.S. Census data do not specify
whether the immigrants from Korea are from North Korea or South
Korea (two distinct nations), but here the immigrants from Korea are
considered to be those from both North Korea and South Korea.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau. 2000 Decennial Census. Public Use
Microdata Samples. 5 percent sample.
REFERENCES
Aldrich, H. E., J. Carter, T. Jones, D. McEvoy, and E Velleman,
1985, "Ethnic residential concentration and the protected market
hypothesis," Social Forces, Vol. 63, No. 4, June, pp. 996-1009.
Aldrich, H. E., and R. Waldinger, 1990, "Ethnicity and
entrepreneurship," Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 16, August, pp.
111-135.
Anthony, D. L., 1999, "The importance of trust in micro-credit
borrowing groups," paper at the Federal Reserve System Conference
on Business Access to Capital and Credit, Arlington, VA, March 8-9.
Bartel, A., 1989, "Where do the new U.S. immigrants
live?," Journal of Labor Economics, Vol. 7, No. 4, October, pp.
371-391.
Bates T., 1996, "'Why are firms owned by Asian immigrants
lagging behind black-owned business?," National Journal of
Sociology, Vol. 10, No. 2, Winter, pp. 27-43.
--,1990, "Entrepreneur human capital inputs and small business
longevity," Review of Economics and Statistics, Vol. 72, No. 4,
November, pp. 551-559.
Bertrand, M., E. Luttmer, and S. Mullainathan, 2000, "Network
effects and welfare cultures," Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol.
115, No. 3, August, pp. 1019-1055.
Bonacich, E., and J. Modell, 1980, The Economic Basis of Ethnic
Solidarity in the Japanese American Community, Berkeley, CA: University
of California Press.
Bond, P., and R. Townsend, 1996, "Formal and informal
financing in a Chicago neighborhood," Economic Perspectives,
Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, Vol. 20, No. 4, July, pp. 3-27.
Bonnett, A. W., 1981, "Structured adaptation of black migrants
from the Caribbean: An examination of an indigenous banking system in
Brooklyn," Phylon, Vol. 42, No. 4, December, pp. 346-355.
Borjas, G. J., 1998, "To ghetto or not to ghetto: Ethnicity
and residential segregation," Journal of Urban Economics, Vol. 44,
No. 2, September, pp. 228-253.
--, 1995, "Ethnicity, neighborhoods, and human capital
externalities," American Economic Review, Vol. 85, No. 3, June, pp.
365-390.
--,1986, "The self-employment experience of immigrants,"
Journal of Human Resources, Vol. 21, No. 4, Autumn, pp. 485-506.
Case, A. C., and L. F. Katz, 1991, "The company you keep: The
effects of family and neighborhood on disadvantaged youths,"
National Bureau of Economic Research, working paper, No. 3705, May.
Chiswick, B., and P. Miller, 2002, "Do enclaves matter in
immigrant adjustment?," Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA),
discussion paper, No. 449, March.
Clark, K., and S. Drinkwater, 2000, "Pushed out or pulled in?
Self-employment among ethnic minorities in England and Wales,"
Labor Economics, Vol. 7, No. 5, September, pp. 603-628.
Cressy, R., 1996, "Are business start-ups
debt-rationed?," Economic Journal, Vol. 106, No. 438, September,
pp. 1253-1270.
Evans, M. D. R., 1989, "Immigrant entrepreneurship: Effects of
ethnic market size and isolated labor pool," American Sociological
Review, Vol. 54, No. 6, December, pp. 950-962.
Evans, D., and B. Jovanovic, 1989, "An estimated model of
entrepreneurial choice under liquidity constraints," Journal of
Political Economy, Vol. 97, No. 4, August, pp. 808-827.
Fafchamps, M., 2001, "The role of business networks in market
development in sub-Saharan Africa," in Communities and Markets in
Economic Development, M. Aoki and Y. Hayami (eds.), New York: Oxford
University Press, pp. 186-214.
