Career development and professional attrition of novice ESL teachers of adults.
Valeo, Antonella ; Faez, Farahnaz
Language teacher education and practice draws on a rich body of
research that has examined the knowledge and skills that teachers need
in order to be effective in the classroom (e.g., Freeman & Johnson,
1998; Johnson, 2006, 2009; Richards, 1998). There is also a growing body
of literature concerned with accountability implemented through various
accreditation systems (e.g., Barduhn & Johnson, 2009; Crandall,
Ingersoll, & Lopez, 2010; Sivell, 2005). However, there has been
less research examining the experiences of teaching English as a second
language (TESL) graduates as they enter the ESL teaching profession and
learn to navigate their career paths. In this article, we report on a
study of the career development and professional attrition of novice ESL
teachers as they attempt to secure and maintain teaching positions in
their first years of practice. The study draws on data gathered in a
broader research project investigating the self-efficacy of novice ESL
teachers in the Canadian province of Ontario (Faez & Valeo, 2012).
In this study, self-efficacy referred to a teacher's beliefs about
his or her ability to carry out particular teaching tasks in a specific
context (Bandura, 1977). As we examined the data, we noted the emergence
of a profile characterizing novice ESL teachers and their career
development. The data also revealed a marked concern with issues related
to employment and suggested a high risk of attrition for ESL teachers
due to lack of suitable employment opportunities.
We begin this article with a brief review of literature exploring
issues of teacher attrition and career development with a particular
focus on research concerned with ESL teachers. Following is an overview
of the professional context that has an impact on the employment of
novice ESL teachers of adults in Ontario, including a brief outline of
ESL teacher education and accreditation as well as a description of the
employment landscape for ESL teachers in Ontario. The research design
and data collection of the broader study are described. Finally,
implications of the findings for policy and practice for TESL education
programs and accreditation bodies as well as individuals wishing to
pursue TESL certification are discussed.
Teacher Attrition
The professional attrition of teachers has become an increasingly
important area of concern in the field of education (e.g.,
Darling-Hammond, 2000, 2003; Ingersoll & Smith, 2003; Shakrani,
2008). The issue has become particularly pronounced for teachers new to
the profession. In the United States, for example, reports have
indicated that up to 66% of new teachers in elementary and secondary
school classrooms leave the field in their first three years of teaching
(Darling-Hammond, 2000). Such a high rate of attrition is of concern in
a profession that requires a considerable investment in education and
training and represents enormous financial, professional, and human
costs. The financial cost to elementary and secondary schools when a
teacher is recruited and prepared but then leaves has been estimated in
the thousands of dollars, reducing financial resources that could
otherwise contribute to the classroom and learners (Barnes, Crowe, &
Schaefer, 2007). In more far-reaching effects, teacher attrition may
have a negative impact on the academic preparation of students and
seriously undermine the effectiveness of mainstream school achievement
(Lara-Alecio, Galloway, Irby, & Brown, 2004).
Many researchers have examined the question of why teachers leave
the classroom early in their careers. In a meta-analysis of 34 studies
concerned with this question, Borman and Dowling (2008) highlighted the
role of personal characteristics and working conditions. Five important
variables were found to affect attrition: teacher demographic
characteristics, teacher qualifications, school organizational
characteristics, school resources, and student characteristics. When
competing occupations present attractive options, teachers'
perceptions of the rewards of teaching also played a role; those with
opportunities outside of teaching were more likely to leave than those
whose career options were more narrowly situated within the teaching
context (Borman & Dowling, 2008; Strunk & Robinson, 2006). More
specific factors have also been found to have an impact. Teachers who
expressed low self-efficacy were more likely to leave the profession
than those who felt better prepared (Swanson, 2010). Professional
isolation, school culture, poor administrative support, and inadequate
preparation have all been linked to attrition (Sleppin, 2009). On the
other hand, mentoring has been identified as having potential to reduce
attrition (Ingersoll & Smith, 2003; Sleppin, 2009) by drawing new
teachers into the professional community (Darling-Hammond, 2000).
Teacher attrition related to language teachers of adults outside
the context of mainstream schools is widely acknowledged in the
professional community, but there is no documentation on rates of
attrition, and little research has investigated the reasons for
attrition. Some research has suggested that self-efficacy plays a role
in language teachers' decisions to remain in the field or move out
within the first three years of practice (Swanson, 2012). In recent
research on language teacher preparation, the gap between preservice and
in-service teacher education has been identified as a main reason for
teacher attrition (Farrell, 2012); the challenge of taking full
responsibility for a classroom with little or no support is a difficult
task for many novice teachers and may contribute to their decisions to
leave their jobs.
