Post-resolution treatment of depositors at failed banks: implications for the severity of banking crises, systemic risk, and too big to fail.
Kaufman, George G. ; Seelig, Steven A.
Introduction and summary
Bank failures are widely viewed in all countries as more damaging
to the economy than failures of other types of firms of similar size for
a number of reasons. The failures may produce losses to depositors and
other creditors, break long-standing bank-customer loan relationships,
disrupt the payments system, and spill over in domino fashion to other
banks, financial institutions and markets, and even to the macroeconomy
(Kaufman, 1996). Thus, bank failures are viewed as more likely to
involve contagion or systemic risk than are failures of other firms.
The risk of such actual or perceived damage is often a popular
justification for explicit or implicit government-provided or -sponsored
safety nets, including explicit deposit insurance and implicit
government guarantees, such as "too big to fail" (TBTF), that
may protect dejure uninsured depositors and possibly other bank
stakeholders against some or all of the loss. (1) But even with such
guarantees, bank failures still invoke widespread fear. In part, this
reflects a concern that protected and/or unprotected depositors may not
receive full and immediate access to their claims on the insolvent banks
at the time that the institutions are legally declared insolvent and
placed in receivership. (2) That is, they may suffer post-resolution
losses in addition to any loss at the time of resolution. Unprotected
depositors may be required to wait until the proceeds from the sale of
the bank's assets are received. Protected depositors may also not
be paid in full immediately if the insurance agency has no authority o r
procedures for advancing payment before receipt of the sales proceeds,
or if there is insufficient time to collect and process the necessary
data on who are the insured depositors and how much is insured for each
depositor. If depositors are not paid the full value of their claims
immediately, some or all of the deposits are effectively temporarily
"frozen." In the absence of an efficient secondary market for
frozen deposits, both protected and unprotected depositors will
experience losses in liquidity. Protected depositors will also
experience present value losses if they are paid the par value of their
claim after the date of resolution without interest. At the same time,
the ability of the bank to conduct its normal lending business is
greatly reduced. It is effectively partially or totally physically, as
well as legally, closed. Indeed, a European bank analyst recently
observed that
The issue is not so much the fear of a domino effect where the
failure of a large bank would create the failure of many smaller ones;
strict analysis of counterparty exposures has reduced substantially the
risk of a domino effect. The fear is rather that the need to close a
bank for several months to value its illiquid assets would freeze a
large part of deposits and savings, causing a significant negative
effect on national consumption (Dermine, 1996, p. 680).
That is, both the great fear of bank failures and the magnitude of
any damage that such failures impose on other sectors of the economy are
triggered as much if not more by losses in liquidity by both insured and
uninsured deposits as by credit losses in the value of uninsured
deposits. (3, 4)
The potential magnitude of losses to depositors and other
stakeholders in bank failures is likely to affect both the supply of and
demand for government guarantees to protect some or all bank
stakeholders and to influence the resolution options available to a
deposit insurer. The larger the potential losses in bank resolutions are
perceived to be, the greater the demand for government guarantees by
depositors and other stakeholders is likely to be and the more willing
governments are likely to be to bow to such political pressures and
supply the guarantees. Likewise, the larger the potential losses, the
greater the probability that the accounts will be partially or totally
frozen, the greater the potential harm to the macro-economy, and the
more likely the government will supply the guarantees to minimize the
potential damage.
Thus, the way depositors are treated at insolvent institutions in
terms of the magnitude of the losses they may incur and their access to
the value of their deposit claims has important public policy
implications. It follows that the probability and magnitude of
government guarantees may be reduced by reducing the perceived losses to
depositors and other stakeholders in resolving insolvent banks.
This article examines both the sources and implications of
potential depositor losses in bank resolutions. In particular, we
examine post-resolution depositor losses due to delays in paying both
protected and unprotected depositors at failed banks the full current
value of their claims in a timely fashion after a bank is officially
declared insolvent and resolved. For de facto insured depositors, the
value of their claims is the par value of the eligible deposits at the
time of resolution less any explicit deductible or loss-sharing amount.
For de facto uninsured depositors, the value of their claims is the
present value of the estimated eventual pro-rata recovery value of the
bank's assets, which is likely to be less than the par value.
Although losses in value to depositors in bank failures at the time of
resolution have been frequently analyzed, this article contributes to
the literature by analyzing the implications of losses in liquidity
after resolution, in particular, losses from delayed depositor acc ess
through the freezing of insured and/or uninsured accounts, which have
not been thoroughly analyzed up to now.
Because the magnitude and timing of the losses in both value and
liquidity to depositors in bank insolvencies are in some measure under
the control of the deposit insurance agency or the government, the
article also develops public policy recommendations on how to minimize
losses to depositors from all sources, but in particular the losses to
depositors from delayed access to their funds after resolution. On the
one hand, as noted, if this loss could be reduced, it could contribute
to reducing both the demand for and supply of broad government
guarantees, including reducing if not eliminating the need for TBTF. In
the United States, the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC)
currently pursues such a strategy. In many instances, it effectively
makes the current value of their permissible claims available to both
insured and uninsured depositors one or two business days after a bank
is legally failed. Combined with faster resolution after economic
insolvency that reduces depositor losses at the time of r esolution,
this strategy makes it more politically possible to resolve even large
insolvent banks with losses to uninsured depositors. The banks are
legally closed in terms of effectively terminating the ownership claim
of the old shareholders and transferring ownership to new shareholders.
Except in infrequent cases of liquidation, when there is no demand for
the banking services in the community, the resolved banks are not
physically closed. Thus, there is little, if any, interruption in their
banking business. (5)
However, this practice is not followed in most other countries.
Rather, in these countries, both insured and uninsured depositors are
paid the value of their claims only through time after the resolution of
the bank. These delays may at times stretch many months for insured
deposits and many years for uninsured deposits. As a result, to reduce
the potential adverse economic and political ramifications from such
additional losses to depositors, governments in these countries are
often reluctant to resolve insolvent banks with losses to uninsured
depositors and permit the banks to continue in operation by effectively
protecting all depositors and other stakeholders, including senior
management.
On the other hand, reductions in potential losses and in delays in
payment could reduce depositor discipline on banks, thereby increasing
the banks' fragility and the probability of failure. Thus, either
solution appears to have drawbacks as well as advantages; and an
intermediate solution in terms of delay time in paying depositors may be
preferred in reducing the potential damage from bank failures and
maximizing aggregate economic welfare. This article models the tradeoffs
between increased market discipline and increased probability of
government bailout as the time delay by the insurance agency in paying
depositors the full value of their claims is varied to solve for the
optimal depositor access delay time.