Fairlie, R. W., and B. D. Meyer, 1996, "Ethnic and racial
self-employment differences and possible explanations," Journal of
Human Resources, Vol. 31, No. 4, Autumn, pp. 757-793.
Glaeser, E., B. Sacerdote, and J. Scheinkman, 1996, "Crime and
social interactions," Quarterly Journal of Eeonomics, Vol. 111, No.
2, May, pp. 507-548.
Lazear, E., 1999, "Culture and language," Journal of
Political Economy, Vol. 107, No. 6, part 2, pp. S95-S126.
Light, I., 1979, "Disadvantaged minorities in
self-employment," International Journal of Comparative Sociology,
Vol. 20, No. 1-2, pp. 31-45.
--, 1972, Ethnic Enterprise in America: Business and Welfare among
Chinese, Japanese, and Blacks, Berkeley, CA: University of California
Press.
Lucas, R. E., 1978, "On the size distribution of business
firms," Bell Journal of Economics, Vol. 9, No. 2, Autumn, pp.
508-523.
Manski, C., 2000, "Economic analysis of social
interactions," Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 14, No. 3,
Summer, pp. 115-136.
McManus, W. S., 1990, "Labor market effects of ethnic
enclaves: Hispanic men in the United States," Journal of Human
Resources, Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 228-252.
Min, P. G., 1988, Ethnic Business Enterprise: Korean Small Business
in Atlanta, New York: Center for Migration Studies.
Munshi, K., 2003, "Networks in the modern economy: Mexican
migrants in the U.S. labor market," Quarterly Journal of Economics,
Vol. 118, No. 2, pp. 549-599.
Nechyba, T., 1996, "Social approval, values, and AFDC: A
reexamination of the illegitimacy debate," Stanford University,
mimeo.
Sanders, J. M., and V. Nee, 1996, "Social capital, human
capital, and immigrant self-employment," American Sociological
Review, Vol. 61, No. 2, pp. 231-249.
Topa, G., 2001, "Social interactions, local spillovers, and
unemployment," Review of Economic Studies, Vol. 68, No. 2, April,
pp. 261-295.
Van Auken, H. E., and L. Neeley, 1998, "Evidence of bootstrap
financing among small start-up firms," Journal of Entrepreneurial
and Small Business Finance, Vol. 5, No. 3, Fall, pp. 235-249.
Wilson, K. L., and A. Portes, 1980, "Immigrant enclaves: An
analysis of the labor market experiences of Cubans in Miami,"
American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 86, No. 2, September, pp. 295-319.
NOTES
(1) I approximate this growth in the number of immigrant businesses
over the period 1997-2002 based on data from the US Census Bureau's
Decennial Census of Population and Housing. Profile of General
Demographic Characteristics: 2000; 2002 Survey of Business Owners; and
1997 Survey of Minority-Owned Business Enterprises In 2002. there were
22,974,655 firms in total: 19,899,839 were white-owned: 1,573,464.
Hispanic-owned: 1,197,567. black-owned: and 1,103,587, Asian-owned In
1997, there were 20,821,934 firms in total: 17.782,901 were white-owned:
1,199,896, Hispanic-owned; 912,959, Asian-owned; and 823,499,
black-owned The estimates of the number of immigrants firms from these
totals are based on the assumption that 5.8 percent of the white owners
are immigrants, 66 percent of the Hispanic owners are immigrants, 11.8
percent of the black owners are immigrants, and 89 percent of the Asian
owners are immigrants. (See www.census.gov/csd/sbo/chartable_a.xls_and
www.census.gov/prod/ec97/e97cs-1.pdf.)