Research related to the nature of the language teaching profession
may also be relevant to our understanding of ESL teacher attrition. The
profession has been characterized in the literature as fragmented and
lacking uniformity. Maley (1992) described the state of English language
teaching in Britain, for example, as replete with a range of teaching
contexts and professional designations. This fragmentation discourages
the formation of a professional identity for teachers and in turn
encourages attrition. Maley (1992) specifically describes divisions
between public and private sectors, and a disconnect between the
employer as institution and the teacher as individual. He suggests that
professionalism is achieved by cooperation between sectors and players.
In such a field, teachers' expressions of their own commitment have
been described as "day-to-day" and career change consists of
lateral moves rather than progressive or promotional, with teachers
often holding more than one position at a time (Johnston, 1997). In
extending the discussion further, Johnston (1997) describes second and
foreign language teaching as "an unstable, marginalized,
impermanent occupation" (p. 707) but suggests that language
teaching be viewed through a lens other than that of the traditional
context. He maintains that a paradigm based on K-12 reflects teaching
"in relatively stable sociopolitical and economic contexts"
(p. 658) that does not characterize those in which second and foreign
language teachers work. In the Canadian context, Breshears (2004) draws
attention to the degree to which poor working conditions serve to
undermine professionalism despite the setting of standards and
accreditation by professional associations. She points out that low pay
contributes to low professional status and that accreditation alone has
not sufficed to change this.
The literature on teacher attrition has highlighted the problem for
the mainstream sector, while language teacher attrition outside of that
context remains largely undocumented and little understood. A variety of
factors have emerged as contributing to this issue, including working
conditions and teachers' perceptions of their work. In the case of
ESL teachers of adults, attention has been drawn to the lack of
stability in the field. In the next section, we examine this issue
further with a focus on the work of ESL teachers of adults in Ontario.
The Professional Context: TESL Education, Accreditation, and
Employment in Ontario
Literature related to teacher attrition signifies that context
plays an important role in understanding the reasons for attrition. The
social and political context of this study is Ontario, Canada's
most populous province and the destination of the majority of newcomers
immigrating to Canada, as well as a large number of international
students who speak English as a second or other language. This article
is concerned with ESL teachers who work with groups of adult learners in
a range of organizations and institutions. Although a comprehensive
outline of the context is beyond the scope, or ambition, of this
article, a brief overview is important in any discussion of
teachers' professional lives.
Despite Canada's long-standing record of linguistic diversity,
TESL teacher education in Ontario has a relatively brief history.
Burnaby (2003) provides an outline of this history dating to the late
1950s. She describes how English language teacher education at that time
was situated largely in applied linguistics programs in universities,
which focused on language but not on education. The first TESL teacher
education program on public record was a summer training course offered
by the Ministry of Education in 1958. Although designed specifically to
address second language learning and teaching for adults, the program
also attracted elementary and secondary school teachers for whom no
specialized ESL teacher education existed at the time. In later years,
the Ministry of Education began to offer TESL training as part of
preservice teacher education. The task of providing TESL education for
teachers of adults was taken up by different institutions that
independently developed and offered TESL training programs. Teachers of
adults in Ontario could choose from an array of programs that ranged
widely in cost, length, content, and relevance. No standards for
qualifications in the field existed that could be used as evidence of
adequate TESL teacher preparation.
Accreditation of TESL programs and adult ESL teachers varies widely
across Canada and operates at both national and provincial levels,
governed by various professional associations for teachers of English as
a second language. A number of models and systems have been developed
and adopted by different provinces to suit their context (see Sivell,
2005, for an overview). TESL Canada, a national association, has
developed a system of accreditation that has been adopted by some, but
not all, of the provincial bodies. In Ontario, a collaborative effort in
the early 1990s between the professional association representing adult
ESL teachers in Ontario (TESL Ontario) and the ministry responsible for
education and training led to the development of a protocol for the
standardization of TESL education and the accreditation of ESL teachers.
Today, a range of institutions and organizations offer TESL teacher
education leading to certificates, diplomas, and university degrees. A
key feature of many of these programs in Ontario is their accreditation
by TESL Ontario. In order to be accredited, TESL teacher education
programs are required to meet standards in three main areas: the
professional qualifications of teacher educators (e.g., education and
experience), the provision of an adequate practicum, and a minimum
number of instructional hours devoted to specific language-teaching
skills and knowledge. At the time of the study, there were 19 programs
offered by universities, colleges, school boards and private
institutions accredited by TESL Ontario. (1) The association also
developed a protocol for the accreditation of ESL teachers. In addition
to completing an accredited TESL program, (2) ESL teachers must provide
evidence of an initial three-year university degree and adequate
language proficiency.