First, we identify and analyze the sources of potential losses to
depositors in bank failures. Then, we discuss the implications of
delayed depositor access at insolvent banks in terms of the effects on
depositor discipline, on the one hand, and depositor pressure to protect
all deposits, on the other. We consider ways that policymakers can
reduce depositor losses from bank failures. Next, we describe the
FDIC's current procedure to provide depositors with full and
immediate access to their claims at the time institutions are declared
insolvent and placed in receivership and provide an overview of the
history of immediate payment in the U.S. Then, we consider the
advantages and disadvantages of full and immediate depositor access. We
model the access timing decision graphically to solve for the optimal
delay time. We then report on a survey of depositor access practices
across countries conducted by the FDIC in spring 2000. Finally, we
develop conclusions and "best practice" recommendations
regarding deposit or access to funds at resolved insolvent institutions
to enhance the safety and efficiency of banking systems.
Sources of potential losses to depositors
Past analyses have identified five potential sources of economic
loss to depositors or the government deposit insurance agency, which
stands in the shoes of the de jure insured depositors, from the
resolution of insolvent depository institutions:
1. Poor closure rule--Embedded losses in value from a delay between
the time when a bank becomes economically insolvent (that is, where the
market value of the assets declines below the market value of the
liabilities, which is the present value of the maturity value of the
deposits and other debt) and the time it becomes eligible to be declared
legally insolvent.
2. Regulatory forbearance--Embedded losses in value from a delay in
the time from when a bank becomes legally eligible to be declared
insolvent and the time it is actually resolved-that is, legally declared
insolvent by the regulators or other authorized party (official
recognition of the insolvency), a receiver appointed, and the existing
owners removed.
3. Insufficient information and processing delay-- Possible losses
from any time necessary after resolution for the deposit insurance
agency to determine the identity of qualified protected and unprotected
depositors and the qualifying deposits and to pay the depositors.
4. Bad market conditions after resolution--Possible losses (or
gains) from any delay in the receiver's selling the bank as a whole
or in parcels after the bank is declared legally insolvent, either
because of operational problems or to wait for a better market.
5. Inefficient receiver--Losses from delay in the receiver's
distributing the proceeds from the sales to the uninsured depositors and
the deposit insurance agency.
These potential losses occur sequentially. The first two sources of
losses occur before the date of resolution because economically
insolvent banks are permitted to stay open and operate under their
existing owners and managers. The first loss arises from a poor legal
closure rule that focuses on book or regulatory values that often
overstate bank assets and understate bank liabilities compared with
their economic or market values, particularly when a bank approaches
insolvency. In the United States, banks (although not bank holding
companies), unlike other corporations, are not subject to the
jurisdiction of the bankruptcy process and courts. Rather, they are
legally closed and a receiver appointed by their chartering or primary
federal regulator.
The second loss reflects regulatory forbearance from fear of
imposing losses and injuring favored stakeholders of the insolvent bank
(for example, shareholders, management, other employees, borrowers, or
uninsured depositors), injuring other financial institutions, reducing
the availability of banking services, or injuring the regulators'
own reputation as public guardians against bank failures. In addition,
until the date of official resolution of the bank, embedded losses from
the continued operation of insolvent banks are not booked and accrue only to the deposit insurance agency. Both insured and uninsured
depositors can withdraw their maturing funds from these banks at par
value, effectively stripping the banks of their best and most liquid
assets. Because they are not officially booked, the embedded losses to
the insurance agency are generally difficult for much of the public to
recognize and easy for regulators to disguise, hide, and deny. Only at
and after the date of official recognition of insolven cy are the total
embedded losses booked and visible to all and a pro-rata share imposed
on the remaining unprotected depositors. This encourages regulators to
delay closure. As a result, regulators are at times poor agents for
their principals--healthy banks and taxpayers. The costs of regulatory
forbearance in encouraging moral hazard behavior by the banks and
increasing eventual losses to depositors in the U.S. and abroad have
been amply documented (Kane, 1989 and 1990; Kane and Yu, 1995; Kaufman,
1995 and 1997a; Barth, 1991; and Gupta and Misra, 1999).
The costs of a poor closure rule and forbearance include not only
increased credit and market losses, but also increased losses from fraud
and asset stripping, which is more likely at insolvent or near-insolvent
institutions, and the misallocation of financial resources, leading to
misallocations of real resources and reductions in aggregate economic
welfare.
The final three sources of potential loss occur after the date of
official resolution when the institution is placed in receivership.
Losses to depositors from delays in receiving reimbursement and
liquidating bank assets may be either credit/market losses or liquidity/
present value losses or both. Before insured depositors can be paid,
their identities and amount of qualifying deposits must be determined
and certified. Before uninsured depositors can be advanced the value of
their claims, they also must be identified and certified and the
recovery value of the bank assets estimated. The length of these
operational delays depends on the state of information (record-keeping)
technology in use and represents a potential liquidity or present value
loss. The fourth source of loss is a credit loss that arises because of
attempts, legitimate or not, by the receiver to avoid fire-sale losses
or depressing asset prices by selling quickly into perceived temporarily
weak markets, from self-dealing by the receiver, or legal obstacles that
prevent the receiver from disposing of assets quickly. The fifth and
last source of loss from delays in distributing the funds from the sale
of the assets of the bank is primarily a liquidity/present value loss to
depositors from operational inefficiencies by the receiver.
Implications of post-resolution delayed depositor access to funds
Unlike the two sources of losses at the date the institution is
legally declared insolvent and placed in receivership, which have been
analyzed frequently, the three sources of depositor losses afterwards and the speed with which depositors gain access to their funds have been
analyzed only infrequently. (6) As noted earlier, at the time of
resolution, insured depositors have claims for the par value of their
deposits (adjusted for any coinsurance) at the date of resolution and
uninsured depositors for the present value of the estimated pro-rata
recovery value of their deposits. In the absence of an efficient
secondary market, delay in offering depositors full access to their
permissible funds decreases the liquidity and, in the absence of
interest payments, the present value of the deposit claims and greatly
intensifies both public fears and actual costs of bank failures. As
noted by the Swedish Central Bank (Riksbank):
Freezing a company's assets and suspending its payments from
the time the bankruptcy order is issued could have serious implications
if applied to banks. A bank's liabilities do after all form an
active part of its business operations, and its borrowing and interbank
funding activities reflect among other things the bank's central
role in the payment system. Suddenly freezing the repayment of the
liabilities at one or more big banks could have immeasurable
consequences for the banking system as a whole (Viotti, 2000, p. 55).
Moreover, the fear of such inaccessibility to one's account is
likely to have important political as well as economic consequences.