(2) See www.kauffman.org/items.cfm?itemID=1036 The Kauffman Index
of Entrepreneurial Activity is derived from the U.S. Census
Bureau's monthly Current Population Survey (CPS) Using detailed
demographic information on race. education, region, age. and immigrant
status, the Kauffman Index of Entrepreneurial Activity captures all
adults aged 20-64 who initially start a business (in the business's
first month), including those who own incorporated or unincorporated
businesses and those who are employers and nonemployers.
(3) See Light (1979). Wilson and Portes (1980), Evans (1989),
Lazear (1999). McManus (1990). Aldrich et al (1985), Chiswick and Miller
(2002). Sanders and Nee (1996). and Bates (1990, 1996).
(4) The literature covers research of neighborhood effects on a
wide variety of individual behaviors, including welfare participation.
crime, drug use. educational attainment, and sexual behaviors. See. for
example, Case and Katz (1991); Nechyba (1996); Glaeser, Sacerdote. and
Scheinkman (1996); Borjas (1995); Bertrand, Luttmer, and Mullainathan
(2000); Munshi (2003): and Topa (2001).
(5) People from U.S. overseas territories, such as Puerto Ricans,
although not technically immigrants, may be included insofar as the U.S.
Census asks them about when they came to the United States and whether
they speak English or a different language at home.
(6) PUMAs are areas whose boundaries are defined by the US Census
Bureau; each PUMA has a population of 100,000 or more.
(7) For convenience. I put Mexico in the South and Central America
group, although only southern Mexico is typically considered part of
Central America.
(8) The U.S. Census data do not specify whether the immigrants from
"'Korea" are from North Korea or South Korea (two
distinct nations), but I consider the immigrants from Korea to be those
from both North Korea and South Korea.
(9) Some critics point out that findings of positive correlations
between self-employment choice and neighborhood ethnic concentration are
only suggestive of the network effect Manski (2000) refers to this
situation as the "reflection problem"--an inherent problem in
studying social interaction effects due to the inability to control for
correlated unobserved characteristics within the community. For example,
areas may have high self-employment for a variety of reasons (for
example, favorable small business entry policies and better zoning
regulations that encourage small shopping malls). This would make
individuals in the area more likely to be sell-employed.
Maude Toussaint-Comeau is an economist in the Economic Research
Department at the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago. She thanks Phil
Doctor for valuable research assistance. She thanks Anna Paulson, Leslie
McGranahan. Ellen Rissman, Gadi Barlevy, and Ludovic Comeau, Jr., for
valuable comments and suggestions.
TABLE 1
Characteristics of immigrants
Share
with less than Share with
Region/ Sample high school some college
Country of origin population education education
percent
U.S. nonimmigrant
sample population 2,024,918 5 61
Immigrant 307,079 23 42
South and Central America
Columbia 5,916 9 53
El Salvador 12,372 39 18
Peru 3,573 4 59
Guatemala 6,904 41 20
Mexico 123,383 44 15
Middle East
Iraq 1,190 11 50
Iran 4,341 1 85
Egypt 1,761 1 85
Israel 1,790 2 67
Lebanon 1,770 4 74
Turkey 1,207 6 71
Africa
Ethiopia 1,038 2 72