It is at this point that the complexity of the ESL landscape in
Ontario becomes critical for ESL teachers. ESL programs for adults in
Ontario are available through publicly funded programs intended for
individuals immigrating to Canada, while private sector programs
primarily serve international students not eligible for publicly funded
tuition. This distinction plays a key role in ESL teachers'
management of their careers. Although teachers and learners may move
between these two systems, teacher education and accreditation
requirements may be different and working conditions and employer
expectations may vary. For example, publicly funded programs ordinarily
require teachers to be accredited as a condition of receiving funding
for their programs, but private schools are not constrained by the same
limitations and may set requirements based on individual needs and
resources. In addition, employment conditions in the public sector are
more often mediated and standardized through unionized contracts,
generally resulting in higher wages, more job security, and more
generous professional development support than is commonly found in the
private sector.
Distinctions, however, also exist within the public sector,
specifically that of credit and noncredit programming. In Ontario,
although there are credit programs for adults to improve their English,
most programs are noncredit and offered through a range of institutions,
such as the continuing education departments of school boards, colleges,
and universities as well as nonprofit organizations serving newcomer
communities. Still more opaque is the complexity that exists within the
noncredit public sector. Burnaby (2003) provides an overview of how
publicly funded language teaching has developed in Ontario and
highlights the impact of shifts in responsibility across levels of
government and between ministries, each change reflecting a new
understanding of the place of publicly funded language teaching in
Canada. A key feature of this landscape is the fact that, in Canada,
education is the responsibility of the provincial government and
immigration lies in the hands of the federal government. Whether ESL for
adults is conceptualized as education or language training for
settlement, thus, is key to these shifts in funding. For example, in a
brief history of ESL teaching, Burnaby (2003) describes the first ESL
classes to receive federal government funding in 1948 as citizenship
preparation classes. In later years, the role of ESL, and the value of
language proficiency, shifted from a focus on citizenship to a concern
with economics and the workforce. This was implemented at the federal
level in the form of a program of language "training" known as
the Manpower program, focused on preparing newcomers with language
skills necessary for employment. By the mid 1980s, however, this program
was replaced by one focused on settlement and became the precursor to
the federal program known today in Ontario as Language Instruction for
Newcomers to Canada (LINC). At the provincial level, the role of
language training also shifted between ministries responsible for
education to one responsible for citizenship. As the fiscal
responsibilities shifted between the federal and provincial government,
programs have been reorganized, created, or renamed so that publicly
funded language classes in Ontario today are made available through a
myriad of funding sources and models.
At the time of this study, the largest federally funded program was
known as "LINC" while many provincially funded programs were
referred to by the more generic term "ESL." In addition, both
levels of government provide funding for programs with more specific
aims, for example to serve higher proficiency learners or to address
workplace-specific language development. These funds, however, are
dispensed through a range of organizations, some of which may offer one
or more programs and access multiple sources of funding. For example, a
community agency may have a federally funded LINC class but not be able
to offer a provincially funded ESL class while a school board may have
both programs, but may hire teachers for each of these programs through
different hiring practices. Although a funding distinction may not
affect the knowledge and skills required to be an effective teacher in
these different programs, the differential funding may have implications
for working conditions and contractual agreements that have an impact on
teachers' professional lives and their career decisions.
This overview highlights the complexity of the professional context
in which novice ESL teachers are looking for employment and making
career decisions. The impact of this diversity on teachers' careers
and working conditions is not entirely understood but can be seen to
some extent in the findings of surveys that attempt to understand the
professional conditions of ESL teachers in Ontario. Sanaoui (1997)
reported on the findings of a survey of 1,196 ESL teachers in Ontario
that showed wide variation in employment conditions: the rate of pay
ranged from $6 to $83 per hour; weekly hours ranged from 1 to 43;
contract lengths ranged from 1 to 24 months; and 39% of the teachers had
collective agreements governing their employment conditions. Fifteen
years later, a survey of 933 ESL teachers across Ontario found that 25%
worked less than 10 hours per week, and more than one third taught at
more than one site or school (TESL Ontario, 2011). Similarly, in another
survey of 1,327 ESL teachers of adults in Ontario, only 37% of teachers
reported full-time employment (Valeo, 2013). These findings illustrate
some of the diversity that ESL teachers encounter in their employment
conditions. They included ESL teachers at a variety of career stages,
including those who have managed to create enduring careers despite the
variation in conditions. Questions remain as to how novice ESL teachers
deal with these conditions and what decisions they make in these
contexts, decisions that sometimes include leaving the field altogether.
In addition, it is important to understand what characterizes the
professional backgrounds of novice ESL teachers in order to comprehend
how these characteristics may have an impact on their career
development.