Affected depositors are more likely to demand full and immediate access
to their funds, and regulators and governments are likely to bow to the
political pressures and both delay official recognition of insolvency
(forbear) and fully protect more if not all depositors (too big to fail)
if and when insolvency is finally declared. At the same time, the
government itself is likely to view any loss in depositor liquidity as
potentially detrimental to the aggregate economy and may be reluctant to
permit conditions that would trigger this loss. Thus, it may maintain
insolvent institutions in operation and protect all depositors and
possibly other creditors in full. This strategy is likely to increase
the ultimate cost of the losses to the government. Moreover, such
response further reduces market discipline and encourages additional
moral hazard behavior by the banks.
Reducing potential losses to depositors
The adverse effects from bank failure can be reduced by reducing
losses from any or all of the above five sources to both depositors and
the deposit insurance agency. Indeed, if troubled banks could be
resolved before the market value of their equity capital turned
negative, losses would be restricted only to shareholders. Depositors
would be unharmed. Little, if any, more serious adverse effects would
then be felt from bank failures than from the failure of any other firm
of comparable size. Failures could be freely permitted to weed out the
inefficient or unlucky players. Deposit insurance would effectively be
redundant. In the U.S., the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation
Improvement Act (FDICIA) attempts to reduce the first two sources of
losses through prompt corrective action (PCA), which both imposes a more
efficient closure rule--2 percent tangible equity to asset ratio--and
reduces regulatory discretion to forbear by requiring mandatory
sanctions on financially troubled institutions. These include resolution
when the discretionary sanctions applied appear to be ineffective as
reflected in a continued decline in the bank's capital ratio. We
describe how the FDIC reduces the third source of loss--insufficient
information and processing delay--in the next section.
The fourth source of loss, bad market conditions, could be reduced
by careful monitoring by the appropriate agency of the receiver's
motivations or justification for delaying selling bank assets. This
monitoring would verify 1) that the probabilities are sufficiently high
that relevant asset markets are only temporarily depressed and may be
expected to recover shortly; and 2) that the assets can be managed
efficiently in the meantime, so that the present value of the projected
sales proceeds to depositors and the deposit insurance agency will be
higher than without a delay. Recent experience in most countries,
including the United States, suggests that delays in asset sales,
although often politically popular, rarely produce financial gains
(Kane, 1990, and Gupta and Misra, 1999). Thus, it may be desirable to
specify timely sales schedules. The fifth source of loss--inefficient
receiver--could be reduced by requiring receivers to distribute their
proceeds more quickly as they are received and monitoring and enforcing
their compliance with this policy.
Procedures for immediate and full payment of depositor claims at
resolution
If losses are incurred in resolving an insolvency, governments, out
of fear of political pressure by depositors for bailouts or of systemic
risk, may prefer to provide depositors with immediate and full access to
their claims at the time of resolution when the institution is legally
placed in receivership. To do so, the deposit insurance agency can
accelerate the identification of the depositors and the value of their
claims and advance funds to them before it is paid by the receiver or
encourage the development of an efficient secondary market in the
claims.
The U.S. appears to be one of the very few countries that generally
does not freeze accounts at failed banks when they are resolved. Except
in unusual instances, the FDIC provides all depositors with almost
immediate and full access to the value of their claims at resolution,
based on losses from poor closure rules and regulatory forbearance, so
that there is no loss of either liquidity or present value from
post-resolution sources (FDIC, 1998a). (7) The FDIC advances the funds.
Although it may not receive full and immediate payment for all the
assets in the resolution of a failed bank, the FDIC typically advances
the pro-rata present value of the estimated recovery value through an
advance dividend payment to all depositors at domestic offices of the
bank on or about the next business day after its appointment as
receiver. (8) In addition, for insured and ex-post protected deposits,
the FDIC advances the difference between the par value of the account
and the present value of the estimated recovery amount, so that these
depositors receive the par value of their deposits. The FDIC does not
advance uninsured depositors a dividend equal to the estimated recovery
amount primarily in cases where it cannot quickly obtain reliable
estimates of the recovery value of the assets.
Payment of insured deposits is either at the bank that assumed the
insured deposits of the resolved banks or, if the insured deposits are
not assumed by another bank, at the site of the failed bank operating in
receivership. (9) Payment of the advance dividend on de facto
unprotected deposits at domestic offices, which is generally for less
than par value, is at the failed bank, unless these deposits are assumed
by another bank at par value. (10) However, since 1992, the least cost
resolution provisions of FDICIA have made assumptions of uninsured
deposits by another bank unlikely, unless there is no or next to no loss
to the FDIC in the transaction. (11) The FDIC can make funds available
quickly because it has the legal authority to advance the funds and it
has mostly solved the technical problems that underlie delays in
payments after resolution. As noted earlier, to give the FDIC sufficient
time to prepare for these payments and transfers, including identifying
the owners and total of eligible accounts, b anks are generally declared
insolvent at the end of business on Thursdays or Fridays, and depositors
are given access to their funds on the following Monday.
Reliable estimation of recovery values of bank assets, however,
often requires longer than a weekend. And examiners and supervisors in
the U.S. are typically provided with additional time. Under
FDICIA's prompt corrective action, bank examiners and supervisors
are effectively required to progressively increase their familiarity
with a bank as soon as its financial situation deteriorates to the
extent that it becomes classified as undercapitalized, including
increasing the frequency of on-site visits. Moreover, when a bank is
considered in imminent danger of failing, is declared critically
undercapitalized, or is being resolved for other reasons by its primary
federal or chartering regulator, the FDIC is notified in advance and
prepares for a possible sale of all or part of the bank to other
institutions at auction at the highest price (FDIC, 1998c). To do this,
it has to prepare detailed financial information on the bank to be
provided on a confidential basis to potential bidders prior to the
auction and to gather the information needed to make the determination
as to which of several resolution alternatives will be least costly to
it. Thus, the FDIC typically sends its resolutions staff into the bank
some days prior to its being closed to collect the needed information
(FDIC, 1998a). The data collected are used to arrive at both market
valuations for the assets of the bank and estimates of the number and
holdings of insured depositors and other creditor classes. As a result,
except in the case of major fraud, the FDIC is generally able to
estimate recovery values reasonably accurately before the bank is
legally resolved and put in receivership, and the deposits need not be
frozen after closure while the magnitude and impact of the payout are
being estimated. (12)
If, after recovery is completed, the proceeds to the FDIC exceed
the amount it advanced the uninsured depositors, the depositors are paid
the difference up to the par value of their claims plus interest. Any
remainder is paid to more junior creditors and eventually to
shareholders. If the proceeds fall short of the amount the FDIC advanced
to the uninsured depositors, the FDIC bears the loss. Thus, to protect
itself, it advances to the uninsured depositors only a conservative
estimate of the present value of the recovery value. (13)
History of immediate and full payments of depositor claims
Immediate and full access for all depositors, or even for only
ex-post protected depositors, to their permissible funds has not always
been the practice of federal deposit insurance agencies in the U.S., has
not been the practice of state insurance agencies in the U.S., and is
not the current practice of deposit insurance agencies in most other
countries. In large measure, the delayed access, particularly for
protected depositors, reflects the inability of the insurance agency
both to legally advance payment to depositors before receipt from the
receiver and to collect and analyze in a timely fashion the necessary
information on what balances and which depositors are insured and on
estimates of recovery values, as well as the inability to establish
paying agents quickly. The information on eligible insured deposits is
complex because of, among other things, poor and/or noncomputerized
records and depositor ownership of multiple accounts at the same bank.