Nigeria 2,280 0 89
India/Pakistan
Pakistan 3,505 4 72
India 15,281 1 87
Europe
Poland 4,637 3 52
Italy 4,325 9 51
France 2,163 1 80
Germany 9,643 1 76
Canada 7,659 1 80
Caribbean
Haiti 5,087 10 46
Jamaica 5,772 5 48
Dominican Republic 7,372 21 31
Cuba 9,636 6 48
Puerto Rico 13,301 12 37
Northeast Asia
China 10,942 12 64
Korea 1,470 2 81
Japan 4,927 1 84
Southeast Asia
Laos 2,494 22 36
Cambodia 1,682 38 43
Philippines 14,846 2 80
Vietnam 13,594 11 54
Thailand 1,218 3 74
Share
who speak Self-
Region/ English well employment
Country of origin or very well rate
percent
U.S. nonimmigrant
sample population -- 11
Immigrant 71 11
South and Central America
Columbia 71 12
El Salvador 59 8
Peru 74 11
Guatemala 56 9
Mexico 52 8
Middle East
Iraq 88 19
Iran 95 25
Egypt 94 16
Israel 97 28
Lebanon 97 25
Turkey 90 18
Africa
Ethiopia 96 11
Nigeria 99 13
India/Pakistan
Pakistan 94 16
India 96 11
Europe
Poland 77 15
Italy 95 20
France 98 12
Germany 99 11
Canada 99 14
Caribbean
Haiti 85 7
Jamaica 99 9
Dominican Republic 60 11
Cuba 69 16
Puerto Rico 86 6
Northeast Asia
China 69 11
Korea 80 24
Japan 89 11
Southeast Asia
Laos 75 7
Cambodia 75 12
Philippines 96 5
Vietnam 72 11
Thailand 87 10
Notes: The sample here is made up of immigrant males aged 25-54 who
live in a metropolitan statistical area. (The U.S. nonimmigrant male
sample population, also aged 25-54, is provided for the sake of
comparison.) For convenience, Mexico is put in the South and Central
America group, although only southern Mexico is typically considered
part of Central America. The population from the U.S. overseas
territory Puerto Rico is included, although individuals from there
are technically not immigrants. The U.S. Census data do not specify
whether the immigrants from Korea are from North Korea or South
Korea (two distinct nations), but here the immigrants from Korea are
considered to be those from both North Korea and South Korea.
Source: Author's calculations based on data from the U.S. Census
Bureau, 2000 Decennial Census, Public Use Microdata Samples, 5
percent sample.
TABLE 2
Location of immigrants
Region/
Country of origin First MSA Percentage
A. Top three MSAs for each immigrant group
South and Central America
Mexico Laredo, TX 28.5
El Salvador Los Angeles- 2.6
Long Beach, CA
Guatemala Los Angeles- 1.6
Long Beach, CA
Columbia Miami, FL 3.6
Peru Jersey City, NJ 1.5
Middle East
Iran Los Angeles- 1.0
Long Beach, CA
Iraq Modesto, CA 0.7
Israel Myrtle Beach, SC 0.3
Egypt Jersey City, NJ 1.1
Lebanon Lawrence, MA-NH 0.4
Turkey Bergen-Passaic, NJ 0.4
Africa
Ethiopia Sioux Falls, SD 0.3
Nigeria Houston, TX 0.3
India/Pakistan
India Middlesex-Somerset-
Hunterdon, NJ 4.0
Pakistan New York, NY 0.4
Europe
France San Francisco, CA 0.3
Germany Killeen-Temple, TX 3.7
Italy Waterbury, CT 1.7
Poland Hartford, CT 1.9
Canada Bellingham, WA 3.4
Caribbean
Cuba Miami, FL 22.9
Dominican Republic Lawrence, MA-NH 6.6
Haiti Miami, FL 3.1
Jamaica Fort Lauderdale, FL 3.6
Puerto Rico Waterbury, CT 7.8
Northeast Asia
China San Francisco, CA 7.3
Japan Honolulu, HI 2.6
Korea Honolulu, HI 0.3
Southeast Asia
Laos Wausau, WI 2.1
Cambodia Lowell, MA-NH 2.0
Philippines Honolulu, HI 8.8
Thailand Merced, CA 0.9
Vietnam San Jose, CA 5.2
Region/
Country of origin Second MSA Percentage
A. Top three MSAs for each immigrant group
South and Central America
Mexico McAllen-Edinburg- 27.5
Mission, TX
El Salvador Washington, DC-MD-VA 2.2