Research Method
The study described in this article examined the career development
and attrition of novice ESL teachers by investigating the following
questions: (a) What characterizes the professional backgrounds and
experiences of novice ESL teachers in Ontario? (b) To what extent are
accredited ESL teachers successful in finding and securing suitable
employment within the first three years after their graduation?
Data for this study were collected though two data-collection
tools: an online survey (3) and follow-up interviews. Participants were
recruited for the online survey by posting a call for participants on
the website of TESL Ontario, an association representing ESL
professionals in Ontario. At the time of the study, the membership
comprised over 4,000 individuals, primarily ESL teachers but also
program administrators, university and college faculty, publishers,
teacher candidates, retired members, and others involved in the field.
The call was specifically directed at novice ESL teachers by asking
participants to identify themselves as TESL program graduates with less
than three years of teaching experience after accreditation. The survey
questions asked participants for demographic information such as gender,
age, and education, and for information about their teaching experience.
Participants were asked to identify their employment history by
selecting a program from a list that included LINC/ESL, ESL to
international students, EAP (English for Academic Purposes), workplace
or occupation-specific, and other. These categories were drawn from the
TESL Ontario association membership application in the belief that they
reflected a common understanding in the field. The list was also
intended to reflect a range of employment conditions. Another question
asked participants to describe their employment history. They were asked
to indicate what organizations they had worked for at some point in
their careers. These organizations were identified as school board,
community agency, college, university, private language school, and
other. Open-ended questions were included to provide participants with
the opportunity to share information not otherwise addressed in the
survey. A total of 147 teachers responded to some or all of these
questions.
A final question on the survey invited teachers to participate in a
follow-up interview, and 66 respondents volunteered. Of this group, 8
participants were selected for interviews on the basis of their response
to a specific question relevant to the initial goals of the broader
research project addressing self-efficacy. This question asked them to
rate their sense of preparedness to teach upon graduation and at the
time of the study. As the purpose of the interviews was to follow up on
this information, a range of individuals with low and high degrees of
preparedness was selected. The interviews were semistructured and
included questions that asked participants to identify their challenges
as novice teachers, the support they received, and how TESL education
could better prepare them for the classroom.
Data Analysis and Results
Quantitative analysis of the survey data focused on descriptive
statistics, mainly proportions that helped characterize TESL graduates
in terms of their gender, age, level of education, TESL education, and
patterns of employment in their early years. Qualitative analysis of the
open-ended survey questions and interview data focused on identifying
emergent themes probing the employment experiences of novice teachers in
order to gain an understanding of their experience and career decisions.
We adopted phenomenology as the approach to analyze the qualitative
data, as it is suitable for exploring the lived experiences of
individuals and the meanings they attribute to their experiences.
Phenomenology seeks to explore experience from the perspective of the
individual, to describe rather than explain or interpret those
experiences (Husserl, 1970, 1980). We tapped into the experiences of
eight novice ESL teachers as they grappled to find and maintain suitable
employment within the first three years following their graduation. The
employment successes and challenges of the participants have been
included as described in their own voices. After the interviews were
transcribed, we engaged in independent and collaborative processes to
analyze the data. Individually, we repeatedly examined the transcripts
to identify and isolate emerging themes that occurred frequently or that
"may recur as commonalities" (van Manen, 1997, p. 93). We then
engaged in a collaborative discussion to verify and refine our
independent analyses.
Analysis of responses from 147 completed questionnaires resulted in
a profile of the teacher participants (Table 1). The number of
participants who responded to each of the questions varied between 143
and 147; four did not identify gender and three did not identify age.
Participants were able to choose more than one response to the question
asking them to identify their teacher education.
Gender and age
The majority of the 143 teachers who responded to the question on
gender were women (87%), and the ages of participants were fairly well
distributed across the four categories offered in the questionnaire. It
is worth noting, however, that 50% of the participants, although novices
in the field, were over 40 years old, with a striking 30% starting a
teaching career over the age of 50.
Education and teacher qualifications
In response to the question on education, the majority of
participants reported a Bachelor's degree as the highest level of
education completed. Almost 30%, however, reported completing a graduate
degree. It was expected that the majority of teachers would have
completed a TESL certificate in Ontario, as the survey drew on a
provincially accredited body of professionals that were members of the
professional association. A number of teachers, however, had completed
more than one teacher education program, including an Ontario College of
Teachers ESL Qualification, (4) or an international language teaching
degree, diploma, or certificate in TESL. Of this group, 8 teachers had
both a TESL Certificate and an Ontario College of Teachers ESL
Qualification and 12 teachers had both a TESL Certificate and additional
international qualifications.
Employment experience
Teachers identified employment across the range of programs
included in the survey. The most commonly identified program was
LINC/ESL, selected by 40% of the participants, followed by ESL for
international students, cited by 23.5% of participants, EAP programs,
reported by 10.4%, and workplace programs, mentioned by 6.1%. In
addition, 13% (n = 15), replied Other to this question. The most common
work identified in this category included tutoring and work overseas.