These obstacles provide a physical rather than a polic y reason for not
providing immediate and full access to both protected and unprotected
depositors.
Before the establishment of the FDIC in 1934, depositors at failed
banks, even in states with state insurance programs, had all or part of
their accounts frozen and were generally paid only as the assets were
liquidated and funds collected (FDIC, 1998b, and Mason, Anari, and
Kolari, 2000). (14) The delay in liquidating a failed bank's assets
and paying the depositors averaged nearly six years (Bennett, 2001).
Even when the FDIC was initially established, it did not pay insured
depositors immediately. The ED IC's Annual Report for 1934 explains
that
Payments of the insured portion of depositors' claims against
the banks which closed during 1934 were started promptly after the
receiverships began. The interval between the appointment of the
receiver and the first payment to insured depositors varied from 2 to 22
days, the average being seven days. Upon notification of suspension,
preparations were begun for payment of the insured deposits. Before
payment can be made an analysis of the deposit liabilities of the closed
bank is necessary. Balances due to depositors in the various classes of
deposit accounts carried by the bank must be brought together in one
deposit liability register, in order that the net insured deposit of
each depositor in each right and capacity may be determined, as required
by law. After the period in which the stockholders might enjoin the
State authorities from placing banks in liquidation had expired,
depositors were paid as rapidly as their claims were presented. (FDIC,
1935, p. 26).
Similarly, before the mid-1960s, the former Federal Saving and Loan
Insurance Corporation (FSLIC), which insured savings and loan (S&L)
associations before the FDIC, often disbursed funds to insured
depositors at failed S&Ls only slowly through time; and before the
early 1980s, the FDIC did not advance payments to unprotected depositors
(FDIC, 1998a). (15) Likewise, Ohio, Maryland, and Rhode Island, states
that experienced widespread failures of perceived state insured thrift institutions in the 1980s, generally reimbursed insured depositors at
these institutions in full, but only slowly over a number of years, so
that depositors suffered significant present value losses and liquidity
costs (Kane, 1992; Pulkkinen and Rosengren, 1993; and Todd, 1994).
Contrary to current FDIC practice, the insured depositors in these
states were effectively insured in future or nominal values only, not in
present values.
Full and immediate depositor access does not exist in most other
countries. (16) For example, the Canadian Deposit Insurance Corporation provided depositors of the failed Confederation Trust Company in 1994
with access to the insured portion of their deposits 52 days after the
bank was declared legally failed, although faster advance payments were
made in cases of critical need (Canada Deposit Insurance Corporation,
1995). Article 10 of the Directive of the European Union (EU) dealing
with deposit-guarantee schemes, which became effective on July 1, 1995,
requires that each member country's national insurance agency pay
insured depositors "within three months of the date on which the
competent authorities make the determination" that the bank is
unable to repay its deposits in full and deposits become unavailable to
the depositors. But, this period may be extended for three three-month
periods to a maximum of 12 months if necessary in "exceptional
circumstance." These delay schedules appear to have been imposed to
limit the maximum delay due to obtaining and processing the relevant
deposit data and to encourage faster payment, rather than to prolong delay in order to increase market discipline. No harmonizing directive
applies to the treatment of uninsured depositors and other creditors in
the EU. This is left to the laws of the individual countries. The
competent authority that can declare an institution insolvent and the
authority's powers are also determined by each country. In general,
private receivers are appointed to sell or liquidate the bank. The
unprotected claimants are paid the recovered values as they are
collected and distributed by the receiver. (17) In most instances, this
process is not fully completed for many years, so that depositors do not
have access to the full recovery value of their claims for an equal
number of years.
Advantages and disadvantages of immediate and full payment of
depositor claims
Immediate and full payment of insured and uninsured depositor
claims has both advantages and disadvantages. The major advantage,
particularly for uninsured depositors, is that it may forestall political pressure by depositors on their governments to delay resolving
insolvent banks and to make all depositors completely whole when they
do. Moreover, by not requiring banks to be effectively physically as
well as legally closed, speedy payments also reduce the potential damage
to the macroeconomy and reduce the need for the government to provide
guarantees. Thus, TBTF appears alive and well in most countries outside
the U.S., which generally do not provide for such speedy payments.
Indeed, before the enactment of deposit insurance in the U.S. in
1933, Senator Carter Glass, the influential chairman of the Senate
Banking Committee at the time, had proposed more rapid payment to
depositors at failed banks as a superior alternative to insurance
(Bradley, 2000; Kennedy, 1973; and Willis and Chapman, 1934). In
describing the Glass proposal, Willis and Chapman (1934, pp. 65-67)
write:
It was a fact that the receiverships were in the habit of extending
anywhere from a few months to as long as twenty-one years. ...
Recognizing that in bank failures the source of difficulty and losses is
not primarily found in lack of assets, but ... that the resources of
depositors are tied up and rendered unavailable for long periods ...
liquidation power and not guaranty was demanded ... insuring an almost
immediate settlement within a short time upon the basis of the estimated
worth of the [failed] bank's assets. ... This plan was considered
by the [Banking] Committee entirely adequate to the protection of the
bank depositor against most of the evils to which he had been subject,
while leaving him still with a measure of individual responsibility for
the protection of his claims through the selection of a well-qualified
bank.
The plan called for the establishment of a federal government
liquidating corporation that would estimate a bank's recovery value
immediately upon its failure, quickly sell the bank as a whole or in
parts, and quickly pay the proceeds to the receiver for speedy
disbursement to the depositors. But this plan was found too difficult to
implement at the time, primarily because it required accurately
estimating the market value of the failed banks' assets quickly.
However, the advantages of such a scheme had also been seen by
others, particularly during the banking crisis of the early 1930s, when
nearly 10,000 banks, or some 40 percent of the total number of banks,
failed. For example, in 1931, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York attempted to have depositors at failed banks receive the recovery value
of their claims faster by requesting healthy member banks to buy the
assets of failed banks and advance the proceeds to them for immediate
distribution (Bradley, 2000, and Friedman and Schwartz, 1963). This
proposal does not appear to have been successful. In 1933, the New York State Banking Department entered into agreements with several large New
York City banks to partially assume the deposits of failed banks and be
reimbursed from the liquidation of a corresponding amount of assets. At
the same time, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation began to loan
funds to closed banks to make quick partial payment to depositors
(Kaufman, 2002a).