Guatemala Stamford-Norwalk, CT 1.5
Columbia Jersey City, NJ 2.2
Peru Miami, FL 1.1
Middle East
Iran Modesto, CA 0.8
Iraq Detroit, MI 0.7
Israel New York, NY 0.3
Egypt Middlesex-Somerset- 0.4
Hunterdon, NJ
Lebanon Detroit, MI 0.4
Turkey Nassau-Suffolk, NY 0.2
Africa
Ethiopia Washington, DC-MD-VA 0.3
Nigeria Washington, DC-MD-VA 0.3
India/Pakistan
India Yuba City, CA 3.2
Pakistan Middlesex-Somerset- 0.4
Hunterdon, NJ
Europe
France Stamford-Norwalk, CT 0.3
Germany Clarksville- 3.4
Hopkinsville, TN-KY
Italy Bergen-Passaic, NJ 1.3
Poland Chicago, IL 1.7
Canada Nashua, NH 2.0
Caribbean
Cuba Jersey City, NJ 4.5
Dominican Republic Jersey City, NJ 4.2
Haiti Fort Lauderdale, FL 2.7
Jamaica New York, NY 2.1
Puerto Rico Vineland-Millville- 5.7
Bridgeton, NJ
Northeast Asia
China San Jose, CA 4.2
Japan San Jose, CA 0.7
Korea Boulder- 0.3
Longmont, CO
Southeast Asia
Laos Fresno, CA 1.6
Cambodia Stockton-Lodi, CA 0.9
Philippines Vallejo-Fairfield-Napa, CA 5.1
Thailand Fresno, CA 0.6
Vietnam Orange County, CA 3.8
Region/
Country of origin Third MSA Percentage
A. Top three MSAs for each immigrant group
South and Central America
Mexico El Paso, TX 25.1
El Salvador San Francisco, CA 1.8
Guatemala Trenton, NJ 1.3
Columbia Fort Lauderdale, FL 1.9
Peru Bergen-Passaic, NJ 1.1
Middle East
Iran Orange County, CA 0.7
Iraq San Diego, CA 0.3
Israel Bergen-Passaic, NJ 0.3
Egypt Trenton, NJ 0.2
Lebanon Waterbury, CT 0.3
Turkey State College, PA 0.2
Africa
Ethiopia Minneapolis-
St. Paul, MN-WI 0.2
Nigeria Newark, NJ 0.2
India/Pakistan
India San Jose, CA 2.8
Pakistan Jersey City, NJ 0.4
Europe
France Salinas, CA 0.2
Germany Fayetteville, NC 2.7
Italy Stamford-Norwalk, CT 1.2
Poland Bergen-Passaic, NJ 1.5
Canada Fitchburg-Leominster, MA 2.0
Caribbean
Cuba Fort Lauderdale, FL 1.9
Dominican Republic New York, NY 4.1
Haiti West Palm Beach- 2.3
Boca Raton, FL
Jamaica Hartford, CT 1.7
Puerto Rico Springfield, MA 5.1
Northeast Asia
China Oakland, CA 3.4
Japan Salinas, CA 0.7
Korea Rochester, MN 0.3
Southeast Asia
Laos Merced, CA 1.5
Cambodia Modesto, CA 0.6
Philippines San Francisco, CA 4.5
Thailand Stockton-Lodi, CA 0.5
Vietnam Worcester, MA-CT 1.4
Region/
Country of origin First MSA
B. Top three MSAs relative to each immigrant group's
population nationwide
South and Central America
Mexico Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
El Salvador Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Guatemala Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Columbia New York, NY
Peru New York, NY
Middle East
Iran Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Iraq Detroit, MI
Israel New York, NY
Egypt New York, NY
Lebanon Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Turkey New York, NY
Africa
Ethiopia Washington, DC-MD-VA
Nigeria New York, NY
India/Pakistan
India New York, NY
Pakistan New York, NY
Europe
France New York, NY
Germany New York, NY
Italy New York, NY
Poland Chicago, IL
Canada Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Caribbean
Cuba Miami, FL
Dominican Republic New York, NY
Haiti New York, NY
Jamaica New York, NY
Puerto Rico New York, NY
Northeast Asia
China New York, NY
Japan Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Korea Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Southeast Asia
Laos Minneapolis-St. Paul, MN-WI