Two distinct trends emerged from the data: 63 of the teachers (55%)
reported teaching in more than one type of program (not evident in
Figure 1); of the 49 teachers teaching in LINC/ESL programs, 11 also
taught international students, 2 taught EAP, and 1 reported teaching in
a workplace/occupation-specific program while employed in the LINC/ESL
program as well. A large proportion--31.3% (n = 36)--were not teaching
at all at the time of the study.
Another question asked the teachers to identify the first position
they held. This information helped us understand some of the career
changes that teachers were going through, even in their short period of
practice (less than three years). The responses to this question showed
that of the 49 teachers who reported teaching LINC/ESL at the time of
the study, 9 had not held this position as graduates. In the course of
three years or less, 8 of the 9 had moved from teaching in international
programs to LINC/ESL and had kept both positions, and 1 moved from a
position teaching in a workplace/occupation-specific program. Of the 36
who were not employed, 8 had not found a job at all, 6 had been teaching
LINC/ESL, 4 were in international programs, and 7 had taught in
workplace programs at some point within the three years. When this
change is examined as a rate of attrition specific to the program, the
rate is not high for LINC/ESL or international programs, amounting to no
more than 15%. However, the attrition rate for teachers who started
their careers teaching in workplace/occupation-specific programs was
50%; half of the teachers who started off teaching in these programs
were not employed at all at the time of the study.
On the question of employers, the greatest number of teachers (30%;
n = 34) indicated that they had been employed at some point in private
schools. The second most commonly cited organization was school boards
(29%; n = 33), and community agencies (26%; n = 30) was third. Colleges
(15%; n = 17) and universities (9%; n = 10) did not emerge as primary
employers for participants. In addition to these categories, however,
31% (36) of the teachers selected Other, and when asked to specify, the
most common response was private tutoring (9 of 36 responses). There was
also evidence of movement across employers: 30% (n = 35) of the teachers
had worked for more than one of the organizations (including Other)
listed in the survey question.
In addition, we asked if there was any correlation between
teachers' backgrounds and their employment experience. We
specifically examined the data for age, as age was the only factor that
was fairly well distributed across the sample, with a range of no more
than 10% difference across the four age groups. Table 2 shows, for each
age group, the program in which they first taught after completing their
TESL certificates (this question included an option for Other as well).
Table 3 indicates the program in which they were teaching at the time of
the study (this question included an option to indicate if they were not
working at the time). In both tables, the number of teachers in each age
group is the number that responded to the question.
The data in Tables 2 and 3 show that, overall, the age groups
differed only slightly in their selections. However, a difference
emerged between the group of teachers under 30 years old and the group
over 50 years old in both their first positions and their employment at
the time of the study. The data in Table 2 show that 50% of teachers 30
or under reported first teaching in ESL International Student programs
while 44% of teachers over 50 first taught in LINC/ESL programs. Table
3, however, shows an increase of 10% in the number of teachers 30 or
under teaching in LINC/ESL programs and a decrease in the number
teaching in ESL International programs. This pattern was the reverse for
teachers over 50; fewer teachers over 50 (6%) were teaching in ESL
International Student programs at the time of study, and there was a
slight decrease in the number teaching LINC/ESL as well.
Comments offered by the teachers in response to the open-ended
survey questions and in the interviews highlighted specific aspects of
their employment experiences, although the questions did not direct them
to do so. A common concern raised by teachers was related to the
challenge of finding their first position. One participant underscored
this concern by identifying a major challenge facing novice teachers:
"Getting the opportunity to teach was the first and major
thing." This concern was echoed by several teachers who felt their
greatest challenge as novice teachers was to get the opportunity to
teach, to "find work." Another teacher described his
frustration at not finding "a person [employer] who believes in my
potential and gives me the chance" and insisted that "all I
need is a chance and I will definitely do extremely well."
Another common theme related to teachers' experience in TESL
education was their expectation to be better prepared for finding
employment. As described by one participant, the responsibility of TESL
programs was to "prepare the students as a potential
workforce." One participant commented: "If I had been warned
about that [the employment situation] I think I wouldn't find it as
disheartening, but right now [it is] such a shot to my ego."
Another participant called for TESL programs to include an
"overview of the TESL situation in Canada," because "I
had no idea of the funding situation, politics, different work
opportunities, etc. There is no help in getting employment after the
program, and I don't know the field well enough to conduct an
effective job search." Some felt that they were unable to access
the networks to make contacts in the field and were therefore
disadvantaged. One participant recalled confronting this issue even as a
candidate in her TESL program. She compared the process of finding a
practicum placement to that of finding a job in that success depends on
"who you know and not on the set of skills that you're having
and how much you can sell yourself.... Connections work stronger than
qualification." Specific suggestions ranged from calls for
information and orientation during induction, to the inclusion of a
formalized job search component and providing actual liaison with
employers on behalf of teacher candidates.