But providing immediate depositor access to the full value of their
permissible funds may also have important disadvantages; in short, it
may be a double-edged sword. It may reduce market discipline on the
banks. Knowing that they face a delay, and at times a very lengthy
delay, in gaining access to the full value of their claims after
resolution, both insured and uninsured depositors have a greater
incentive to monitor the financial health of their banks and to
discipline them when necessary by charging higher interest rates
commensurate with the greater perceived risk or transferring their
deposits (running) to perceived safer banks. (18) Immediate payment
would reduce this incentive. In addition, under full and immediate
access as practiced by the FDIC, any unexpected losses from delays in
asset sales and distribution of the sales' proceeds will accrue to
the deposit insurer rather than to the unprotected depositors. This
would further reduce the incentive for unprotected depositors to monitor
their banks . We model the tradeoff between the advantages and
disadvantages of full and immediate access in the next section to
examine the implications more carefully and to identify the optimal time
delay in providing depositors with full access.
Modeling the access delay decision
As discussed above, the primary basis for reducing the cost of
failure to depositors by advancing them funds immediately after a bank
failure is to minimize the economic disruption that can result from the
loss of liquidity associated with freezing deposits. However, there is a
clear tradeoff with market discipline. On the one hand, the greater the
perceived loss that insured or uninsured depositors may potentially
suffer, the greater their incentive to monitor their bank's
condition and discipline the bank for taking excessive risks, either by
withdrawing funds or by requiring higher interest rates to compensate
for the increased risk. On the other hand, the greater the expected loss
in either value or liquidity, the greater the public pressure will be
for government protection of most if not all stakeholders. This is
likely to increase the cost of resolution to the government. Given this
tradeoff, it is possible to solve for the optimal time for the
distribution of payments on depositor claims on a failed bank. We can
model this tradeoff graphically. Because the government can affect, if
not set, the delay time, including the time necessary to process the
relevant deposit data and estimate the recovery values, it effectively
serves as a policy tool.
Our model is shown in figure 1. The time delay in the insurance
agency providing depositors with full access to the value of their
claims after resolution or the length of time accounts are frozen
(payment delay) is measured on the horizontal axis. The reduction in
expected loss (or gain) from additional market discipline and the
increase in expected loss from intensified bailout pressure are measured
on the vertical scale. These are shown in absolute terms. In the absence
of an efficient secondary market for depositor receivership claims, both
the reduction and increase in expected loss from additional market
discipline and bailout pressure, respectively, may be expected to
increase with the delay time. The optimal delay time occurs when the
reduction in expected loss from additional market discipline exceeds the
increase in expected loss from bailout pressure by the maximum amount.
In figure 1, where the two schedules are shown as crossing, this is
shown as Q. If instead the additional market discipline sc hedule lies
above the bailout pressure schedule at all points from the date of
resolution, the optimal delay time is infinite. If the bailout pressure
schedule lies above the additional market discipline schedule at all
points, the optimal delay time is the date of resolution. This would
imply that accounts should not be frozen at all and depositors should be
given immediate access to the value of their claims.
If an inability to advance payment or technical problems prevent
the government from providing depositors with access at the optimal
time, the government is likely to bail out all stakeholders and keep the
bank in operation. This reinforces the importance of both resolving
institutions as quickly as possible with no or minimum loss and
developing faster procedures for certifying protected deposits and
estimating recovery values. It follows that by providing depositors with
immediate and full access to their claims, as described earlier, the
U.S. implicitly assumes that additional potential losses from bailout
pressures immediately exceed potential gains from additional market
discipline.
The FDIC survey of depositor access practices across countries
In February 2000, the FDIC surveyed 78 deposit insurers in 64
countries outside the U.S. on aspects of their deposit insurance
systems. The countries chosen were those that had explicit deposit
insurance schemes in place. Thirty-seven surveys were returned,
providing insight into the deposit insurance practices of 34 countries.
(19) While the surveys covered a wide range of deposit insurance
practices, this article examines only that portion of the survey
relating to the availability of funds to depositors after a bank has
been declared insolvent and differences in the treatment of insured and
uninsured depositors. (20)
When examining fund availability practices, one must recognize the
difference between policy intent and practice. A deposit insurer may
wish to pay quickly, but not have the legal, technical, or informational
capacity to do so. Conversely, the authorities may believe in instilling market discipline by imposing costs on depositors through delayed access
to funds, but may not have the political resolve to carry out such a
policy. Consequently, we analyzed only the 30 responding countries that
had actually experienced bank failures since 1980. Of these, three
(Bahrain, Jamaica, and Sweden) did not specify a time frame within which
they had paid depositors, since the failures occurred prior to the
creation of a deposit insurance scheme.
Insured deposits
As table 1 shows, only three countries (Japan, Italy and Peru)
provided immediate payment of insured deposits. Japan has protected all
depositors in those banks that it has declared insolvent to date and
used resolution techniques that provided for immediate access to funds.
In Italy, the Interbank Deposit Protection Fund also provided insured
depositors with immediate access to their insured deposits. Peruvian
depositors have had access to some but not all of their insured deposits
in some failures the day after failure, for example, in the most recent
failure in November 1999. But in other failures, the depositors have had
to wait as long as eight months for even the initial payment. According
to the Peruvian Deposit Insurance Fund, the factors that determine the
speed with which insured depositors get access to their funds are the
potential systemic effects that would be triggered by the failure of a
specific bank and the quality of information given to the insurer by the
liquidation agency. Five other co untries gave insured depositors access
to their funds within one month of the failure, and the majority of all
respondents followed the EU guidelines and gave insured depositors
access within no more than three months.
The Isle of Man Financial Supervision Commission was still in the
process of attempting to pay off insured depositors more than six months
after the failure of a bank in 1999. Three other countries, Poland, the
Czech Republic, and Greece, reported that they were able to make funds
available to insured depositors within six months. It is interesting to
note that almost all of the respondents provided insured depositors with
all their funds at one time. Only the deposit insurers in Italy,
Austria, Latvia, and Peru paid in installments.
The responses from Peru and the experience of the Isle of Man
suggest that much of the reason for the delay in paying insured
depositors may not be a conscious policy of promoting insured depositor
discipline. Rather, it reflects the technical difficulties associated
with paying off a bank quickly.
Uninsured deposits
The survey results presented in table 2 clearly indicate that the
practice of advancing funds to uninsured depositors is largely unique to
the United States. Twenty-three of the respondents indicated that
uninsured depositors cannot be fully protected at failed banks in their
countries, and only three deposit insurers (Canada, Japan, and Slovakia)
indicated that they had the power to advance funds to cover uninsured
depositors.