Cambodia Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Philippines Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Thailand Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Vietnam Orange County, CA
Region/
Country of origin Second MSA
B. Top three MSAs relative to each immigrant group's population
nationwide
South and Central America
Mexico Chicago, IL
El Salvador Washington, DC-MD-VA
Guatemala New York, NY
Columbia Miami, FL
Peru Miami, FL
Middle East
Iran Orange County, CA
Iraq Chicago, IL
Israel Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Egypt Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Lebanon Detroit, MI
Turkey Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Africa
Ethiopia Atlanta, GA
Nigeria Washington, DC-MD-VA
India/Pakistan
India Chicago, IL
Pakistan Chicago, IL
Europe
France Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Germany Washington, DC-MD-VA
Italy Nassau-Suffolk, NY
Poland New York, NY
Canada Detroit, MI
Caribbean
Cuba Fort Lauderdale, FL
Dominican Republic Miami, FL
Haiti Miami, FL
Jamaica Fort Lauderdale, FL
Puerto Rico Orlando, FL
Northeast Asia
China Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Japan New York, NY
Korea New York, NY
Southeast Asia
Laos Fresno, CA
Cambodia Philadelphia, PA-NJ
Philippines San Diego, CA
Thailand Minneapolis-St. Paul, MN-WI
Vietnam Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA
Region/
Country of origin Third MSA
B. Top three MSAs relative to each immigrant group's population
nationwide
South and Central America
Mexico Houston, TX 31
El Salvador Houston, TX 53
Guatemala Washington, DC-MD-VA 43
Columbia Fort Lauderdale, FL 41
Peru Los Angeles-Long Beach, CA 32
Middle East
Iran Washington, DC-MD-VA 46
Iraq San Diego, CA 54
Israel Chicago, IL 39
Egypt Jersey City, NJ 34
Lebanon New York, NY 40
Turkey Bergen-Passaic, NJ 28
Africa
Ethiopia Minneapolis-St. Paul, MN-WI 38
Nigeria Houston, TX 31
India/Pakistan
India San Jose, CA 21
Pakistan Washington, DC-MD-VA 35
Europe
France Washington, DC-MD-VA 21
Germany Chicago, IL 11
Italy Chicago, IL 32
Poland Bergen-Passaic, NJ 51
Canada Seattle-Bellevue-Everett, WA 13
Caribbean
Cuba New York, NY 69
Dominican Republic Bergen-Passaic, NJ 66
Haiti Fort Lauderdale, FL 54
Jamaica Miami, FL 53
Puerto Rico Philadelphia, PA-NJ 35
Northeast Asia
China San Francisco, CA 40
Japan Honolulu, HI 22
Korea Washington, DC-MD-VA 31
Southeast Asia
Laos Sacramento, CA 27
Cambodia Seattle-Bellevue-Everett, WA 28
Philippines San Francisco, CA 28
Thailand Washington, DC-MD-VA 24
Vietnam San Jose, CA 31
Notes: MSA means metropolitan statistical area. Panel B shows the top
three MSAs for each immigrant group as a pooled percentage of the
group's population nationwide (whereas panel A shows the top three
relative to each MSA's total population). For convenience, Mexico is
put in the South and Central America group, although only southern
Mexico is typically considered part of Central America. The population
from the U.S. overseas territory Puerto Rico is included, although
individuals from there are technically not immigrants. The U.S. Census
data do not specify whether the immigrants from Korea are from North
Korea or South Korea (two distinct nations), but here the immigrants
from Korea are considered to be those from both North Korea and South
Korea.
Source: Author's calculations based on data from the U.S. Census
Bureau, 2000 Decennial Census, Public Use Microdata Samples, 5
percent sample.