Those who had found teaching positions voiced concerns about the
working conditions and job security because of the economic instability
of the field. The issue was summed up by one participant:
"It's very difficult to stay, to first get the position, and
then to stay in that position for a long time because of all this
uncertain budget and funding." Participants expressed frustrations
in specific terms of both underemployment and attrition. One participant
stated, "never a full-time job; taught occupation-specific
workshops when required." Another described how "full-time
work would be nice. I am sick of contract work with no benefits."
The compensation of ESL teachers for the work they do and the time
commitment required for the job was highlighted by one participant:
"The big thing is salary. Salaries are quite low and people have to
have two or more part-time jobs on a daily basis to survive
financially." These conditions led some to look elsewhere: One
respondent said, "My teaching in Canada was limited to being a
supply teacher and a volunteer. I currently teach overseas to gain
experience, because I wasn't able to find substantial work in my
area." Another described the stress of working in short three-week
assignments at various places and having to "scramble to get things
rolling" and "scamper around a number of different sites to
teach," spending much of this time "plugging in for supply or
for getting different random jobs here and there and scurrying."
Other comments highlighted the fragmented nature of a field in
which funders, employers, schools, and teachers appear to work in
isolation. This was described by one respondent: "We ask ourselves
about the current ratio between certified [ESL] instructors and the
actual need for new ones. It is absurd to offer more TESL programs when
there are numerous unemployed professionals." Another called for
"more dovetailing of the training to real demands in the field and
keeping the proportion of graduates to the proportion of jobs more in
tune." Another participant recalled how he was warned by his TESL
teachers "that there was limited opportunity in the GTA [Greater
Toronto Area] because of the large number of graduates from previous
years of this course and other courses" and offered the following
analogy: "TESL training seems to me to be a hen that lays a lot of
eggs but hatches very few."
Discussion
This study examined the career development of novice ESL teachers
of adults in relation to teacher attrition. Demographic information
gathered by the survey pointed to a set of features that characterized
the participants. The majority of the teachers in this study were women
(87%), consistent with previous surveys of ESL teachers in Ontario (see
Sanaoui, 1997; TESL Ontario, 2011; Valeo, 2013) and the trend in
education overall (e.g., Cortina & San Roman, 2006). Also consistent
with previous survey findings, the data revealed that many of the
teachers appeared to be entering ESL teaching after having had a
previous career; 30% entered the field over the age of 50. In terms of
education, almost one third held degrees beyond the standard required
for accreditation. In sum, ESL teachers in this study were characterized
as fairly well-educated, second-career professionals. Although we cannot
say why teaching ESL appears to be an attractive option for these
individuals, their backgrounds may have an impact on their career
development once they enter the field. As second-career professionals,
they may find their salary expectations misaligned with the reality of
the ESL workplace and they may be particularly unprepared for the
difficulty of finding full-time positions. Unlike other teachers,
however, teachers with experience in other occupations may have
employment options that encourage them to leave the field early in their
careers if they do not experience success. Johnston (1997) noted that in
some cases previous careers posed competing identities that prevented
teachers from identifying with their new roles in ways that would
encourage them to stay. The data also showed that teachers over 50 more
often began, and continued, their careers in publicly funded programs
(LINC/ESL) rather than in the private sector (ESL for International
Students). It is unclear why this is the case; however, the complexity
of the public sector may add to the challenges for this group of
second-career professionals.
An examination of the teachers' employment at the time of the
study showed that the public sector appeared to be the biggest employer.
This is significant given the complexity that characterizes this
employment context. The private sector, by contrast, may be easier to
navigate in that it operates in ways similar to the broader job market.
When teachers expressed frustration with a lack of understanding of
"the funding situation [and] politics," they were referring to
the public sector. At the same time, the disconnect between the sectors
may exacerbate the situation for novice ESL teachers who are on their
own as they move between the two different contexts in order to find and
maintain work.
The data also showed an employment context in which teachers worked
across sectors and in a range of programs and, in some cases, changed
employers at least once in less than three years of practice. Reports of
multiple teaching assignments support Johnston's (1997)
characterization of the field of TESL in general as unstable. In the
Ontario context, there may be a number of reasons why teachers might be
employed in more than one context. Some teachers expressed their
frustrations with not having full-time work, hence the need to work in
multiple part-time positions. Others described the difficulty of
maintaining employment in an unstable environment, thus working in more
than one position to provide some degree of security. The low level of
pay in the field was also noted in teachers' comments in this study
and has been raised as an issue elsewhere (e.g., Breshears, 2004).