The timing of availability of funds to uninsured depositors is
typically dependent on the type of resolution. Japan and Tanzania are
notable examples of countries that have used resolution techniques to
protect all depositors. In other countries, such as Italy and Brazil,
uninsured depositors have immediate access to their deposits if a
resolution results in the transfer of these deposits to another
financial institution. In most countries, unprotected depositors have to
wait for the liquidation process to yield sufficient cash for payments
to be made to them. The practices surrounding the liquidation of assets
and payment of claims follow the national practices for bankruptcy, with
discretion vested in the courts or the liquidator, receiver, or
administrator for the failed bank estate. In all cases where the
uninsured depositors were dependent on a liquidation process for their
proceeds, they received access to their funds in installments.
A review of the comments received from the respondents suggests
that, while most deposit insurers do not have the discretion to protect
uninsured depositors in liquidations or to advance funds from their
deposit insurance funds to uninsured depositors, they can use resolution
strategies that protect uninsured depositors. This suggests that these
countries will probably resort to keeping insolvent banks in operation
through nationalization in whole or in part and/or extending blanket
guarantees to depositors.
Conclusions and recommendations
This article identifies and analyses five potential sources of loss
to depositors in bank failures, two that are recognized at the time an
insolvent bank is resolved and placed in receivership and three that
occur afterwards. The three sources of post-resolution losses arise from
delayed payment of depositor claims which may lead to losses in credit
value and/or liquidity. The loss of liquidity through the effective
freezing of some or all of the deposits by the deposit insurance agency,
pending reliable data on what deposits and depositors are protected
and/or the receipt of the proceeds from the sale of bank assets, has two
conflicting effects. On the one hand, fear of delayed payment increases
monitoring and discipline by depositors. On the other hand, fear of
delayed payment increases pressure from depositors for protection and
government willingness to supply such protection to reduce the chances
of systemic risk.
This article analyzes these effects. Countries follow different
practices with respect to delaying payment, with different consequences
for market discipline and resolution policies. In the U.S., the FDIC
currently does not generally freeze deposits at resolved institutions.
Rather, it effectively advances the proceeds to depositors at the time
of resolution, frequently before it collects them from asset sales in
its capacity as receiver. Thus, insured depositors receive near
immediate payment of the par value of their deposits and uninsured
depositors generally receive near immediate payment of the present value
of their pro-rata share of the estimated recovery value. This practice
may reduce market discipline, but it may reduce bailout pressure even
more. If so, given the loss at resolution, insolvent institutions are
more likely to be resolved and uninsured depositors not protected. In
contrast, most other countries freeze deposits and delay payments to
both insured and uninsured depositors, according to a schedule or until
the funds are collected from asset sales, both because of the inability
to estimate quickly the amount that needs to be paid out and because of
restrictions on advancing funds before collection of the sales proceeds.
These differences in the treatment of depositors at insolvent
institutions have important implications for a country's bank
resolution practices, in particular, for banks considered too big to
fail. The smaller the perceived overall loss in bank failures, the
easier it is economically and politically to resolve insolvencies with
losses to de jure unprotected depositors. In the U.S., if regulatory
prompt corrective action is successful in limiting losses (negative net
worth) to relatively small amounts, say, to not more than 5 percent of
assets at large banks (the loss experienced by the Continental Illinois
National Bank in 1984 was about 4 percent) and uninsured depositors have
immediate and full access to their funds, then losses to large uninsured
depositors would be restricted to a rate that is well within the
boundaries that most of these depositors can tolerate without panicking
(for example, losses they appear to be willing to bear in commercial
paper or other short-term debt investments). Moreover, si nce enactment
of depositor preference, which subordinates deposits at foreign offices
and other creditors to domestic deposits and the FDIC, losses at failed
banks can be charged to these accounts before domestic depositors. Thus,
losses to domestic depositors and the FDIC may be even smaller. As a
result, if the losses are small and access to the remaining deposits is
immediate, uninsured depositors are less likely to exert political
pressure on the government to extend the safety net to them, governments
are less likely to be fearful of systemic risk, and too big to fail
protection may be avoided.
The combination of the FDIC's payment practices and the
improved closure rule under FDICIA helps to explain why uninsured
depositors at almost all recently failed banks in which the FDIC
suffered losses have been required to share pro-rata in the losses
(Benston and Kaufman, 1998). But, because no large money center bank has
failed since FDICIA, the systemic risk exemption under FDICIA has not
been invoked, and it is too early to declare TBTF dead in the U.S.
Nevertheless, speedy payment to depositors is likely to reduce the need
for its use.
In contrast, most other countries may find it more difficult to
resolve large insolvent banks with losses to depositors, because these
losses are not necessarily minimized and uninsured deposits are often
frozen until payment is received from private receivers. These
countries' governments are thus under greater pressure to protect
all depositors and are more fearful of igniting systemic risk if they do
not. Thus, TBTF appears to be alive and healthy in these countries, and
taxpayer losses in bank failures may be expected to be relatively
larger.
Because cross-country differences in insured depositors'
access to their funds affects both the intensity of market discipline
and the probability of government bailout, cross-country studies of the
effectiveness and efficiency of alternative deposit insurance structures
that specify the existence of such programs or differentiate between
explicit and implicit programs only by a single yes/no (or 1/0)
variable, and thus omit reference to access delay, are likely to be
incomplete and inaccurate.