TABLE 3
Ethnic enclave and network indicators
Country Enclave Network
of origin indicator indicator
Cuba 2.64 30.47
Dominican Republic 2.08 5.67
Haiti 1.97 -8.62
Iraq 1.52 27.11
Jamaica 1.40 -1.68
Poland 1.34 14.29
China 1.32 3.78
El Salvador 1.32 -3.36
Columbia 1.31 4.83
Ethiopia 1.22 3.99
Laos 1.13 -6.93
Peru 1.09 3.15
Cambodia 1.06 3.78
Philippines 1.06 -8.62
Guatemala 1.05 -1.89
Puerto Rico 0.95 -6.51
Iran 0.95 28.79
Israel 0.90 31.52
Mexico 0.89 -3.15
Vietnam 0.88 2.73
Egypt 0.85 10.09
Nigeria 0.78 4.83
Italy 0.76 15.34
Lebanon 0.76 22.48
Pakistan 0.75 9.04
Turkey 0.71 11.98
Korea 0.70 19.54
India 0.63 1.89
Japan 0.46 0.63
Thailand 0.43 0.42
France 0.36 1.68
Canada 0.22 1.89
Germany 0.12 0.21
Notes: The immigrant groups' 33 countries of origin are ranked in
descending order of the first measure-the ethnic enclave indicator.
The ethnic enclave indicator and network indicator columns
display the average values of the "enclave effect" measure
([E.sub.jk]) and the interaction term, or "network effect"
([NETWORK.sub.jk] = [E.sub.jk] x [Q.sub.k]), respectively. The
population from the U.S. overseas territory Puerto Rico is
included, although individuals from there are technically not
immigrants. The U.S. Census data do not specify whether the
immigrants from Korea are from North Korea or South Korea (two
distinct nations), but here the immigrants from Korea are
considered to be those from both North Korea and South Korea.
Source: Author's calculations based on data from the U.S. Census
Bureau, 2000 Decennial Census, Public Use Microdata Samples,
5 percent sample.
TABLE 4
Ethnic concentration and
self-employment classification
High concentration, High concentration,
High self-employment Low self-employment
Cambodia El Salvador
China Haiti
Columbia Jamaica
Cuba Laos
Dominican Republic Philippines
Ethiopia
Iraq
Poland
Low concentration, Low concentration,
High self-employment Low self-employment
Canada Guatemala
Egypt Mexico
France Puerto Rico
Germany Thailand
India
Iran
Israel
Italy
Japan
Korea
Lebanon
Nigeria
Pakistan
Peru
Turkey
Vietnam
Notes: The population from the U.S. overseas territory Puerto
Rico is included, although individuals from there are technically
not immigrants. The U.S. Census data do not specify whether
the immigrants from Korea are from North Korea or South Korea
(two distinct nations), but here the immigrants from Korea are
considered to be those from both North Korea and South Korea.
Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2000 Decennial Census, Public Use
Microdata Samples, 5 percent sample.