Also of concern is the suggestion of high teacher attrition. In the
case of ESL teachers, unlike K-12, it may be less commonly a matter of
teachers leaving full-time employment, and more often a situation in
which novice ESL teachers do not find adequate or suitable employment
and leave the field. Almost one third of the teachers were not teaching
at the time of the study, and one quarter of these had never taken an
initial position. Some contexts appeared more affected than others; 7 of
the 11 teachers who had started teaching in
workplace/occupation-specific programs were no longer teaching at all.
This represents a large rate of attrition for that particular program
context, not surprising given the short-term, part-time nature of these
programs. Continuous change and movement from one position to another
creates a constant state of "under-employment," which is
difficult to document but eventually promotes attrition.
One aspect of novice ESL teachers' employment that emerged
from this study but is largely absent in the literature is the role of
teacher education programs. Although a number of researchers point to
systemic issues in the field across a range of ESL and EFL contexts
(e.g., Breshears, 2004; Johnston, 1997; Maley, 1992), teachers in this
study voiced concerns about the lack of support they received from their
TESL education programs. They felt that the TESL programs bore some
responsibility to prepare them for employment, not just for teaching,
and queried why there were so many graduates for what seemed so few
jobs. Rather than limit their comments to lamentations about the state
of the field, they recognized the responsibility that some of the
players, in this case the TESL programs, played in addressing the
issues.
Implications
This study draws attention to the roles of multiple players in the
career development and attrition of ESL teachers. Each bears some
responsibility for action to address the challenges that novice ESL
teachers face as new graduates navigating the job market and
transitioning into employment. Employers and funders need to be aware of
the impact of the working conditions under which ESL teachers operate on
a daily basis. While part-time classes and short-term contracts may help
programs provide flexible services, they may also undermine stability in
the profession by making ESL teaching an untenable profession. Employers
and funders need to be mindful that effective instruction cannot be
delivered by teachers who hold multiple teaching assignments and are
unsure of the continuation of their job. Programming decisions need to
take into account the quality of instruction as well as the efficiency
of delivery.
Professional associations, particularly those with accreditation
processes such as the one in this study, have a responsibility to become
familiar with their members and understand the diversity that
characterizes their community. They are positioned to take on leadership
roles and liaise with employers to provide support for new teachers
entering the field and to keep members informed about changes and
innovations in the field that have an impact on employment, such as
policy and funding changes. In a field characterized by multiple
employers and funding models, professional associations can provide a
stable point of contact for teachers in their early years when they
first identify with the community through the accreditation process.
With regard to TESL programs and educators, the overwhelming
concern with the lack of support available to new teachers suggests that
they need to examine the transition of new teachers from preservice to
in-service, a gap identified by Farrell (2012) as a main factor
contributing to teacher attrition. Currently, most TESL providers are
only concerned about the support provided to their candidates during the
course of the TESL program. The voices of new graduates in this study
suggest that support in the transition beyond the TESL program and the
early years of teaching is crucial. TESL education providers can better
support graduates by enhancing their programs with employment
preparation and orientation to the field, supporting the development of
networking skills, and drawing on alumni to help graduates establish
sustainable mentorship. Through the practicum, TESL educators provide
the first classroom experience for many ESL teacher candidates. This
experience allows educators to capitalize on existing connections with
employers to help candidates gain a foothold in the profession. In order
to fully realize the potential of their graduates, TESL educators need
to be prepared to think beyond traditional modes of teacher support to
include forms of mentorship, community outreach, and an enduring
connection between education and practice that is established early on
in teachers' careers.
Finally, it is equally important for TESL candidates to take on a
proactive role in educating themselves about the diverse landscape of
ESL teaching in Ontario and be prepared to conduct a job search in an
informed manner. Teacher candidates may need to align their expectations
with the reality of the Ontario employment context, a process that may
be particularly important for candidates who are transitioning from a
previous career and have established expectations.
Conclusion and Directions for Future Research
This study aimed to explore the career development of novice ESL
teachers of adults in Ontario. A common theme reflected across the
findings is one of diversity, both in the professional landscape and the
teachers themselves. ESL teaching in general is characterized as
unstable and fragmented, and the findings provide evidence of how this
is manifested: teachers hold multiple positions to maintain adequate
employment; public and private sectors operate as if distinct yet
teachers move between them, blurring the lines. Attrition in the early
years threatens professional stability and growth and represents a loss
to both the profession and individuals. The adoption of standards and a
protocol for accreditation represent a means of connecting the various
threads; however, as a major player in ESL teaching, the government
could play a leadership role by establishing collaborative models of
funding that allow the various stakeholders in the field to work
together. The role of the Ontario context that was highlighted in this
study raises questions about the ways in which the findings may apply to
other parts of Canada. Some of the findings, such as the greater number
of female teachers, is likely to remain the same, consistent with
research in mainstream education and the findings of previous research
in this area. However, it may be valuable to examine the career
development of ESL teachers in provincial contexts characterized by more
unified funding models and possibly less diversity in employment
opportunities. Also, the success of novice teachers who have graduated
from different teacher education programs in finding suitable employment
is worth examining in order to understand best practices in teacher
education.