Our analysis in this article suggests that the best strategy for
achieving aggregate bank stability, characterized by efficient exit of
inefficient or unlucky banks through failure at no or least cost to the
economy, involves resolving these banks before or shortly after their
net worth turns negative and providing full and immediate (or
near-immediate) access for insured depositors to the par value of their
deposits and for uninsured depositors to the present value of their
pro-rata share of the estimated recovery value at resolution. Such a
strategy minimizes the potential for systemic risk and permits otherwise
TBTF banks to be resolved just like any other insolvent bank. However,
the ability to provide full and quick depositor access may be
constrained both by lack of legal authority for regulators to advance
payment before receiving the funds from asset sales and by technical
problems that interfere with this outcome, such as the unavailability of
accurate and accessible account data and facilities for s peedy analysis
of the data and the inability to estimate recovery values accurately and
quickly. If this is indeed the optimal policy, policymakers in each
country need to develop procedures for reducing the delays caused by
these problems.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
TABLE 1
Funds availability, insured deposits
Regulation/ Immediate Within Within Within
Country laws payment 7 days 1 month 3 months
At least 1 Insolvent
bank since 1980
Austria (1) Yes Yes
Bahrain (a) No
Belgium Yes Yes
Brazil No Yes
Canada No Yes
Czech Republic Yes
France Yes Yes
Germany (1) No Yes
Greece Yes
Hungary No Yes
Isle of Man No
Italy (1) Yes Yes
Italy (2) Yes Yes
Jamaica (a) Yes
Japan No Yes
Latvia No
Lithuania Yes Yes
Netherlands Yes Yes
Nigeria No
Peru Yes Yes
Poland Yes
Romania Yes Yes
Slovakia Yes Yes
Spain Yes Yes
Sweden (a) Yes
Tanzania No Yes
Trinidad and Tobago Yes Yes
Turkey No Yes
Uganda Yes Yes
United Kingdom Yes
No Insolvent banks
since 1980
Austria (2) Yes
El Salvador Yes
Germany (2) Yes
Mexico Yes
Oman Yes
Portugal Yes
Taiwan No
Within > 6
Country 6 months months Payment
At least 1 Insolvent
bank since 1980
Austria (1) Installments
Bahrain (a)
Belgium All at one time
Brazil All at one time
Canada All at one time
Czech Republic Yes All at one time
France All at one time
Germany (1) All at one time
Greece Yes All at one time
Hungary All at one time
Isle of Man Yes All at one time
Italy (1) Installments
Italy (2) Installments
Jamaica (a)
Japan
Latvia Installments
Lithuania All at one time
Netherlands All at one time
Nigeria
Peru Installments
Poland Yes All at one time
Romania All at one time
Slovakia All at one time
Spain All at one time
Sweden (a)
Tanzania All at one time
Trinidad and Tobago All at one time
Turkey All at one time
Uganda All at one time
United Kingdom All at one time
No Insolvent banks
since 1980
Austria (2)
El Salvador
Germany (2)
Mexico
Oman
Portugal
Taiwan
(a)Denotes countries whose failures occurred prior to the establishment
of the current deposit insurance scheme.
Note: For countries with two deposit insurance funds, the number in
parentheses following the country name indicates which fund dealt/did
not deal with bank failure. For example, In the case of Austria, deposit
insurance fund 1 has dealt with an insolvent bank since 1980, while
deposit insurance fund 2 has not dealt with any bank failures in that
period.
Source: Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation.
TABLE 2
Funds availability, uninsured deposits
Deposit
Uninsured insurer can
Regulation/ can be fully advance
Country laws protected funds
At least 1 Insolvent
bank since 1980
Austria (1) Yes No
Bahrain (a) Yes No
Belgium No No
Brazil Yes No
Canada Yes Yes Yes
Czech Republic Yes No
Republic
Germany (1) No No No
France Yes No
Greece No No
Hungary Yes No
Isle of Man No No
Italy (1) Yes Yes
Italy (2) No
Jamaica (a) Yes No
Japan Yes Yes Yes
Latvia No No
Lithuania Yes No
Netherlands No Yes
Nigeria No Yes
Peru Yes Yes No
Poland Yes Yes No
Romania Yes No
Slovakia Yes Yes Yes
Spain Yes Yes
Sweden (a) No No
Tanzania No Yes No
Trinidad and Yes No
Tobago
Turkey No
Uganda Yes No
United Kingdom No
No Insolvent banks
since 1980
Austria (2) Yes No
El Salvador Yes No No
Germany (2) No Yes
Mexico No No Yes
Oman Yes No
Portugal Yes No
Taiwan No No No
Time before Payment
Country accessing schedule
At least 1 Insolvent
bank since 1980
Austria (1) 5-6 months Installments
Bahrain (a)
Belgium Several months Installments
Brazil Depends on intervention Installments
Canada Not permitted None
Czech Republic No bankruptcy proceedings
Republic have finished yet.
Germany (1)
France Installments
Greece Installments
Hungary 2 years Installments
Isle of Man
Italy (1) Immediate access if
assets and liabilities
assigned to another
institution; otherwise
wait until receiver
allocates assets.
Italy (2)
Jamaica (a)
Japan All deposits protected
so far
Latvia Installments
Lithuania 12 months Installments
Netherlands Normal bankruptcy Installments
laws between receiver
and uninsured
depositors; if funds
available for creditors
of their rank, paid
out in due course.
Nigeria No provision for
depositors of insolvent
banks to be paid from
Deposit Insurance Fund.
Peru 0-1 year Installments
Poland Installments
Romania
Slovakia No case
Spain Approximately 12 months Installments
Sweden (a)
Tanzania Full compensation; All at
depositors had access one time
to their deposits
within the shortest
period.
Trinidad and Whenever sufficient Installments
Tobago funds from realization
of assets are available.
Turkey Since 1980, depositors All at
unable to access one time
explicitly uninsured
deposits.
Uganda
United Kingdom Handled by liquidators
or administrators.
No Insolvent banks
since 1980
Austria (2) No bank failure
El Salvador Bank failures, but no All at
insured deposits system one time
Germany (2) No bank failures
Mexico
Oman
Portugal No explicitly uninsured
depositors prior to 1999.
Taiwan No order to close Installments
a financial
institution during
the past 15 years.
Resolution
method
affects
Country schedule
At least 1 Insolvent
bank since 1980
Austria (1) No
Bahrain (a) Yes
Belgium No
Brazil Yes
Canada Yes
Czech Republic
Republic
Germany (1) Yes
France No
Greece
Hungary Yes
Isle of Man Yes
Italy (1)
Italy (2)
Jamaica (a)
Japan No
Latvia No
Lithuania Yes
Netherlands Yes
Nigeria Yes
Peru Yes
Poland Yes
Romania
Slovakia No
Spain Yes
Sweden (a)
Tanzania No
Trinidad and Yes
Tobago
Turkey
Uganda
United Kingdom
No Insolvent banks
since 1980
Austria (2) Yes
El Salvador No
Germany (2)
Mexico
Oman
Portugal No
Taiwan Yes
(a)Denotes countries whose bank failures occurred prior to the
establishment of the current deposit insurance scheme.
Note and source: see table 1.
NOTES
(1.) "Too big to fail" in the United States does not
imply that the bank has not failed. All resolved banks since shortly
after the resolution of the Continental Illinois Bank in 1984 have been
legally failed. Rather, a large insolvent bank may be "too big not
to protect some or all noninsured stakeholders" when failed or
"too big to liquidate quickly" and, therefore, may be kept in
operation temporarily, protecting all creditors during the delay
(Kaufman, 1990 and 2002b). This interpretation was recently reinforced
by Federal Reserve Chairman Greenspan (2000), who stated that "the
issue is that an organization that is very large is not too big to fail,
it may be too big to allow to implode quickly. But certainly, none are
too big to orderly liquidate ... and presumably, not to protect
non-guaranteed deposits from loss." Since the enactment of the
Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation Improvement Act (FDICIA) in 1991,
TBTF may more accurately be termed the "systemic risk
exemption."