TABLE 5
Determinants of the self-employment decision for immigrants
1 2
Add
demographics
Ethnic network effect 0.132 *** 0.139 ***
(0.018) (0.018)
Ethnic enclave effect -0.002 *** -0.003 ***
(0.001) (0.001)
Age 0.007 ***
(0.001)
([Age.sup.2])/ 100 -0.005 ***
(0.001)
Black -0.021 ***
(0.005)
Married 0.018 ***
(0.001)
Less than high school -0.004 ***
(0.002)
Some high school education 0.005 ***
(0.002)
College education or more -0.010 ***
(0.002)
Speaks English well or very well
Years since migration
Years since migration 2
PUMA fixed effects Yes Yes
Country of origin fixed effects Yes Yes
R-squared 0.0343 0.0433
Number of observations 307,079 307,079
3 4
Add English
proficiency Drop
and years immigrants
since migration from Mexico
I
Ethnic network effect 0.148 *** 0.156 ***
(0.018) (0.019)
Ethnic enclave effect -0.004 *** -0.005 ***
(0.001) (0.001)
Age 0.004 *** 0.007 ***
(0.001) (0.001)
([Age.sup.2])/ 100 -0.002 *** -0.005 ***
(0.001) (0.001)
Black 0.003 *** -0.021 ***
(0.000) (0.005)
Married -0.006 *** 0.023 ***
(0.000) (0.002)
Less than high school -0.023 *** 0.002
(0.005) (0.004)
Some high school education 0.018 *** 0.010 ***
(0.001) (0.003)
College education or more 0.000 -0.016 ***
(0.002) (0.002)
Speaks English well or very well 0.006 *** 0.002
(0.002) (0.002)
Years since migration 0.012 *** 0.005 ***
(0.002) (0.000
Years since migration 2 0.008 *** -0.009 ***
(0.002) (0.001)
PUMA fixed effects Yes Yes
Country of origin fixed effects Yes Yes
R-squared 0.0453 0.0575
Number of observations 307,079 183,696
5
Drop
immigrants
from Cuba
I
Ethnic network effect 0.161 ***
(0.020
Ethnic enclave effect -0.003 ***
(0.001)
Age (0.004) ***
(0.001)
([Age.sup.2])/ 100 -0.002
(0.001)
Black -0.023 ***
(0.005)
Married 0.017 ***
(0.001)
Less than high school -0.001
(0.002)
Some high school education 0.006 ***
(0.002)
College education or more -0.011 ***
(0.002)
Speaks English well or very well 0.008 ***
(0.001)
Years since migration 0.003 ***
(0.000)
Years since migration 2 -0.006 ***
(0.000)
PUMA fixed effects Yes
Country of origin fixed effects Yes
R-squared 0.0453
Number of observations 297,443
* Significant at the 10 percent level.
*** Significant at the 1 percent level.
Notes: The sample here is made up of immigrant males aged 25-54 who
live in a metropolitan statistical area. The dependent variable is
SELFEMP, as defined in the text. The corrected robust standard
errors, clustered around the public use microdata areas (PUMAS),
appear in parentheses. PUMA fixed effects are the 1,572 dummies for
the PUMAS in the sample. Country of origin fixed effects are 33
dummies. Ethnic enclave effect and network effect are defined in
the text. The linear probability coefficient estimates are reported
in all the columns. As a robustness check, all individuals from
Mexico and Cuba are dropped from the sample in the fourth and fifth
columns, respectively.
Source: Author's calculations based on data from the U.S. Census
Bureau, 2000 Decennial Census, Public Use Microdata Samples, 5
percent sample.
TABLE 6
Interaction of ethnic networks with personal
characteristics of immigrant individuals
Standard
deviation
1 Networks 0.0304 (0.251)
Networks x years since migration 0.0062 *** (0.001)
2 Networks 0.1053 ** (0.0314)
Networks x English language proficiency 0.0494 (0.0306)
3 Networks 0.077 *** (0.017)
Networks x high school or less 0.11248 *** (0.02957)
4 Networks 0.2174 * (0.0253)
Networks x college degree -0.11248 *** (0.02957)
** Significant at the 5 percent level.
*** Significant at the 1 percent level.
Notes: The sample here is made up of immigrant males aged 25-54 who
live in a metropolitan statistical area. The dependent variable in
each of the four regressions is SELFEMP, as defined in the text. In
addition to the variables reported here, the regressions control for
the group fixed effects and public use microdata area fixed effects,
age, martial status, race, education, English language proficiency,
and years since migration. The robust standard errors appear in
parentheses. The ethnic network indicator is defined in the text.
The linear probability coefficient estimates are reported.
Source: Author's calculations based on data from the U.S. Census
Bureau, 2000 Decennial Census, Public Use Microdata Samples, 5
percent sample.