ESL teachers, as well, are characterized by diversity that needs to
be recognized for the impact on their career development but also as a
resource to the profession. Second-career teachers, for example, bring
expertise in specific occupations and contexts and a life maturity that
may be an asset in working with a range of adult learners. Likewise,
teachers who are entering the field as their first careers may bring
particular perspectives and skills that help them succeed in particular
contexts, such as ESL for International Students. Future research may
examine how individuals draw on their particular backgrounds and
experiences to integrate into the profession. The findings may help us
understand how to set in place supports and structures that will
capitalize on the diversity of the professional community and ensure a
return on the investment made in TESL education.
This article drew attention to a significant aspect of
teachers' professional lives, that of employment and attrition.
Findings revealed serious concerns about employment opportunities and
the success of novice ESL teachers of adults in their early years of
practice. The instability of the ESL teaching profession calls for
greater accountably on the part of all stakeholders, including TESL
providers, educators, accreditation bodies, ESL teachers themselves,
employers, and funders.
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Notes
(1) TESL Ontario (2012), retrieved from
http://www.teslontario.net/uploads/accreditation/
Institutions/AccreditedInstitutions.pdf
(2) Internationally educated language teachers may apply for an
assessment of prior learning and qualifications in place of completing a
program in Ontario.
(3) The survey is available at
http://www.yorku.ca/surveys/survey.php?sid=1089
(4) The Ontario College of Teachers ESL Qualification is licensure
that allows certified teachers to teach ESL to K-12 students in the
public school system.
The Authors
Antonella Valeo is an assistant professor in ESL and Applied
Linguistics at York University. Her research interests include the
integration of language and content in applied second-language
acquisition, form-focussed instruction, and language teacher education
and development. Farahnaz Faez is an associate professor in Applied
Linguistics in the Faculty of Education at the University of Western
Ontario. Her research interests include second-language teaching and
learning, preservice and in-service ESL teacher education,
internationally educated teachers, and English language learners in K-12
programs.
Table 1
Demographic Profile
Gender Age Education Teacher education
Female--87% 30 or under--25% Bachelor--71% TESL Certificate
(n = 124) (n = 36) (n = 104) --92% (n = 135)
Male--13% 31-40--25% Master's--24% Ontario College
(n = 19) (n = 36) (n = 35) of Teachers
ESL--6%
(n = 9)
41-50--20% Doctorate--3% International
(n = 29) (n = 4) 3% degree/
diploma--10%
(n = 15)
Over 50--30% Other--3% Other--7%
(n = 43) (n = 4) (n = 10)
Table 2
First Employment after Graduation
Age group Program
LINC/ESL ESL EAP
International
30 or under (n = 28) 25% (n = 7) 50% (n = 14) 10% (n = 3)
31-40 (n = 27) 48% (n = 13) 33% (n = 9) 7% (n = 2)
41-50 (n = 23) 48% (n = 11) 30% (n = 7) 4% (n = 1)
Over 50 (n = 32) 44% (n = 16) 17% (n = 6) 11% (n = 4)
Age group Program
Workplace Other
30 or under (n = 28) 7% (n = 2) 25% (n = 7)
31-40 (n = 27) 11% (n = 3) 15% (n = 4)
41-50 (n = 23) 9% (n = 2) 22% (n = 5)
Over 50 (n = 32) 11% (n = 4) 28% (n = 10)
Table 3
Employment at Time of Study
Age group Program
LINC/ESL ESL EAP
International
30 or under (n = 28) 35% (n = 9) 38% (n = 10) 16% (n = 3)
31-40 (n = 27) 46% (n = 12) 35% (n = 9) 16% (n = 3)
41-50 (n = 23) 57% (n = 12) 29% (n = 6) 5% (n = 1)
Over 50 (n = 32) 36% (n = 12) 6% (n = 2) 15% (n = 5)
Age group Program
Workplace Not teaching
30 or under (n = 28) 4% (n = 1) 38% (n = 10)
31-40 (n = 27) 4% (n = 1) 30% (n = 8)
41-50 (n = 23) 10% (n = 2) 24% (n = 5)
Over 50 (n = 32) 10% (n = 3) 39% (n = 13)