(2.) Periodic restricted depositor access to accounts is common in
many countries, for example, in Argentina during the recent currency
crisis, and was so historically in the United States during a general
banking crisis to reduce conversion into specie or foreign currency,
even if the banks may be solvent, for example, in the U.S. during the
banking panics of 1893 and 1907.
(3.) For example, in November 2000, Nicaragua resolved its second
bank in 100 days and guaranteed deposits of less than 20,000 cordobas
(about $1,500) at the second bank. But only 10,000 cordobas would be
paid within five days; the rest would be paid as the bank's assets
were sold--"Angry customers gathered outside the closed branches of
Bancafe yesterday shouting 'thieves' and
'vampires'," (Financial Times Limited, 2000).
(4.) In addition to losses in liquidity, depositors in many
countries also fear partial or complete expropriation of deposits at
failed institutions by the government beyond the pro-rata share of any
losses. In many countries, banks have not always been very secure
depositories for funds and, indeed, have often been perceived as less
secure than mattresses.
(5.) Berger and Udell (2002) have recently speculated that loan
relationships are more with the loan officer than with the bank.
(6.) Speedy payment for insured depositors at failed banks is
listed by Garcia (1999) as one of her 15 best practices for a deposit
insurance system, but there is no further analysis of this practice nor
any discussion of payment of noninsured deposits. Hall (2001) reports on
payment practices by European Union countries for insured deposits only,
but with no further analysis.
(7.) Nevertheless, casual evidence suggests that at least some
depositors, including fully insured depositors, are still concerned that
they may find their deposits at failed banks temporarily frozen.
(8.) Because the FDIC is generally appointed receiver, it can
better estimate losses from delayed sales and need not be concerned with
delayed distributions.
(9.) In those instances where no bank acquires the insured deposits
and there are a large number of depositors, the FDIC will either arrange
for another bank to act as its deposit transfer agent or it will mail
checks to depositors for the insured amounts.
(10.) Under the Depositor Preference Act of 1993, unsecured
depositors at foreign offices of U.S. banks and other creditors, such as
fed funds sellers, have claims junior to those of domestic depositors
and, unless the "too big to fail" provision of FDICIA is
invoked, will be paid the recovery value of their claims only as the
bank's assets are sold and all senior claimants have already been
paid (Kaufman, 1997b).
(11.) Before FDICIA, the FDIC generally protected all depositors,
including de jure uninsured depositors, particularly at larger banks,
through merger (purchase and assumption) with another bank that assumed
all deposits at par and received a payment from the FDIC (Benston and
Kaufman, 1998, and FDIC, 1998a).
(12.) In addition to speedy payment of depositor claims, the FDIC
also attempts to resolve insolvencies with minimum disruption to either
bank customers or financial markets. As noted, unless there is no demand
for banking services in the community served or the bank is so severely
impaired that there is little or no redeeming financial value, insolvent
banks are sold or merged and open for business the next business day
after resolution. If additional time is necessary to find a buyer, the
FDIC can charter a bridge bank to temporarily continue the business in a
new entity. Thus, liquidations with serious disruptions in banking
services are rare and likely only for relatively small banks. This
practice also reduces pressures for government support of insolvent
institutions and is likely to reduce losses to depositors from delayed
resolution.
(13.) Because the FDIC pays the full par amount of insured
deposits, incorrect estimates of the recovery values affect only the
final allocation of its costs, not the total cost of these payouts.
However, the FDIC would suffer a loss if it overestimated the recovery
value and transferred the uninsured deposits to an assuming bank that
offered a premium that was larger than the estimated loss rate at the
time but, ex post, was smaller than the loss rate that was actually
realized and reported. In retrospect, it would have been cheaper to the
FDIC if it had paid off the uninsured deposits.
(14.) Note holders at failed national banks were paid the par value
of their notes immediately by the U.S. Treasury (FDIC, 1998b). In
addition, during bank panics, accounts at all banks in the affected area
were frequently partially frozen to limit conversions into specie or
currency. For example, Kelly and O Grada (2000, p.1113) note that
"... on October 12 [, 1857, New York] ... savings banks invoked a
rarely imposed clause in their articles of agreement limiting
withdrawals on demand to 10 percent of the outstanding balance." As
noted earlier, a similar constraint was recently imposed on banks in
Argentina.
(15.) The concept of advancing payment to uninsured depositors
appears to have been developed by the FDIC in the early 1980s as part of
its proposal for modified payoff resolutions, in which an existing or
newly chartered bank would assume all the insured deposits of a failed
bank in full and all the uninsured deposits partially in an amount equal
to the estimated recovery value as reflected in the advanced dividend
(FDIC, 1983, pp. III 4-5 and FDIC, 1997, p. 250). The policy may have
been modeled on a number of earlier actual or proposed plans, which we
discuss later in the article. Advance dividends were paid in 13
resolutions in 1983 and 1984 and again starting in 1992. The dividend
was generally funded by a loan from the FDIC corporate account to the
FDIC receiver account (FDIC, 1998a. and FDIC, 1997).
(16.) As is discussed later, only three (Italy, Japan, and Peru) of
the 25 countries other than the U.S. that responded to a survey by the
FDIC and that had experienced at least one bank failure since 1980
reported paying even their insured depositors immediately.
(17.) Only three countries in the FDIC survey (Canada, Japan, and
Slovakia) report having authority to advance funds to uninsured
depositors at failed banks, but few countries responded to this
question.
(18.) A recent study of depositor behavior in Argentina, Chile, and
Mexico in the early 1990s found that insured as well as uninsured
depositors disciplined riskier banks both by charging higher deposit
rates and by withdrawing deposits (Peria and Schmukler, 2001). Among
other possible reasons the authors note for this unexpected behavior by
insured depositors is potential delays in receiving payment. Likewise,
Demirguc-Kunt and Huizinga (1999) report finding evidence of market
discipline in a large number of countries that have government provided
safety nets, but do not list delayed payments as one of the possible
reasons.
(19.) Austria, Germany, and Italy have more than one deposit
insurer.
(20.) Other results from this survey are discussed in Bennett
(2001).
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George G. Kaufman is the John Smith, Jr., Professor of Finance at
Loyola University Chicago and a consultant to the Federal Reserve Bank
of Chicago. Steven A. Seelig is a financial sector advisor at the
International Monetary Fund (IMF). The authors are indebted to George
Benston (Emory University), Maximilian Hall (Loughborough University),
Edward Kane (Boston College), Daniel Nolle (Office of the Comptroller of
the Currency), Yuri Kawakami (IMF), and participants at the annual
meeting of the Financial Management Association and at seminars at the
IMF, Concordia University (Montreal), York University, Dalhousie
University, and the University of the South for helpful comments on
earlier drafts. The views expressed in this article are those of the
authors and not necessarily those of the IMF.